diff --git "a/data_all_eng_slimpj/shuffled/split2/finalzzrooj" "b/data_all_eng_slimpj/shuffled/split2/finalzzrooj" new file mode 100644--- /dev/null +++ "b/data_all_eng_slimpj/shuffled/split2/finalzzrooj" @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +{"text":"\n\nCopyright \u00a9 2016 Danielle Bennett\n\nAll rights reserved. The use of any part of this publication, reproduced, transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, or stored in a retrieval system without the prior written consent of the publisher\u2014or in the case of photocopying or other reprographic copying, license from the Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency\u2014is an infringement of the copyright law.\n\nAppetite by Random House\u00ae and colophon are registered trademarks of Penguin Random House Canada LLC.\n\nLibrary and Archives of Canada Cataloguing in Publication is available upon request.\n\nISBN 9780147529824\n\neBook ISBN 9780147529930\n\nPhotography by Ken Goodman\n\nPhotograph on this page by Doug Barlow\n\nPublished in Canada by Appetite by Random House\u00ae, a division of Penguin Random House Canada Limited\n\nwww.\u200bpenguin\u200brandom\u200bhouse.\u200bca\n\nv4.1\n\na\n> This book is dedicated to my mom, Sharon Bennett, gone way too freaking soon.\n> \n> I miss you more than anything and know you will always be my number one fan.\n\n# CONTENTS\n\n_Cover_\n\n_Title Page_\n\n_Copyright_\n\n_Dedication_\n\nForeword\n\nFor the Love of All Things Barbecue\n\nBarbecue Basics\n\nSix Recipes You Need to Know\n\nRubs, Sauces, Slathers and Spices\n\nFired-Up Appetizers and Shareables\n\nPraise the Pig!\n\nBacon Bonanza\n\nBeef It Up\n\nFowl Play\n\nGone Fishin'\n\nSizzling Sides (and a Meatless Burger)\n\nSalads, Slaws and Breads\n\nSweet Smoke\n\nWhat You Need to Get Your Grill On\n\nConversion Chart\n\nAnd Finally...\n\n_Index_\n\n_Acknowledgments_\n\n# FOREWORD\n\nYes, I know her real name is Danielle Bennett, but the first time I met her, Danielle introduced herself as Diva Q. So, for me, she will forever be Diva Q.\n\nI met Diva Q one Sunday in July when she won her first barbecue trophy at the third annual Canadian Open Barbecue Championship in Barrie, ON. She took third place in the Best Ribs category, had a grin a mile wide and was screaming happy. Diva Q burst onto the barbecue scene that day.\n\nShe learned fire control, working with wood, and developed her love of smoking on her first Weber smoker\u2014still her favorite, she says\u2014and there was no looking back. She was on a roll then and is still moving and grooving the barbecue world today.\n\nDiva Q and I have been friends and colleagues for ten years. A friend of mine who follows Diva Q's career says she's a female version of me. Scary to think she's my sister-from-another-mother kinda gal, but oh, what fun!\n\nDiva Q's one awesome woman of the 'cue. She's anywhere there's barbecue: on the road, on TV, in the papers, in magazines, and on social media, including Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest and Instagram. You can subscribe to her YouTube channel (youtube.\u200bcom\/\u200buser\/\u200bDivaQBBQ1) to watch how-to videos. I've learned a lot about social media from Diva Q.\n\nYou've got to be a little bit crazy to get involved with the world of competition barbecue, but Diva Q has the confidence, smarts and, above all, passion required to be a winner and end up with a r\u00e9sum\u00e9 that includes:\n\n\u2022 Jack Daniel's World Pork Champion, 2011\n\n\u2022 World Bacon Champion, 2013\n\n\u2022 Jack Daniel's I Know Jack...About Grillin' winner, 2013\n\n\u2022 15 grand championships\n\n\u2022 6 reserve grand championships\n\n\u2022 More than 300 barbecue awards\n\n\u2022 Hosting the hit TV show _BBQ Crawl_\n\n\u2022 Appearances on TV shows _American Grilled_ , _Today_ and _BBQ Pitmasters_\n\n\u2022 Inclusion in _Esquire_ magazine's \"BBQ Like a Man, According to Women\"\n\n\u2022 Sixteen perfect 180 scores from judges in barbecue competitions\n\n\u2022 More US grand championships and awards than any other Canadian\n\nDiva Q is a rock star of the barbecue world. Whether she's competing in a barbecue championship or cooking dinner for her family, Diva Q's heart goes into everything she does.\n\nBut Diva Q will tell you her family is the most important part of her life. Her kids love barbecue as much as their mom, and it's her family's pride and the love they deliver that keeps Diva Q laughing through the 30,000 to 40,000 miles she drives every year on the barbecue circuit.\n\nWhen I asked Diva Q why she loves the crazy, smoky world of barbecue so much, she said, \"Fire plus wood plus meat equals awesome, captivating, never-ending delicious fun. And the people make it special, too.\"\n\nCompetitive 'cuers are focused and intense. We keep our secret seasonings to ourselves and our eye on the prize. But once that chicken or brisket or those succulent Diva Q ribs have been delivered to the judges, we all come together as a close-knit family. We compare notes and cheer each other on. And in any gang of 'cuers, you'll find Diva Q right in the middle, laughing that great, infectious laugh of hers.\n\nDiva Q is an absolutely fearless pitmaster, and she'll grill or smoke pretty much anything, just like I do. She even likes to bake on the grill. Her Buttery Cornbread with Forty Creek Honey Butter is killer!\n\nThis book is a testament to straight-up good eating, Diva Q's way. She tells me her favorite recipe here is Cold-Smoked Cheddar-Pimento Cheese, so that's on my list, along with 180 Brisket. And I'll definitely be trying Get Your Jerk On!. I have a passion for jerk chicken and think mine's pretty darn good, but if Diva Q's got jerk, I know it's going to be amazing. Oh, and a dessert called Death by Diva has to be nothing short of awesome.\n\nThis book will rock your taste buds. Inside is a collection of what a crazy guy like me calls the ultimate in comfort food. Let's face it, when our ancestors first cooked over a wood fire, they made barbecue the world's first comfort food. Diva Q is just helping us get back to our roots with this collection of her favorite recipes.\n\nJump into this book with the same passion Diva Q has. Learn from one of the best in the business, and make yourself some barbecue done right. Oh, it be a tasty barbecue world with Diva Q in it. Love you, Diva Q!\n\nCheers,\n\nChef Ted Reader\n\n# FOR THE LOVE OF ALL THINGS BBQ\n\nWhether noun, verb or adjective, barbecue is my passion. It's what I wake up thinking about each and every day. From the west coast to the east, I've traveled all over North America, visiting any place barbecue is served.\n\nI have met some of the most amazing folks, all with an insatiable passion for barbecue. It doesn't matter to me whether they're cooking in a one-man shack on the side of the road or using the latest in barbecue technology. I want it all.\n\nWhat is barbecue? I have no definitive answer, but believe it can be anything from a simple grilled steak to a beautiful slow-smoked brisket.\n\nI love everything about barbecue: that first sizzle when meat hits the grill, then the gradual change from pink to mahogany as it cooks; the smell of wood smoke and the glow of hot coals on a perfect night.\n\nI love everyone in the barbecue community and the passionate debates we have about the variations in regional barbecue recipes. And I love the thrill of barbecue competitions and the intensity of the chase.\n\nAbove all things, I love feeding people\u2014especially my family and friends. These are the simple recipes I use again and again. Life's too short for bad barbecue.\n\nDiva Q\n\nDIVA Q'S\n\nHOUSE RULES\n\n\u2022 Get your grill on by preparing all your ingredients before you start cooking.\n\n\u2022 A clean grill is a good grill, so clean it well before cooking.\n\n\u2022 Preheat properly. Make sure you heat the grill to the correct temperature.\n\n\u2022 Stop the sticky! Oil your grill before the food goes on.\n\n\u2022 Keep the bad bugs away. Have two sets of tongs and plates, one for the raw meat and one for the cooked.\n\n\u2022 Make sure your fire extinguisher is kitchen-rated, and know where it is at all times. Never throw water on a grease fire; use your fire extinguisher.\n\n\u2022 If you're looking, you're not cooking: keep that lid closed.\n\n\u2022 Don't squish down your burgers\u2014you'll let the yummy out.\n\n\u2022 Apply sauce only during the last few minutes of cooking.\n\n\u2022 Pink can be okay. Use a digital thermometer to check the internal temperature of your food.\n\n\u2022 Have patience. It's done when it's done.\n\n\u2022 Give it a rest already. Let your cooked meat rest before slicing into it.\n\n\u2022 Remember to have fun. Grilling outdoors can be a great escape.\n\n# BARBECUE \nBASICS\n\nCheck out the What You Need to Get Your Grill On section at the back of the book for my favorite grills and gear, then nail the tips in this chapter and you're well on your way to good barbecue.\n\nKEY TO ICONS\n\nThroughout the book, you'll notice icons adorning many of my recipes. Here's what they mean:\n\n**The ingredients in the recipe are cooked over indirect heat, so prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking according to the instructions on this page.**\n\n**The ingredients in the recipe are cooked over direct heat, so prepare your grill for direct cooking according to the instructions on this page.**\n\n**The recipe has an accompanying video, in which I demonstrate aspects of its prep, on youtube.\u200bcom\/\u200buser\/\u200bDivaQBBQ1**.\n\n## BARBECUE OR GRILL: WHAT'S THE DIFF?\n\nMany people use these terms interchangeably, but here's the scoop:\n\nTraditionally, barbecue is food cooked low and slow over indirect heat (see below), with temperatures ranging from 225\u00b0F to 275\u00b0F.\n\nGrilling cooks the food over higher direct heat (see below).\n\n## KNOW YOUR FIRE\n\nWhether you're barbecuing or grilling, lesson number one is understanding your fire. To be a good barbecuer, you need to learn how to use charcoal and wood properly and to maintain and adjust temperatures. Here are some of the fire management basics you need to know before you get your 'cue on!\n\nINDIRECT HEAT Knowing how to create an indirect fire zone is essential.\n\n**Pellet grills** (see this page) have this feature built into their design and run indirect heat through the entire cooking process.\n\n**Charcoal, wood and gas grills** (see this page) all require you to move the charcoal or adjust the heat source to provide an area for indirect cooking. In a charcoal grill, you can bank all the coals to one side, or you can place an aluminum pan in the middle and bank charcoal on either side of the pan. The heat is not even, but you have created a zone that has no direct flames.\n\nFor **charcoal kettle grills** , create a ring of fire by banking all the coals around the outer edge of the kettle. The center of the grate will then be your indirect cooking area.\n\nOn a **gas grill** , turn off all the burners but one. Or if you're using a large multiple-burner gas grill, turn the center burners off, leaving the left and right burners on.\n\nDIRECT HEAT Grilling over direct heat is the most basic way to cook. You start a fire and food is cooked directly above it. Anything you want to grill quickly should be done over direct heat.\n\nAny proteins 2 inches or less in thickness can be cooked by this method. Traditional grilled items like steaks, burgers, sliced veggies and fish all fall into this category. More than 2 inches and you need a combination of direct and indirect cooking.\n\nYour grill's lid can be up or down depending on how fast you want to cook: leave the lid up and the heat escapes; close the lid and the food is surrounded by the trapped heat.\n\nIf grilling over charcoal, you need an even layer of charcoal. Peaks and valleys in the layering of your charcoal will create swings in the grate-level temperature. Keeping the coals an even thickness all the way across the bottom of your charcoal grill ensures temperature swings will be minimal.\n\nPLANKING Planking is the use of soaked wooden planks on which to cook food over a fire source. Planks must be from untreated wood and can range in size from a small piece for a single portion of salmon to a large plank for cooking a whole fish or other large pieces of protein.\n\nMULTIPLE-LAYER FIRES When you are grilling many different items at once on your grill, you may want some areas to be hotter than others.\n\nOn a **charcoal grill** , arrange a single layer of charcoal for lower-heat cooking on one side of the grill and multiple layers of charcoal for hotter cooking on the other side. The closer the coals are to the grate, the hotter the fire will be.\n\nOn a **gas grill** , simply adjust the temperature of the burners to create hotter and cooler areas for cooking.\n\nTEMPERATURE GUIDELINES How hot is hot? Here's a guide to the temperatures I use in my recipes:\n\n**HIGH HEAT: 450\u00b0F-PLUS** Use this temperature to cook thin cuts of meat, sear steaks and char items. You should never walk more than a foot or two away from the grill when using this temperature range. Most times the lid will be open.\n\n**MEDIUM-HIGH HEAT: 375\u00b0F TO 450\u00b0F** The majority of grilling happens in this temperature zone. Hot enough to make great-looking grill marks yet still give you time to move things around before they burn, it's good for burgers, sliced vegetables and chops.\n\n**MEDIUM HEAT: 300\u00b0F TO 375\u00b0F** This temperature range cuts right down the middle and is great if you need a bit more time to move items around the grill. You can still get the perfect crust on your meat\u2014it will just take a little bit longer.\n\n**LOW TO MEDIUM-LOW HEAT: 200\u00b0F TO 300\u00b0F** Perfect for indirect cooking of big pieces of meat, this temperature range is where traditional low and slow barbecuing occurs.\n\n## GRILLING GUIDELINES\n\nThe grilling times listed in the guidelines below are meant as a very general reference guide only, and not as a hard and fast rule book. Every item included can take a little more or a little less time than is listed here as there are so many factors that can impact the time it takes to cook something: Size in particular matters in all things grilling, for example large scallops will take much longer than their smaller counterparts. Instead of judging doneness by time I use a digital thermometer to test the internal temperature of the meat. This is far and away _the most accurate way_ to ensure that you get perfect grill results every time. See the minimum internal temperatures column of the chart to know what you're looking for with every different cut of meat.\n\nFor more information on high, medium and low heat ranges see this page.\n\nFOOD | DONENESS \n(IF APPLICABLE) | METHOD \n(DIRECT OR INDIRECT) | HEAT | TIME | MINIMUM INTERNAL TEMPERATURE \n---|---|---|---|---|--- \nBEEF | | | | | \nSteak (\u00bd inch thick) \nExtra-rare or blue ( _bleu_ ) | D | High | 2 to 4 min | 100\u00b0F \nRare | D | High | 3 to 6 min | 120\u00b0F \nMedium-rare | D | High | 5 to 8 min | 135\u00b0F \nMedium | D | High | 6 to 9 min | 145\u00b0F \nMedium-well | D | High | 7 to 10 min | 155\u00b0F \nWell done | D | High | 9 to 12 min | 160\u00b0F \nRoast \nRare | I | Low | 18 to 22 min per lb | 120\u00b0F \nMedium | I | Low | 22 to 28 min per lb | 145\u00b0F \nWell done | I | Low | 28 to 32 min per lb | 160\u00b0F \nBrisket | | I | Low | 10 to 14 hr | 180\u00b0F to 205\u00b0F \nGround | Well done | D | Medium | 10 to 15 min | 160\u00b0F \n**PORK** | | | | | \nChops (\u00bd inch thick) | Medium | D | High | 8 to 12 min | 140\u00b0F \n| Well done | D | High | 15 to 20 min | 155\u00b0F to 160\u00b0F \nRoast | Medium | I | Medium | 18 to 22 min per lb | 140\u00b0F \n| Well done | I | Medium | 25 to 35 min per lb | 155\u00b0F to 160\u00b0F \nRibs | | I | Low | 4 to 5 hr | 180\u00b0F to 205\u00b0F \nShoulder | | I | Low | 8 to 10 hr | 180\u00b0F to 205\u00b0F \nHam, uncooked (smoked) | | I | Medium | 18 to 22 min per lb | 160\u00b0F \nHam, precooked (reheated) | | I | Medium | 18 to 22 min per lb | 140\u00b0F \nGround | Well done | D | Medium | 10 to 15 min | 160\u00b0F \nSausage, uncooked (raw) | Well done | D | Medium | 18 to 22 min | 160\u00b0F \nSausage, precooked (reheated) | Well done | D | Medium | 10 to 15 min | 140\u00b0F \nLAMB | | | | | \nChops (\u00bd inch thick) | Rare | D | High | 3 to 5 min | 115\u00b0F \n| Medium-rare | D | High | 4 to 7 min | 125\u00b0F \n| Medium | D | High | 5 to 8 min | 135\u00b0F \n| Medium-well | D | High | 6 to 9 min | 150\u00b0F \n| Well done | D | High | 8 to 12 min | 160\u00b0F \nGround | Well done | D | Medium | 10 to 15 min | 160\u00b0F \nPOULTRY | | | | | \nChicken broiler\/fryer (3 to 4 lb) | | I | Low | 75 to 90 min | 165\u00b0F (breast), 175\u00b0F (thigh) \nChicken, halved | | I | Low | 40 to 60 min | 165\u00b0F (breast), 175\u00b0F (thigh) \nChicken breasts | | I | Medium | 20 to 30 min | 165\u00b0F \nChicken thighs | | I | Medium | 20 to 30 min | 175\u00b0F \nChicken wings | | I | High | 20 to 30 min | 175\u00b0F \nTurkey, whole | | I | Low | 18 to 22 min per lb | 165\u00b0F (breast), 175\u00b0F (thigh) \nGround | | I | Medium | 10 to 15 min | 165\u00b0F \nFISH AND SHELLFISH | | | | | \nSteaks (1 inch thick) | | I | Medium | 10 to 15 min | 125\u00b0F (tuna, swordfish and marlin) \nFillets (6 to 8 oz) | | I | Medium | 8 to 12 min | 145\u00b0F (cod, halibut, red snapper, tilapia, salmon and sea bass) \nCrab cakes | | D | Medium | 8 to 10 min | 155\u00b0F \nLobster | | D | Medium | 8 to 10 min | 145\u00b0F \nScallops | | D | Medium | 8 to 10 min | 120\u00b0F \nShrimp (large or jumbo) | | I | Medium | 8 to 12 min | 120\u00b0F \nVEGETABLES | | | | | \nPotatoes, whole | | I | Low | 50 to 60 min | n\/a \nOnions, whole | | I | Low | 40 to 50 min | n\/a \nPeppers, halved | | D | High | 15 to 20 min | n\/a \nTomatoes, halved | | D | Medium | 20 to 30 min | n\/a \nAsparagus, whole | | D | High | 10 to 15 min | n\/a \nCorn, whole | | D | Medium | 35 to 45 min | n\/a \nMushrooms, halved | | D | Medium | 15 to 20 min | n\/a\n\n* If in doubt about the safe internal temperature of food, consult the guidelines on your federal health website.\n\n## KNOW YOUR GRILL\n\nHOT SPOTS Whether you're using a pellet grill, charcoal grill or gas grill, every grill is different and has hot spots where the food will cook more quickly or even scorch.\n\nTo test your grill for hot spots, buy several cans of refrigerator biscuits. (It's a lot more economical to spend a few dollars on biscuits than to wreck an expensive piece of meat.) Fire up your grill and, while it's heating, open the cans and separate the biscuits. Arrange the biscuits on your grill to cover the grate completely. As the biscuits start to brown, you'll soon be able to tell exactly where the hot spots are.\n\nAIR FLOW CONTROL Charcoal needs oxygen, so when cooking on a charcoal grill, you need to know how to work the air vents. Does your grill have one, two or even three vents? To figure out how the oxygen travels through those vents and into your cooking chamber, use the biscuit method above.\n\nLight the grill and open one vent. Arrange the biscuits on the cooking grate to cover it completely. Continue opening and closing each vent until you've opened them all. Watch how the biscuits brown to learn how each vent affects the heat of your grill.\n\n## BABY, LIGHT MY FIRE\n\nEvery grill comes with an owner's manual, so take the time to read it from cover to cover so you know how to light your grill safely. In all cases, the lighting instructions in the manual should take precedence over any of mine. Seriously. They print those things for a reason.\n\nCHARCOAL GRILLS Lighting charcoal takes patience, but a chimney starter (see this page) speeds things up. Use either all-natural lump charcoal or competition briquettes. Do not use lighter fluid, which can leave a bad aftertaste on food and has no redeeming value other than speed.\n\nSet the chimney starter on a patio stone or other nonflammable surface. Lay a couple of pieces of paper towel sprayed with cooking oil in the bottom of the chimney. Fill the chimney with charcoal. Light the paper towel with a barbecue lighter. When the charcoal is glowing red and ashed over, carefully pour it into the cooking chamber.\n\nInstead of paper towel, you can use natural or waxed fire starter cubes. Fill the chimney with charcoal. Place the fire starter cubes under the chimney and set the chimney on a nonflammable surface. Light the cubes with a barbecue lighter. Wait until the charcoal is glowing and ashed over before pouring it into the cooking chamber.\n\nFor longer cooks, you may want to line your cooking chamber with a layer of unlit charcoal before adding the glowing charcoal to it. Take the time to arrange the unlit charcoal so there's very little space between the pieces. Tighter-packed piles of charcoal last longer. The more open space between the pieces of charcoal, the cooler the fire and the faster it will go out.\n\nPELLET GRILLS Fill the hopper with _food-safe_ pellets. Open the lid. Turn the switch or dial to the On position and set the temperature to Smoke. Wait for two to three minutes until you see smoke, which indicates the igniter in the fire pot has lit the pellets. Close the lid and adjust the controls to the desired temperature.\n\nCERAMIC BARBECUES See the instructions for lighting a charcoal grill (above).\n\nGAS GRILLS To light a natural gas or propane grill, follow the manufacturer's instructions.\n\nHOW TO GET GREAT CHAR MARKS\n\n## HOW TO GET GREAT CHAR MARKS\n\nYou know them and you love them\u2014those beautiful grilling marks that make your mouth water and make you want to dig in right away! Here is how you get them.\n\n## GET YOUR SMOKE ON\n\nIt's easy to add great smoke flavor to anything you grill. To team the right wood with the right meat, check out wood and meat pairing recommendations. When I use wood chunks or chips, I don't usually soak them in water before adding them to the grill. But if you want to add a little more humidity to your grill, feel free to soak wood chips or chunks in water for at least thirty minutes, then drain them before using.\n\nPELLET GRILLS are one of the simplest grills to use for smoking. For large cuts of meat, simply set the dial to its lowest temperature (about 180\u00b0F) and let the wood pellets do all the work. To ramp up the smoke flavor, you can add a smoking tube filled with additional burning pellets or a tray of wood dust to the grill. Check your manufacturer's instructions for more information.\n\nGAS GRILLS are easy to adapt for smoking. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking (see this page). Fill a smoker box (see this page) with wood chips and place it on the hot side of the grill. Wait until the wood chips start to smoke before putting your food on the cool side of the grill. Depending on the size of the pieces of food and the length of time you're smoking them, you may need to replenish the wood chips every thirty minutes or so to maintain the smoke flavor.\n\nCHARCOAL GRILLS should be prepared for indirect cooking (see this page). Add wood chunks or chips directly to the charcoal. Wait until the wood chunks or chips start to smoke before putting your food on the cool side of the grill. Depending on the size of the pieces of food and the length of time you're smoking them, you may need to replenish the wood chunks or chips every thirty minutes or so to maintain the smoke flavor.\n\n## WOOD AND MEAT PAIRING RECOMMENDATIONS\n\nWood and wood smoke are great additional ingredients to add to any meal. Pairing the right wood with the right food is an important step for barbecue happiness. Take a look at some of my favorite pairings below.\n\nWOOD | INTENSITY | FLAVOR | BEEF | PORK | HAM | LAMB | POULTRY | WILD GAME | FISH \n(EXCLUDING SALMON) | SALMON | CHEESE \n---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|--- \n| | | | | | | | | | | \nAlder | Mild | Light and sweet | | X | | | X | | X | X | \nAlmond | Mild | Nutty and sweet | X | X | | | X | | | | \nApple | Strong | Light and fruity | | X | X | | X | | | | \nApricot | Mild | Sweet | | X | X | | X | | X | | \nCherry | Mild | Mild and fruity | X | X | | | X | | X | X | \nGrapevine | Medium | Rich and fruity | X | | | X | X | X | | | \nHickory | Strong | Classic smoke flavor | X | X | X | | X | X | | | \nLilac | Mild | Hint of floral | | | | X | | | X | | \nMaple | Mild | Mellow and sweet | | X | X | | X | | | | X \nMesquite | Strong | Sweet and spicy | X | X | | | X | X | X | | \nMulberry | Mild | Sweet and tangy | X | | X | | X | | | | \nOak | Mild | Mild and nutty | X | X | | X | X | X | X | | \nOrange | Mild | Tangy citrus | | X | | | X | | X | | X \nPeach | Mild | Sweet and woodsy | X | X | | | X | | X | | \nPear | Mild | Sweet and woodsy | | X | | | X | | | | \nPecan | Mild | Milder than hickory | X | X | | | X | | X | | X \nPlum | Mild | Sweet and woodsy | | X | | | X | | X | | \nWalnut | Very strong | Heavy smoke | X | | | | | X | | |\n\n**SOURCES:** fruit\u200bawood\u200bchunks.\u200bcom; bbq-\u200bbrethren.\u200bcom; smoked-\u200bmeat.\u200bcom\n\nIf the table is too wide for your device screen, click here to view the table as an image\n\n## BUTCHERS ROCK!\n\nMy number one tip for finding the best meat for your grill is to get to know your butcher. Period. Find one and form a relationship with him or her. Visit the store often.\n\nMy go-to butcher for most meats is Brian Witteveen of Strodes BBQ and Deli in Brantford, ON (strodes.\u200bca). Brian comes from a long line of butchers, and we have been friends for more than ten years. He gives me the best advice about what cuts of meat to buy and recommends new cuts when they come along. I love my butcher.\n\nSource the highest-quality meat your budget allows. Quality always trumps quantity, and it's more rewarding to spend more money on smaller yet higher-quality, better-marbled pieces of meat. The better the meat, the better the barbecue.\n\nAs much as possible, know where your meat comes from. I buy most of my pork directly from pork farmer Paul Hill of Willowgrove Hill, near Stratford, ON (willowg\u200brovehill.\u200bcom). I have visited Paul's farm and seen how well he takes care of his pigs.\n\n## CHILLIN' AND GRILLIN'\n\nSnow _never_ prevents me from getting my grill on. I barbecue and grill year-round. Here's what I've learned:\n\n\u2022 Shovel out a safe path to your grill before you start. There's nothing worse than dropping that freshly barbecued dinner in the snow!\n\n\u2022 Clean all the snow from around your grill and off the top before you start.\n\n\u2022 Wind is your biggest enemy in the winter, so try to locate your grill in a sheltered spot.\n\n\u2022 Before using a gas grill in the winter, check the hoses for any cracks.\n\n\u2022 Don't wear a dangling scarf or a loose-fitting winter coat.\n\n\u2022 Food takes longer to cook in the winter, and your grill will take longer to warm up. Give yourself extra time for dinner.\n\n\u2022 Select tried-and-true, easy recipes for winter grilling. This is not the time to be trying out a new ten-course meal.\n\n\u2022 Use recipes that call for just a single flip. Less fiddling with the food makes for happier winter grilling.\n\n\u2022 Get to know how to cook on your grill using indirect heat. Larger cuts of meat that require less attention work well in the winter.\n\n\u2022 If you're looking, you're not cooking. Keep the lid closed as much as you can\u2014the grill will lose heat faster in the winter.\n\n\u2022 If you're cooking with charcoal, you will go through more when cooking in the winter. Use good-quality lump charcoal with a low moisture level.\n\n\u2022 It gets dark a lot earlier in the winter, so invest in a grill light, outdoor patio lantern or other light source.\n\n\u2022 Frozen fat is harder to clean, so wipe up your drips immediately.\n\n\u2022 A snow pile makes a great beer holder.\n\n## CHECK OUT THE COMPETITION\n\nMost barbecue competitions let the public come and watch, and we competitors love that they do. If you plan to visit a competition near you, here are a few tips on competitive-barbecue etiquette:\n\n\u2022 Barbecue teams pay not only for their meat and supplies, but also a fee to take part in the competition. Most teams take competing very seriously.\n\n\u2022 If you see someone walking with a turn-in box (usually a 9- \u00d7 9-inch Styrofoam container) containing competition barbecue, please move out of the way.\n\n\u2022 If you see someone walking with a tray of food items, please move out of the way.\n\n\u2022 Do not under any circumstances ever take any food from tables within a competition site without asking. Most competitions do not allow public sampling. Please visit the vendors at the site to purchase food and support the event.\n\n\u2022 Be respectful of the competition site. Do not cut through a team's site to get to another section of the competition area. That's like walking through someone's house.\n\n\u2022 Mind your manners and your children. Children and their parents should be aware that there are hot grills and sharp knives at every site. Do not let your children run around team sites. Do not let your drunk friends run around team sites either.\n\n\u2022 Do not touch another person's grills _ever_ , or not without asking first.\n\n\u2022 The clock rules everything during a competition. Teams need to turn in items on a specific schedule. During those turn-in times, competitors may not want to stop and talk. It's nothing personal. Turn-in times vary, but usually run from 11:30 am to 2:00 pm.\n\n\u2022 Please ask before taking photos of teams preparing their entries. Some teams would rather not have pictures of their items in the public domain.\n\n\u2022 Ask questions of teams when they're not busy. We love to talk about all things barbecue.\n\n\u2022 Some events have adult beverage tents. Please enjoy them responsibly.\n\n\u2022 There are quiet hours at every barbecue contest. Please respect them.\n\n\u2022 Please come out to the awards ceremony and cheer for all the teams. The more the merrier.\n\n\u2022 Visit team websites like mine (divaq.\u200bca) or that of the Kansas City Barbeque Society (kcbs.\u200bus) for more information about competition barbecue.\n\n# SIX RECIPES \nYOU NEED \nTO KNOW\n\nThe following recipes are my go-to barbecue basics. Four of them are must-try recipes I refer to often in the book. As well, you'll find my definitive, killer recipes for burgers and steak.\n\nBasic Brine\n\nSmoked Garlic\n\nFlavored Butters\n\nCold-Smoked Cheese\n\nBasic Big Burgers\n\nReverse-Seared Steaks\n\n## Basic Brine\n\nMAKES: about 4 cups (enough for 4 to 6 chicken breasts or pork chops) \u2022 PREP: 5 minutes\n\nBrining chicken and pork before barbecuing keeps the meat nice and juicy on the grill.\n\n4 cups water\n\n\u00bc cup kosher salt\n\n2 tbsp packed brown sugar\n\n1 tsp whole black peppercorns\n\n1 tsp whole allspice berries\n\n1. In a medium plastic container, whisk together all the ingredients until the salt and sugar dissolve.\n\n2. Submerge raw meat in the brine and let soak, allowing 1 hour per pound of meat.\n\n3. Remove the meat from the brine and pat dry before cooking.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For kosher salt I always use good-quality Morton Salt, as sodium levels vary greatly from brand to brand._\n\n_Add sprigs of fresh herbs, like rosemary and thyme, to the brine for extra flavor._\n\n## Smoked Garlic\n\nMAKES: 20 bulbs \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 2 to 4 hours\n\nI am a big believer in using a grill to its full capacity when I light it up. It makes no sense to smoke just one garlic bulb at a time, so I like to make a big batch. Smoked garlic freezes really well and is super handy. Add it to soups, stocks or dips (try making an aioli with it), or spread it on toast points or crusty bread and drizzle with good-quality olive oil.\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n20 bulbs garlic\n\n1 cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n\u00bc cup kosher salt\n\n\u00bc cup finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking, and preheat it to 375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Using a sharp knife, cut a \u00bc-inch slice from the top of each garlic bulb, making sure the individual cloves of garlic are exposed.\n\n3. Place the bulbs in a disposable aluminum pan. Drizzle with olive oil and sprinkle with salt and pepper.\n\n4. When the chips are smoking, place the pan of garlic bulbs on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the garlic for 1 hour, then cover the pan with foil.\n\n5. Continue smoking until the cloves are softened, caramelized and browned, 1 to 3 hours. Replenish the hickory chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the garlic smokes.\n\n6. Remove the pan from the grill and let the garlic bulbs cool completely. Wrap the bulbs individually and freeze for up to 3 months.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_You can add extra flavor to your smoked garlic by substituting blended salts like chipotle or porcini for the kosher salt in this recipe._\n\n## Flavored Butters\n\nMAKES: about \u00bd cup \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 CHILL: at least 2 hours\n\nFlavored butters are easy to whip up and perfect for topping grilled meats, seafood and vegetables, especially corn.\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, softened\n\nCilantro-Lime Butter\n\n\u00bc cup chopped fresh cilantro\n\n1 lime, zested and juiced\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nGarlic-Chive Butter\n\n6 cloves Smoked Garlic, smashed\n\n2 tbsp finely chopped fresh chives\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nBlue Cheese Butter\n\n2 tbsp crumbled blue cheese\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nSmoked Paprika\u2013Bacon Butter\n\n2 tbsp minced cooked bacon\n\n1 tbsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Whip the softened butter with the flavorings of your choice.\n\n2. Spoon the butter onto a sheet of plastic wrap, then use the plastic wrap to form the butter into a log shape. Wrap the butter tightly in the plastic wrap. Chill for at least 2 hours until firm.\n\n3. Unwrap the butter and cut into slices to serve.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Flavored butters freeze well and are great to have on hand to dress up last-minute grilled steak dinners._\n\n## Cold-Smoked Cheese\n\nMAKES: 1 lb \u2022 PREP: 5 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1\u00bd to 2 hours\n\nRun-of-the-mill cheese can be turned into something unique with the addition of a little smoke. Any low-moisture, firm cheese can be smoked. My favorites are sharp or marbled cheddar, friulano, mozzarella, low-moisture provolone or pepper Jack. You can smoke several types of cheese at once. Just make sure the cheese is cut into one-pound blocks and is as far away from the heat source as possible. Use the smoked cheese in recipes or serve with smoked sausage, crackers and pickles.\n\n1 lb cheese (see note above)\n\nWood chips (see sidebar)\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 90\u00b0F (the temperature needs to be very low). If using a charcoal grill, use only a couple of pieces of charcoal.\n\n2. Add a handful of wood chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n3. When the chips start to smoke, place the cheese as far away from the heat source as possible. Smoke for 1\u00bd to 2 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the cheese smokes.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Every cheese takes on the smoke differently, so experiment by pairing different cheeses with different woods. I like cheddar and hickory, mozzarella and maple, and provolone and oak. As you store the smoked cheese, its flavor will become more pronounced._\n\n## Basic Big Burgers\n\nMAKES: 6 burgers \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 to 13 minutes\n\nI like to make a depression in the center of each burger as I form it. As the burger cooks, the center will puff up and the burger will cook more evenly. These are big burgers, so make sure your buns measure up.\n\n3 lb ground beef (80% lean, 20% fat)\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nCanola oil\n\n6 hamburger buns\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high heat (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Divide the meat into six even-size portions and form into burgers. Press the center of each burger down to create a depression. Season burgers generously on both sides with salt and pepper.\n\n3. Oil the grill grate with canola oil. Grill the burgers on one side until lightly crusted over, 4 to 5 minutes. Flip the burgers and grill the opposite side until the internal temperature reaches 160\u00b0F, 6 to 8 minutes.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Pimp yourbasic burgers with these add-ins:_\n\n_Greek Burgers_\n\n_Add 1 tbsp dried Greek oregano and 1 tbsp minced garlic to the ground beef. Top the burgers with tzatziki, sliced red onion and pitted black olives._\n\n_Mexican Burgers_\n\n_Add 1 tbsp chili powder, 2 tsp onion powder, 2 tsp minced garlic and 1 tsp ground cumin to the ground beef. Top the burgers with lettuce, pepper Jack and your favorite salsa._\n\n## Reverse-Seared Steaks\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 5 minutes \u2022 COOK: 25 to 30 minutes\n\nReverse searing\u2014grilling over low, indirect heat before a final sear\u2014gives your steaks a terrific crust and the most evenly cooked and juiciest meat possible. You can use this method for all types of steak.\n\n4 steaks (1\u00bd inches thick)\n\n2 tbsp canola oil\n\nMontreal Steak Spice\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F.\n\n2. Lightly oil each steak on both sides with canola oil and season generously with Montreal Steak Spice.\n\n3. Place the steaks on the cool side of the grill. Grill, flipping once, until their internal temperature reaches 115\u00b0F, 20 to 25 minutes.\n\n4. Remove the steaks from the grill and tent lightly with foil. Prepare the grill for direct cooking and increase the temperature to 500\u00b0F.\n\n5. Grill the steaks over direct heat, flipping every 2 minutes, until the desired internal temperature has been reached (see sidebar).\n\n6. Remove the steaks from the grill. Tent the steaks with foil and let rest for 5 minutes before slicing or serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Make your digital meat thermometer your friend and get perfect steaks every time. Insert the thermometer horizontally through the side of the steak to check for doneness._\n\n\u2022 _Rare: 120\u00b0F_\n\n\u2022 _Medium-rare: 130\u00b0F_\n\n\u2022 _Medium: 145\u00b0F_\n\n\u2022 _Medium-well: 155\u00b0F_\n\n\u2022 _Well done: 160\u00b0F_\n\n# RUBS, SAUCES, SLATHERS \n& SPICES\n\nTeam great meat with a tasty rub, sauce, slather or spice and you have a winning combination. From sweet to savory\u2014and everything in between\u2014these seasonings will perk up your taste buds.\n\nDiva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\nMemphis Rib Rub\n\nCajun Rub\n\nKansas City Rub\n\nMontreal Steak Spice\n\nCanadian Rub\n\nGreek Rub\n\nSpicy Thai Rub\n\nEspresso Rub\n\nMoroccan Spice Rub\n\nChristo's Green Herbed Salt\n\nSmoked Salt\n\nKentucky Mop Sauce\n\nAlabama White Sauce\n\nTexas Mop Sauce\n\nKansas City Sweet BBQ Sauce\n\nDiva Q Carolina Mustard BBQ Sauce\n\nDiva Q Competition Sauce\n\nDiva Q Diablo Steak Sauce\n\nPiri Piri Hot Sauce\n\nCarolina Spicy Vinegar Sauce\n\nJamaican Jerk Wet Rum Slather\n\nCherry-Chipotle BBQ Sauce\n\nBlackberry Sauce\n\nApple-Beer BBQ Sauce\n\nHomemade Smoked Ketchup\n\n## Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\nMAKES: about 2 cups \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nThis is my go-to rub for so many things. It's not too sweet, not too savory and perfect for all things pork and chicken. It makes a big batch and stores well in a mason jar. For most oomph, use the freshest spices possible.\n\n1 cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bc cup sweet smoked paprika\n\n3 tbsp good-quality kosher salt\n\n2 tbsp coarsely ground Malabar black pepper (see sidebar)\n\n2 tbsp chili powder\n\n2 tbsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n2 tbsp granulated garlic (see this page)\n\n2 tsp piri piri or chipotle powder\n\n1 tsp ground cumin\n\n1 tsp ground coriander\n\n1 tsp ground thyme\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a medium bowl. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on pork or chicken before grilling.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Stir Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub into cream cheese or sour cream for a fantastic topping for baked potatoes._\n\n_Malabar black pepper comes from southwest India, where the best black pepper is grown. If you can't find it, substitute regular black pepper._\n\n## Memphis Rib Rub\n\nMAKES: about \u2153 cup (enough for 1 rack of ribs) \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nMemphis, TN, is home to a whole lot of great barbecue. My fave places to try it are Cozy Corner Bar-B-Q, Germantown Commissary and The Bar-B-Q Shop. Each serves fabulous rubbed ribs, but none of the restaurants would share its secret. No matter\u2014I came up with my own rub. Sometimes experimenting until you get it right is one of the best things about barbecue. This rub is perfect for making dry ribs without any sauce.\n\n4 tsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n2 tsp kosher salt\n\n2 tsp onion powder\n\n2 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n2 tsp granulated brown sugar\n\n1 tsp chili powder\n\n1 tsp dried thyme leaves\n\n1 tsp dried oregano leaves\n\n1 tsp mild mustard powder\n\n\u00bc tsp ground allspice\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a small bowl. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on ribs before grilling.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Prefer it spicy? Just add 2 tsp chipotle or habanero powder._\n\n## Cajun Rub\n\nMAKES: about \u00be cup (enough for 1 rack of ribs or 1 chicken) \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nMy dear friends at Mister Jug Shrimp in Lafitte, LA, took me out on their shrimp trawler one day. It was a spectacular adventure, and at the end of it we indulged in a delicious Cajun dish made from beautiful freshly caught Louisiana shrimp. Mister Jug Shrimp's rub is a closely guarded secret. All I know is, the moment I tasted it, I knew I had to do my best to recreate it. This Cajun Rub makes anything taste good\u2014probably even cardboard. Or add it to melted butter and drizzle it over your favorite grilled catch of the day.\n\n2 tbsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n2 tsp kosher salt\n\n2 tsp granulated onion (see sidebar)\n\n2 tsp granulated garlic (see sidebar)\n\n2 tsp cayenne\n\n1\u00bd tsp finely ground white pepper\n\n1 tsp ground thyme\n\n1 tsp dried oregano leaves\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a small bowl. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on seafood, poultry or pork before grilling.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_You'll notice some of my recipes call for granulated onion (or garlic), others for onion (or garlic) powder. They're very different, so check the jar labels carefully. The granulated version creates more of a crust on meats, while the powdered is more readily absorbed._\n\n## Kansas City Rub\n\nMAKES: about 1\u2153 cups \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nThere's so much to love about Kansas City, MO. It's a mecca of barbecue, and I'm blessed to have so many great friends there, all of whom make incredible 'cue (although maybe I'm a little biased). Kansas City offers a wide variety of barbecue styles, sauces and rubs. I have always been a fan of the sweet-spicy balance of this one.\n\n\u00bd cup granulated brown sugar, such as Domino Brownulated (see sidebar)\n\n\u00bc cup granulated sugar\n\n\u00bc cup sweet smoked paprika\n\n1 tbsp medium-grind black pepper\n\n1 tbsp kosher salt\n\n1 tbsp chili powder\n\n1 tbsp garlic powder\n\n1 tbsp onion powder\n\n1 tsp cayenne\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a small bowl. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on seafood, poultry or pork before grilling.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Granulated brown sugar is a pourable brown sugar that doesn't lump or harden. If you can't find it, spread out regular brown sugar on a baking sheet and let it air-dry overnight. Sift the sugar, then measure and add to the rub._\n\n## Montreal Steak Spice\n\nMAKES: about 1 cup \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nCanada has a lot of great exports and, like hockey and maple syrup, our Montreal steak spice is legendary. Sure, you can buy it, but it tastes way better if you make it yourself. I have given this rub as a gift to my family and friends and always have a batch on hand. It's like salt and pepper in our house, and is a handy all-round rub. Use it generously on steaks, roasts and thick-cut pork chops.\n\n3 tbsp kosher salt\n\n3 tbsp coarsely ground black pepper (butcher grind)\n\n2 tbsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n2 tbsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n2 tbsp granulated garlic (see this page)\n\n1 tbsp dill seed\n\n1 tbsp ground coriander\n\n1 tbsp dehydrated sweet red pepper flakes\n\n1 tbsp mustard powder\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a small bowl. Leave as is for a coarser mixture or, if you prefer, transfer to a spice grinder and grind until finely ground, 10 to 15 seconds. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on beef or pork before grilling.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For a spicier seasoning, swap out the sweet red pepper flakes for hot red pepper flakes and add 1 tbsp chipotle powder or cayenne._\n\n## Canadian Rub\n\nMAKES: about \u00bd cup \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nO Canada! The true north, strong and free. Ah, maple! You gotta love it. This Canuck just had to come up with a rub using that quintessential Canadian ingredient. Granulated maple sugar adds richer flavor to rubs than regular granulated sugar and a beautiful deep color to the food it's rubbed on.\n\n\u00bc cup granulated maple sugar\n\n2 tsp chili powder\n\n2 tsp garlic powder\n\n2 tsp onion powder\n\n2 tsp kosher salt\n\n1 tsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n1 tsp celery seed\n\n\u00bd tsp cinnamon\n\n\u00bd tsp chipotle powder\n\n\u00bd tsp ground cumin\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a small bowl. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on seafood, poultry or pork before grilling.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Want to ramp up the maple and give your meats a rich, dark hue? Slather them with maple syrup prior to applying the rub. Just be careful to use indirect heat, as the sugars will caramelize and may burn._\n\n## Greek Rub\n\nMAKES: about \u00be cup \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nFor a flavorful marinade or baste for pork, poultry or seafood, mix a batch of this rub with \u00bd cup canola oil and the finely grated zest and squeezed juice of 2 large lemons.\n\n2 tbsp dried Greek oregano leaves\n\n2 tbsp kosher salt\n\n2 tbsp dried basil\n\n1 tbsp dried dill weed\n\n1 tbsp garlic powder\n\n2 tsp lemon pepper\n\n2 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n2 tsp dried parsley leaves\n\n1 tsp dried marjoram leaves\n\n\u00bd tsp ground thyme\n\n1. Mix together all ingredients in a small bowl. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on pork, poultry and seafood.\n\n## Spicy Thai Rub\n\nMAKES: about \u00bd cup \u2022 PREP 10 minutes\n\nI am a bit of a wuss about the whole spicy food thing. My friend Sieng (Sam) Duong, who is originally from Cambodia, laughs at my inability to handle heat. We've known Sam and his beautiful wife, Anna, since their kids, Michael and Angela, were at junior kindergarten with ours. When I was trying to come up with this rub, I asked Sam to try it. I knew I had a winner when he said he loved it. Full approval from Sam is a home run for me. Just a warning: this is seriously hot.\n\n2 tbsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n2 tbsp granulated garlic (see this page)\n\n2 tbsp packed light brown sugar\n\n1 tbsp hot red pepper flakes, ground\n\n1 tbsp ground turmeric\n\n\u00bd tbsp ground ginger\n\n1 tsp powdered dried lemon peel\n\n1 tsp ground coriander\n\n1 tsp dried mint leaves\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a small bowl. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on beef, pork, poultry and seafood or sprinkle on vegetables before grilling.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For Fresh Mint Thai Slather, finely chop the leaves from 1 small bunch of fresh mint and add to the rub along with \u00be cup canola oil and the zest and juice of 3 limes. Apply to meats prior to indirect grilling._\n\n## Espresso Rub\n\nMAKES: about \u00be cup \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nI am a coffee addict and drink, on average, about eight cups a day. There, I've admitted it. But instant espresso powder is also my secret ingredient in rubs, bringing out the beefiness in meats and adding deeper, smoky flavors. I like to experiment with different brands of espresso powder, as each brings a different degree of intensity. I have served this rub on meats to friends who hate coffee, yet they always ask for more.\n\n2 tbsp chili powder\n\n2 tbsp instant espresso powder\n\n2 tbsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n1 tbsp light brown sugar\n\n1 tbsp onion powder\n\n1 tbsp mild mustard powder\n\n1 tbsp kosher salt\n\n1 tbsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a small bowl. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on any cut of beef and thicker pork cuts before grilling.\n\n## Moroccan Spice Rub\n\nMAKES: about \u2153 cup \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nMy friend Patti travels all over the world and always brings me back a little trinket or some other treasure. One year after a trip to Morocco, she brought me an incredibly exotic and fragrant rub. I hoarded that rub, but started to panic when the container was almost empty. I spent hours trying to duplicate the flavor, my kitchen counter stacked with spices. I finally came up with a version that was as close as I could get to the one from the spice markets of Morocco.\n\n1 tbsp ground coriander\n\n1 tbsp kosher salt\n\n1 tbsp regular paprika\n\n2 tsp ground turmeric\n\n1 tsp dehydrated sweet red pepper flakes\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1 tsp ground cumin, toasted\n\n1 tsp finely ground Aleppo pepper (see sidebar)\n\n\u00bd tsp ground ginger\n\n\u00bd tsp cinnamon\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a small bowl. Store in an airtight container.\n\n2. Rub on beef, pork, poultry and seafood or sprinkle on vegetables before grilling.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Aleppo pepper is a popular spice used in Middle Eastern cuisines. Can't find it? Substitute ancho powder._\n\n## Christo's Green Herbed Salt\n\nMAKES: 5 to 6 cups \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 DRY: overnight\n\nChef Christo Gonzales was a tough-assed New Yorker and an acclaimed chef in that city. He was also a loving father and a dear friend, and he left us all too soon. Christo was never afraid to experiment, and together we made an unstoppable grilling team, always playing to win. He used this salt (aka Christo's Magic Green Seasoning) on just about everything. Think of salt jacked up to the next level, with an added kick of herbs. It is highly addictive and adds a wonderful flavor to everyday dishes.\n\n3 lb kosher salt, divided\n\n1 bunch green onions, chopped\n\n3 long sprigs fresh rosemary, leaves picked\n\n3 sprigs fresh thyme, leaves picked\n\n3 long sprigs fresh oregano\n\n\u00bc cup finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Place 2 cups of salt in a food processor. Add the green onions, rosemary and thyme leaves, and oregano sprigs. Pulse until a wet, green paste forms.\n\n2. Gradually add the rest of the salt, pulsing after each addition, until all the salt has been added.\n\n3. Spread the salt in an even layer on a large rimmed baking sheet. Let dry at room temperature overnight (in humid weather, this may take a little longer).\n\n4. The next day, break up any clumps that have formed. Mix in the pepper and store in nonmetallic airtight containers.\n\n## Smoked Salt\n\nMAKES: 2 cups \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1\u00bd to 2 hours\n\nKnowing how simple and inexpensive it is to make, I cringe every time I see a box of overpriced smoked salt. This is a completely customizable recipe: pick the wood you like; add herbs, if you wish (see sidebar). Share it with friends and stop buying expensive smoked salt.\n\nHickory, pecan, apple, mesquite or cherry wood chips\n\n2 cups kosher salt\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F to 275\u00b0F. Add two large handfuls of wood chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Spread out the kosher salt thinly in a large disposable aluminum pan. When the wood chips start to smoke, place the pan of salt on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the salt for 1\u00bd to 2 hours, rotating the pan every 15 minutes.\n\n3. Remove the pan from the grill and let the salt cool to room temperature. Store in a sealed mason jar.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_You can add fresh herbs to the salt for even more flavor\u2014rosemary, thyme and chives all work well. Simply combine the herbs with the salt before spreading it out thinly in the aluminum pan._\n\n_Change up the flavor of any rub recipe by substituting smoked salt for kosher._\n\n## Kentucky Mop Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 1\u00bc cups \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 15 to 20 minutes\n\nOne of the most spectacular sights I have ever witnessed was at the St. Mary of the Woods church picnic in Whitesville, KY. There were open-air pits loaded up with mutton that stretched almost as far as the eye could see. I was gobsmacked. At the picnic, they mopped the mutton with a savory mix and smoked it for hours. The result was dripping with delicious. Here is my version of the Whitesville mop.\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\n\u00bc cup minced sweet white onion\n\n\u00bd cup Worcestershire sauce\n\n\u00bc cup white vinegar\n\n2 tsp freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\n2 tsp packed light brown sugar\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1 tsp hot sauce\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n1 tsp dehydrated sweet red pepper flakes\n\n1. Heat the oil in a medium saucepan over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onions until softened but not browned.\n\n2. Add the remaining ingredients and simmer for 10 to 15 minutes. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to two days.\n\n3. Use as a mop on lamb, chicken or pork.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Mops are thinner bastingsauces and a great way to add another dimension of flavor to barbecue. Use them alone on meats or in conjunction with a rub (see this page)._\n\n## Alabama White Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 5 cups \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nA barbecue sauce made with mayonnaise? Seriously? That's what you get when you visit the legendary Big Bob Gibson Bar-B-Q in Decatur, AL. Bob Gibson invented Alabama white sauce, and the chicken at the restaurant is liberally baptized with it. While I couldn't get Big Bob's recipe, my version is all sorts of fantastic and just as lip-smackingly good as everyday red barbecue sauce. I have eaten potatoes, chicken and pork slathered with this sauce. It should come with a warning: highly addictive.\n\n3\u00bd cups good-quality mayonnaise, such as Hellmann's or Duke's\n\n1 cup apple cider vinegar\n\n\u00bc cup light corn syrup\n\n2 tbsp Sriracha sauce\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1 tsp chili powder\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a large bowl. Refrigerate until ready to use.\n\n2. Slather on chicken during cooking, or use as a finishing sauce on pork and seafood.\n\n## Texas Mop Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 3 cups \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 30 minutes\n\nI love visiting Texas. From the ranches to the cities to the big personalities and massive hearts of the people who live there, there's nothing small about Texas. The state does beef like no other. This sauce is a great compilation of seasonings that works so well on big beef roasts and game meats.\n\n1 bottle (12 oz\/355 mL) Shiner Bock or other bock beer\n\n\u00bd cup apple cider vinegar\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\n\u00bc cup Worcestershire sauce\n\n3 tbsp Montreal Steak Spice\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 tbsp yellow mustard\n\n2 tbsp hot red pepper flakes\n\n2 tbsp honey\n\n1 tbsp coarsely ground black pepper (butcher grind)\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a medium saucepan. Simmer for 30 minutes. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to two days.\n\n2. Use as a mop on big beefy cuts of meat or game.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Use a standard barbecue mop, basting brush or even a bunch of rosemary to apply a mop sauce._\n\n_Experiment with different types of beer to change up the flavor profile of your mop sauce._\n\n## Kansas City Sweet BBQ Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 4 cups \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 15 minutes\n\nKansas City, MO, is full of legendary barbecue joints. When I'm there, I love grabbing some friends and making a day of trying different restaurants. This sauce is a classic of many of them, and if you are looking for an everyday barbecue sauce, this is it.\n\n1 tbsp canola oil\n\n2 tbsp minced white sweet onion\n\n\u00bd cup apple cider vinegar\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 tbsp tomato paste\n\n2 tbsp yellow mustard\n\n1 tbsp chili powder\n\n2 tsp ground ginger\n\n1 tsp chipotle powder\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n2 cups packed dark brown sugar\n\n1 cup ketchup\n\n\u00bc cup Worcestershire sauce\n\n2 tbsp granulated sugar\n\n1. Heat the oil in a medium saucepan over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onion until softened but not browned.\n\n2. Add the vinegar, garlic, tomato paste, mustard, chili powder, ginger, chipotle powder and salt. Simmer for 10 minutes.\n\n3. Add the brown sugar, ketchup, Worcestershire sauce and granulated sugar. Boil for 2 to 3 minutes, whisking often. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to three weeks.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Make this sauce your own by changing up the ingredients to suit your preferences. Want it sweeter? Add \u00bc cup honey or molasses. Spicier? Add 2 tbsp minced canned chipotles in adobo sauce._\n\n## Diva Q Carolina Mustard BBQ Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 2 cups \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 15 minutes\n\nI love feeding friends and family. One night I served pork with this Carolina-inspired mustard sauce. My guests were a bit skeptical, as none had tried a yellow mustard sauce before. By the end of dinner, they were all converts. They also keep asking me to make it for them again.\n\n\u00bd cup yellow mustard\n\n\u00bd cup apple cider vinegar\n\n\u00bd cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bc cup minced onion\n\n\u00bc cup honey\n\n1 tbsp Worcestershire sauce\n\n1 tsp minced garlic\n\n1 tsp hot sauce\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp chipotle powder\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a medium saucepan. Bring to a boil, whisking often.\n\n2. Reduce the heat and simmer, whisking occasionally, for 15 minutes. Serve on pulled pork, ribs, ham or pulled chicken. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to three weeks.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Sometimes it's good to get out of the barbecue rut of sweet tomato- or ketchup-basedsauces, and mustard sauces are darn good eating. Sweatman's Bar-b-que in Holly Hill, SC, serves up one of the best I've ever tried._\n\n## Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 10 cups \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 25 minutes\n\nA glossy shellac finish is what I always look for in a competition sauce, and this deep mahogany one has it in spades. The sweet sauce adds incredible color and flavor to chicken or pork. Spice it up with extra hot sauce or tone it down\u2014either way, it's a winner.\n\n4 cups ketchup\n\n2 cups packed light brown sugar\n\n2 cups apple cider vinegar\n\n2 cups apple cider or juice\n\n\u00bd cup yellow mustard\n\n\u00bd cup honey\n\n2 tbsp granulated garlic (see this page)\n\n2 tbsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n2 tbsp chili powder\n\n2 tbsp tamarind paste\n\n1 tbsp coarsely ground black pepper (butcher grind)\n\n1 tsp ground ginger\n\n1 tsp hot sauce (or more to taste)\n\n1 tsp chipotle powder\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp vanilla\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a large saucepan. Simmer, whisking often, until the tamarind paste has dissolved and all the ingredients are well combined, 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n2. Bring the sauce to a rolling boil for 5 minutes, whisking often.\n\n3. Remove from the heat and let cool for 10 minutes. Store in nonmetallic airtight containers in the fridge.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_This recipe makes a large quantity of sauce that's perfect for canning or giving away to friends and family._\n\n## Diva Q Diablo Steak Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 2 cups \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 15 minutes\n\nIf I can't be at my grill, puttering around with ingredients in my kitchen is my next favorite thing to do. This is a quick, thrown-together-from-stuff-I-had-in-the-fridge kind of sauce. It's full of beefy, spicy goodness that can turn a plain-Jane roast or steak into something spectacular.\n\n2 tbsp extra virgin olive oil\n\n\u00bc cup minced onion\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n1 can (10 oz\/284 mL) condensed beef consomm\u00e9\n\n\u00bc cup Sriracha sauce\n\n2 tbsp Worcestershire sauce\n\n\u00bc cup water\n\n2 tbsp cornstarch\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Heat the oil in a small saucepan over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onion and garlic until softened but not browned.\n\n2. Whisk in the consomm\u00e9, Sriracha sauce and Worcestershire sauce. Bring to a rolling boil over high heat, whisking often.\n\n3. Whisk together the water and cornstarch in a small bowl until smooth. Whisk the cornstarch mixture into the sauce. Bring back to a boil, whisking constantly, until the sauce thickens.\n\n4. Remove from the heat and season to taste with salt and pepper. Serve with beef. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to two days.\n\n## Piri Piri Hot Sauce\n\nMAKES: 5 to 6 cups \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 SOAK: overnight \u2022 COOK: about 25 minutes \u2022 AGE: 2 weeks\n\nI was not familiar with piri piri peppers until my friends Jen and Jeff came back from a trip to Portugal, where Jen's family has a house. Jen and Jeff share my love of food, and they brought back dried piri piri peppers for me to try. The peppers have an intense, bold heat level and are perfect for making hot sauce.\n\n1 cup dried piri piri peppers (see sidebar)\n\n2 cups boiling water\n\n3 tbsp canola oil\n\n1 cup finely chopped red onion\n\n6 jalape\u00f1os, seeded and finely chopped\n\n1 can (14 oz\/398 mL) diced tomatoes\n\n\u00bd cup dehydrated sweet red pepper flakes\n\n3 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 tsp granulated sugar\n\n2 tsp kosher salt\n\n1 cup white vinegar\n\n1. Put the piri piri peppers in a medium glass bowl. Add the boiling water. Cover the bowl with plastic wrap and set aside overnight.\n\n2. The next day, strain the piri piri peppers, reserving the water.\n\n3. Heat the oil in a medium saucepan over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onion until softened but not browned.\n\n4. Add 1 cup of the reserved piri piri soaking water and the jalape\u00f1os. Saut\u00e9 until the jalape\u00f1os have softened.\n\n5. Stir in the piri piri peppers, tomatoes, red pepper flakes, garlic, sugar and salt. Remove the saucepan from the heat.\n\n6. In a food processor, pulse the piri piri pepper mixture until smooth. Add the vinegar and pulse again until well combined.\n\n7. Scrape the sauce into a nonmetallic container with a tightfitting lid and refrigerate for 2 weeks to let the flavors mature.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Specialty and online stores sell dried piri piri peppers. If you can't find them, substitute dried chipotle peppers._\n\n## Carolina Spicy Vinegar Sauce\n\nMAKES: 6 \u00bd cups \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 5 minutes\n\nI love North Carolina, and many of my barbecue adventures have happened there. I once did an eating tour of the state's barbecue joints that left me with cracked lips from trying so many outstanding vinegar-based sauces. It was worth every single bite. North Carolina's sauces have such a refreshing flavor profile compared to others. I love how vinegar sauces soak deep into the meat. The flecks of red pepper in this one add a mild level of spice. Pork rules in North Carolina. Buy some and try this.\n\n4 cups apple cider vinegar\n\n1 cup ketchup\n\n\u00bd cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bc cup finely ground tellicherry black pepper (see sidebar)\n\n\u00bc cup Tabasco chipotle sauce\n\n\u00bc cup good-quality kosher salt\n\n2 tbsp dehydrated sweet red pepper flakes\n\n2 tbsp Worcestershire sauce\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a medium saucepan. Boil for 5 minutes, whisking often to dissolve the sugar and salt.\n\n2. Let cool to room temperature. Serve on World Championship\u2013Winning Pulled Pork.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Tellicherry peppercorns have a deep, rich flavor and are considered to be the finest in the world._\n\n## Jamaican Jerk Wet Rum Slather\n\nMAKES: about 1 \u00be cups \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes\n\nLong, long ago, I dated a very handsome and oh-so-flirty Jamaican guy. The relationship didn't last, but his grandma and mom were killer cooks, so I did get some great tips on Jamaican jerk dishes from his family.\n\n\u00bd cup minced red onion\n\n\u00bc cup minced scotch bonnet peppers (with their seeds)\n\n\u00bc cup finely minced jalape\u00f1os (with their seeds)\n\n\u00bc cup chopped green onions\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\n\u00bc cup Appleton Estate or other amber rum\n\n2 tsp kosher salt\n\n2 tsp finely ground white pepper\n\n1\u00bd tsp dried thyme leaves\n\n1 tsp ground allspice\n\n\u00bd tsp cinnamon\n\n\u00bc tsp grated nutmeg\n\n1. Place all the ingredients in a food processor and pulse until smooth.\n\n2. Use as a wet rub on pork, chicken and salmon, or to marinate larger pieces of meat overnight before grilling. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to three days.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For milder jerk, reduce the scotch bonnets, or jack it up to hellfire level by substituting ghost peppers for the scotch bonnets._\n\n## Cherry-Chipotle BBQ Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 5 \u00bc cups \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 15 minutes\n\nYou know those times in the grocery store when you buy a bunch of something just because it's on sale? That's why one day I stood at my freezer looking at a bag of frozen sweet cherries I didn't have a need for. This sauce, with its winning combo of cherries and chipotles, was the result. Since first making it, I've been back to the store to buy many more packages of frozen cherries. Funny how things work out.\n\n3 cups frozen sweet cherries\n\n1 cup ketchup\n\n\u00bd cup packed light brown sugar\n\n2 canned chipotles in adobo sauce\n\n2 tbsp Worcestershire sauce\n\n2 tbsp yellow mustard\n\n2 tbsp freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\n1 tbsp granulated garlic (see this page)\n\n1 tbsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a medium saucepan. Bring to a boil, stirring often.\n\n2. Reduce the heat and simmer for 10 to 15 minutes. Remove from the heat and let cool.\n\n3. In a blender or food processor, pulse the sauce until smooth. Serve with pork, chicken and game. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to three weeks.\n\n## Blackberry Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 4 \u00bdcups \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 20 minutes\n\nI support farmers' markets whenever I can, and I love walking around talking to vendors. I have a serious fondness for homemade preserves, and I buy them regularly. Fruit preserves are a great start to any sauce. Just add a few other ingredients and you have a delightfully different barbecue sauce.\n\n2 tbsp canola oil\n\n\u00bc cup minced sweet white onion\n\n2 cups blackberry preserves\n\n1 cup ketchup\n\n\u00bd cup apple cider vinegar\n\n\u00bc cup agave nectar\n\n2 tbsp Dijon mustard\n\n2 tbsp red wine vinegar\n\n1 tsp hot sauce\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Heat the oil in a medium saucepan over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onion until softened but not browned.\n\n2. Add the remaining ingredients and bring to a boil, whisking often. Reduce the heat and simmer for 15 minutes, whisking occasionally.\n\n3. While the sauce is still warm, strain it through a fine-mesh sieve to remove the blackberry seeds. Use on pork, chicken, beef and game. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to three days.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Try substituting raspberry, strawberry or even apricot preserves for the blackberry and make a whole new sauce._\n\n## Apple-Beer BBQ Sauce\n\nMAKES: about 6 cups \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 25 minutes\n\nAt one of the first large competitions I entered, there was a beer garden. Not much of a shock, since beer and barbecue are a match made in heaven. What was memorable was an apple pilsner made by a Burlington, ON, brewery called Nickel Brook. The beer was light and refreshing and perfect. I immediately started thinking of recipes I could make with it. This sauce came from that wonderful first experience.\n\n2 tbsp unsalted butter\n\n1 cup peeled, cored and grated apple, such as Red or Golden Delicious\n\n\u00bc cup finely diced white sweet onion\n\n1 can (16 oz\/473 mL) Nickel Brook Green Apple Pilsner or 2 cups hard cider\n\n1 cup ketchup\n\n\u00be cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bd cup apple cider\n\n\u00bc cup apple cider vinegar\n\n2 tbsp Tabasco chipotle sauce\n\n1 tsp minced garlic\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp cinnamon\n\n\u00bd tsp granulated garlic (see this page)\n\n\u00bc tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n\u00bc tsp ground allspice\n\n1. Melt the butter in a medium saucepan over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the apple and onion until softened but not browned.\n\n2. Add the remaining ingredients and bring to a boil. Let boil until the sauce has reduced by about half, whisking often.\n\n3. Reduce the heat and simmer until the sauce has thickened, about 15 minutes.\n\n4. Use an immersion blender in the saucepan to pur\u00e9e the sauce until smooth, or, if you prefer, leave it chunky. Serve with pork and chicken. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to three days.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For a non-alcoholic alternative, or if you find apple beer hard to find in winter, substitute apple cider or unfiltered apple juice for the Pilsner._\n\n## Homemade Smoked Ketchup\n\nMAKES: about 5 \u00bd cups \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 2 \u00bd hours\n\nEveryone loves ketchup, and this recipe takes it to a whole new level. Smoking the tomatoes over hickory adds richness, depth and complexity while letting the tomato flavor shine. I like to use canned San Marzano tomatoes for this recipe, as fresh tomatoes never seem to break down properly. This will become a favorite condiment, I promise.\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n2 cans (each 28 oz\/796 mL) whole San Marzano tomatoes\n\n1 cup canned pur\u00e9ed tomatoes\n\n\u00be cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00be cup apple cider vinegar\n\n\u00bd cup finely chopped white sweet onion\n\n1 tbsp minced garlic\n\n1 tsp celery salt\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n1 tsp mustard powder\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n\u00bc tsp ground allspice\n\n2 bay leaves\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F. Add two large handfuls of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Mix together all the ingredients in a large disposable aluminum pan.\n\n3. When the hickory chips start to smoke, place the pan containing the tomato mixture on the cool side of the grill. Smoke for 1 hour, stirring the tomato mixture every 15 minutes.\n\n4. Add two more large handfuls of wood chips to the smoker or grill. Smoke for an additional 1 to 1\u00bd hours, stirring every 15 minutes, until the tomato mixture has reduced by half.\n\n5. Remove the aluminum pan from the grill and let the ketchup cool to room temperature. Remove the bay leaves.\n\n6. In a blender or food processor, pur\u00e9e the ketchup until smooth. Serve with everything. Store in an airtight container in the fridge for up to three weeks.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Give the smoked ketchup a boost by adding dried herbs like basil and thyme._\n\n# FIRED-UP \nAPPETIZERS AND \nSHAREABLES\n\nKick off any party or random beers-in-the-driveway kind of get-together with these mouthwatering, gotta-have-'em appetizers and other little things to share.\n\nSmoked Kale Chips\n\nSmoked Savory Nuts\n\nSmoked Party Mix\n\nChipotle Devilled Eggs with Pig Candy\n\nCold-Smoked Cheddar\u2013Pimento Cheese\n\nKiller Guacamole\n\nMacedonian Roasted Red Pepper and Eggplant Spread\n\nGrilled Mango-Poblano Salsa\n\n Mint Limeade\n\nSmoked Cheddar\u2013Jalape\u00f1o Cornbread Bites\n\nGrilled Prosciutto, Olive and Mozzarella Pizza\n\nGrilled Smoked Sausage, Garlic and Provolone Pizza\n\nGrilled Tuscan Chicken, Pepper and Goat Cheese Pizza\n\nOrange-Shrimp Lollipops\n\nShrimp-Stuffed Mushroom Bites\n\nChevaps\n\n Diva Q Smokin' Caesar\n\nSmoked Sausage\u2013Stuffed Poblanos\n\nGrilled Greek Lamb Chops\n\nSmoked Scotch Eggs\n\n Buckner Brothers' Kentucky Brown Mouthwash\n\nSmoked Pumpkin Soup\n\n## Smoked Kale Chips\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 25 to 30 minutes\n\nA snack with the texture of a potato chip but the health benefits of a vegetable: how's that for a nutritional home run? My kids love these smoked kale chips and gobble them up insanely fast. I like the color contrast of using black and green kale, but you can use all one kind if you prefer.\n\nApple wood chips\n\n1 small bunch green kale, separated into leaves\n\n1 small bunch black kale, separated into leaves\n\n3 tbsp extra virgin olive oil\n\n2 tsp kosher salt\n\n2 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nSmoked Salt to taste\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of apple chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Spread out the kale leaves in a single layer on a very large rimmed baking sheet. Drizzle with oil and season with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n3. When the wood chips start to smoke, place the baking sheet on the cool side of the grill. Smoke for 15 minutes.\n\n4. Turn the kale leaves over and smoke until they are bright green and just crispy but not browned, 10 to 15 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the baking sheet from the grill. Tip the kale leaves into a large bowl and sprinkle with smoked salt to taste.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Very thick kale leaves may take up to 1 hour to become crispy on the smoker._\n\n## Smoked Savory Nuts\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 30 to 40 minutes\n\nWhether you want them savory or sweet and spicy (see sidebar), these smoked nuts are simple to make and taste amazing.\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n2 lb mixed unsalted nuts (almonds, pecans, peanuts)\n\n2 tbsp clarified unsalted butter\n\n1\u00bd tsp Tabasco chipotle sauce\n\n1\u00bd tsp Worcestershire sauce\n\n1 tsp toasted sesame oil\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 300\u00b0F. Add a large handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Mix together the nuts, butter, Tabasco and Worcestershire sauces and sesame oil in a medium bowl.\n\n3. Spread the nut mixture out in a single layer in a large disposable aluminum pan.\n\n4. When the chips are smoking, place the pan on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the nuts for 30 to 40 minutes, stirring them every 10 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the pan from the grill. Sprinkle the nuts with salt and toss well.\n\n6. Let the nuts cool completely, then store in an airtight container in a cool, dry place.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Sweet and Spicy Smoked Nuts_\n\n_This sweeter version is great for snacking or adding to cookies, cakes or pies. Follow the recipe above, substituting 2 tbsp honey powder,* 1 tsp cinnamon and 1 tsp cayenne for the Tabasco and Worcestershire sauces, sesame oil and salt._\n\n_* Honey powder is a powdered form of honey made from dehydrated honey and fructose. It's available online or in big box stores._\n\n## Smoked Party Mix\n\nMAKES: about 32 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 2 to 3 hours\n\nMy mom used to make this snack mix every Christmas, and I loved the intoxicating aroma as it baked. I've kept up the tradition, but put my own spin on it with the addition of a little smoke. Once it's baked, I have to hide this mix away so it actually lasts through the holidays.\n\n2 batches Smoked Savory Nuts\n\n2 lb pretzel sticks\n\n2 pkgs (each 11 oz\/312 g) cheddar Goldfish\n\n1 pkg (22 oz\/620 g) Shreddies cereal\n\n1 pkg (15 oz\/425 g) plain Life cereal\n\n1 pkg (14 oz\/396 g) plain Cheerios cereal\n\nTopping\n\n1 cup peanut oil\n\n1 cup clarified unsalted butter\n\n2 tbsp Worcestershire sauce\n\n2 tsp granulated garlic (see this page)\n\n2 tsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n2 tsp Lawry's Seasoned Salt\n\n1. Preheat the oven to 250\u00b0F.\n\n2. Combine the nuts, pretzel sticks, Goldfish, Shreddies, Life cereal and Cheerios in a very large bowl.\n\n3. Whisk together all the topping ingredients in a medium bowl. Drizzle the oil mixture over the snack mix and toss gently to coat well.\n\n4. Spread out the snack mix on 4 large rimmed baking sheets or in 2 large disposable aluminum pans.\n\n5. Bake until crisp and fragrant, 2 to 3 hours, stirring every 15 minutes.\n\n6. Let cool completely, then store in an airtight container in a cool, dry place.\n\n## Chipotle Devilled Eggs with Pig Candy\n\nMAKES: 24 eggs \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes\n\nCreamy devilled eggs are just pure old-fashioned goodness. The most fiddly part of this recipe is the shelling of the eggs, but otherwise it's a breeze to make, and the chipotles and Pig Candy make this classic appetizer truly extraordinary.\n\n12 hard-cooked large eggs, peeled\n\n\u00bd cup good-quality mayonnaise, such as Hellmann's or Duke's\n\n2 tsp minced canned chipotles in adobo sauce\n\n\u00bd tsp sweet smoked paprika\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n4 slices Pig Candy, finely chopped\n\n1. Cut the eggs in half lengthwise and carefully remove the yolks to a bowl. Set the whites aside on a serving platter.\n\n2. Mash the yolks until smooth. Add the mayonnaise, chipotles, paprika, and salt and pepper to taste. Mix until smooth.\n\n3. Spoon the yolk mixture into a piping bag. Pipe the yolk mixture into the egg white cavities, dividing evenly.\n\n4. Top each devilled egg with a sprinkling of Pig Candy.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Ever notice that, at a picnic or party, the devilled eggs are always the first appetizer to disappear? Make a few batches for your next bash._\n\n## Cold-Smoked Cheddar\u2013Pimento Cheese\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 CHILL: at least 2 hours\n\nI am a pimento cheese addict. One taste of this creamy, smoky spread and you will be searching\u2014and I mean searching\u2014for anything to put it on. Crackers, bread, burgers, sausages...you name it, pimento cheese makes it perfect.\n\n1 lb shredded cold-smoked cheddar\n\n1 jar (7 oz\/200 mL) pimentos, drained and finely chopped\n\n2 tbsp finely grated sweet white onion\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n\u00bd tsp chipotle powder\n\n1 cup good-quality mayonnaise, such as Hellmann's or Duke's\n\nKosher salt to taste\n\n1. Mix together the cheddar, pimentos, onion, pepper and chipotle powder in a large bowl.\n\n2. Stir in the mayonnaise, mashing the mixture with a fork until it is relatively smooth. Season with salt to taste.\n\n3. Scrape the mixture into a serving bowl. Cover and refrigerate for at least 2 hours to allow the flavors to develop.\n\n## Killer Guacamole\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 STAND: 20 minutes\n\nGuacamole always seemed kind of blah to me, lacking both flavor and texture. Then, on a trip to Mexico, I got chatting to a lady called Rosario. Between her broken English and my horrific Spanish, she walked me through her recipe for guacamole. Now I get guac and have been making Rosario's recipe ever since. At least once a year, I take a batch to _The Marilyn Denis Show_ because it's my Marilyn-loves-it guacamole.\n\n2 large ripe avocados\n\n2 limes, zested and juiced\n\n3 roma tomatoes, cored, seeded and finely chopped\n\n\u00bd cup finely minced red onion\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh cilantro\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n\u00bd tsp chipotle powder\n\n1. Peel and pit the avocados. Mash them in a large bowl with the lime zest and juice.\n\n2. Fold in the remaining ingredients. Let the guacamole stand at room temperature for 20 minutes before serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Before storing leftover guacamole in the fridge, press a sheet of plastic wrap directly on the surface of the guacamole to help prevent the avocado from browning._\n\n_Want a grilled guac? Pit the avocados and drizzle with olive oil. Grill, flesh-side down, on a medium-high (375\u02daF to 450\u02daF) grill until charred._\n\n## Macedonian Roasted Red Pepper and Eggplant Spread\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 1 hour \u2022 COOK: about 30 minutes\n\nI have friends from Macedonia. Of all the dishes they've introduced me to over the years, the one that stands out is this spread, known as _ajvar_ (pronounced \"ag-var\"). Ajvar is one of the most versatile dishes: serve it as a dip, toss it with pasta or serve with Chevaps and feta cheese. In the summer, they grill entire bushels of red peppers to make huge quantities of ajvar. Here's my scaled-down version of the family recipe.\n\n5 sweet red peppers\n\n2 medium eggplants\n\n\u00bd cup sunflower oil\n\n6 cloves Smoked Garlic\n\n3 tbsp apple cider vinegar\n\n1 tsp Vegeta (see sidebar) or Mrs. Dash Original Blend\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Grill the peppers and eggplants, turning often, until the peppers are blackened all over and the eggplants are charred and very soft. The peppers will take 10 to 15 minutes, the eggplants about 25 minutes.\n\n3. Transfer the peppers to a large bowl and cover tightly with plastic wrap. Place the eggplants on a baking sheet. Set the peppers and eggplants aside until they're cool enough to handle.\n\n4. Peel the charred skin from the peppers. Remove the stems, seeds and membranes. Chop the peppers coarsely and place in a food processor.\n\n5. Split the eggplants in half. Scoop the flesh out of the skins and add to the food processor.\n\n6. Add the oil, smoked garlic, vinegar and Vegeta to the food processor. Pulse the mixture until smooth. Scrape the ajvar into a large bowl. Serve at room temperature or cold.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For a spicy version of ajvar, substitute hot peppers for some or all of the sweet peppers._\n\n_Vegeta is an eastern European seasoning blend. Look for it in European grocery stores and larger supermarkets._\n\n## Grilled Mango-Poblano Salsa\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 3 to 4 minutes \u2022 STAND: 30 minutes\n\nI get bored with tomato salsa. In this grilled mango-poblano combo, the sweet starchiness of the mangos is perfectly offset by the smokiness and spice of the poblanos. The longer you grill or smoke poblanos, the more their heat is tempered. Serve this with your favorite chips or spoon over tacos, nachos or steak.\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n2 ripe mangos, peeled, pitted and sliced lengthwise\n\n1 poblano, seeded and halved\n\n2 jalape\u00f1os, seeded and minced\n\n1 sweet red pepper, seeded and minced\n\n2 limes, zested and juiced\n\n\u00bc cup minced red onion\n\n2 tsp extra virgin olive oil\n\n1 tsp grated fresh ginger\n\n1 bunch fresh cilantro, leaves picked and finely chopped\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nCilantro leaves and lime slices for garnish\n\n1. Prepare the grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Generously oil the grill grates.\n\n2. Grill the mango slices and poblano, turning often, until the mango slices are lightly charred and just tender and the poblano is tender and its skin has blistered, 3 to 4 minutes.\n\n3. Remove the mango slices and poblano from the grill. Cube the mango. Chop the poblano finely.\n\n4. Gently stir together the mango, poblano and remaining ingredients in a medium bowl. Let stand for 30 minutes before serving.\n\n5. Garnish the salsa with cilantro leaves and lime slices.\n\n## Mint Limeade\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 minutes\n\nThis is my daughter Lexi's favorite summer drink and the perfect pairing for salsa and chips. For an adult version, add tequila or vodka to taste.\n\n2 cups freshly squeezed lime juice (about 10 limes)\n\n2 cups lime-flavored sparkling water\n\n\u00bc cup packed fresh mint leaves\n\n2 limes, thinly sliced\n\n1 tbsp finely grated lime zest\n\nCrushed ice\n\nLime wedges for garnish\n\nSimple Mint Syrup\n\n1\u00bd cups granulated sugar\n\n1\u00bd cups water\n\n1 small bunch mint, leaves picked\n\n1. Mix together all the mint syrup ingredients in a small saucepan. Bring to a boil, stirring to dissolve the sugar.\n\n2. Reduce the heat and simmer for 10 minutes.\n\n3. Remove the saucepan from the heat and let the syrup cool (the longer the syrup steeps, the stronger the mint flavor).\n\n4. Strain through a fine-mesh sieve, discarding the mint. Refrigerate until chilled. (The mint syrup will keep for weeks in the fridge.)\n\n5. Mix together the mint syrup, lime juice, sparkling water, mint leaves, sliced limes and lime zest in a large pitcher.\n\n6. Pour into glasses over crushed ice and garnish with lime wedges.\n\n## Smoked Cheddar\u2013Jalape\u00f1o Cornbread Bites\n\nMAKES: 18 to 20 bites \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 15 to 20 minutes\n\nThese are yummy, buttery, cheesy mouthfuls. Trust me: they'll barely make it out of the oven before everyone gobbles them up. The bites also make a great side for grilled sausage or steak.\n\n1 cup all-purpose flour\n\n\u00be cup cornmeal\n\n2 tbsp granulated sugar\n\n2\u00bd tsp baking powder\n\n\u00bd tsp chili powder\n\n\u00be tsp table salt\n\n1 cup whole milk\n\n2 eggs, beaten\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n1 cup shredded cold-smoked cheddar\n\n2 jalape\u00f1os, seeded and minced\n\nHerbed Garlic Butter\n\n\u00bc cup salted butter, melted\n\n2 tsp finely chopped fresh flat-leaf parsley\n\n1 tsp finely chopped fresh chives\n\n\u00bd tsp garlic powder\n\n1. Preheat the oven to 400\u00b0F. Lightly grease a large baking sheet.\n\n2. Whisk together the flour, cornmeal, sugar, baking powder, chili powder and salt in a medium bowl. Set aside.\n\n3. Whisk together the milk, eggs and melted butter. Stir in the cheese and jalape\u00f1os.\n\n4. Add the milk mixture all at once to the flour mixture. Stir just until the dry ingredients are moistened (don't overmix).\n\n5. Using a 1-inch ice-cream scoop, drop portions of the batter, 1 inch apart, onto the prepared baking sheet.\n\n6. Bake until a toothpick inserted in one of the bites comes out clean, 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n7. While the bites are baking, mix together all the garlic butter ingredients in a small bowl.\n\n8. As soon as the bites come out of the oven, brush them with the garlic butter. Serve warm.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_You can bake on many grills (especially pellet grills) using the indirect method of cooking\u2014so experiment with your grill capabilities! I'd recommend starting at 350\u02daF and adjusting the temperature according to your grill type and the type of baking you are doing (each grill is unique so 350\u02daF may be enough on one grill but not enough on another). As a general rule, add at least 15\u201320% additional cooking time to the recipe and check your baking frequently._\n\n## Grilled Prosciutto, Olive and Mozzarella Pizza\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 REST: 1 hour \u2022 COOK: about 8 minutes\n\nFew suppers taste finer\u2014or are easier to fix\u2014than a wood- or charcoal-grilled pizza. I always have pizza dough in the freezer all ready for family pizza night. The dough doesn't take long to thaw, and making pizza is a great way to use up all those little bits of leftovers you might have in your fridge. For the best homemade pizza, check out my Pizza Pointers.\n\n1 lb pizza dough\n\n\u00bd cup cornmeal for dusting\n\nCanola oil for oiling (optional)\n\n\u00be cup Macedonian Roasted Red Pepper and Eggplant Spread\n\n1 cup shredded fresh mozzarella\n\n\u00bd cup pitted black olives, sliced\n\n4 oz thinly sliced prosciutto\n\n10 drained, oil-packed sundried tomatoes, sliced\n\n1 small bunch fresh flat-leaf parsley, leaves picked and finely chopped\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nOne hour before grilling the pizza, remove the pizza dough from the refrigerator.\n\nTo cook on a Big Green Egg: 1. Prepare the grill for indirect cooking. Place a pizza stone on the grill grate and preheat the grill to 600\u00b0F.\n\n2. Roll out the pizza dough to a 14-inch round. Dust a pizza peel with cornmeal and place the pizza dough on it.\n\n3. Spread the dough with the eggplant spread. Top with mozzarella, olives, prosciutto, tomatoes and parsley. Sprinkle with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n4. Slide the pizza onto the pizza stone and grill for 4 minutes. Rotate the pizza and grill until the edges are lightly browned and the toppings are bubbling, 2 to 3 minutes.\n\n5. Slide the pizza peel under the pizza and remove it from the grill.\n\nTo cook on a charcoal grill: 1. Prepare the grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F), 10 to 15 minutes.\n\n2. Roll out the pizza dough to a 14-inch round. Lightly oil both sides of the dough if cooking on a charcoal grill.\n\n3. Place the dough directly on the grill and grill for 2 to 3 minutes with the lid closed.\n\n4. Dust a pizza peel with cornmeal. Remove the dough from the grill and flip it onto the pizza peel so the grilled side faces up.\n\n5. Add the toppings as for the Big Green Egg instructions. Slide the pizza back onto the grill. Close the lid and grill the pizza until the edges are lightly browned and the toppings are bubbling, about 3 minutes.\n\n6. Slide the pizza peel under the pizza and remove it from the grill.\n\n## Grilled Smoked Sausage, Garlic and Provolone Pizza\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 REST: 1 hour \u2022 COOK: about 8 minutes\n\n1 lb pizza dough\n\n\u00bd cup cornmeal for dusting\n\nCanola oil for oiling (optional)\n\n2 tbsp extra virgin olive oil\n\n1 tsp Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\n8 oz thinly sliced Bacon-Wrapped Sausage Fatty\n\n\u00bd cup sliced grilled sweet pepper\n\n6 cloves Smoked Garlic, minced\n\n\u00be cup shredded provolone\n\n\u00bc cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\n1. Prepare the grill and dough as described in the Grilled Prosciutto, Olive and Mozzarella Pizza recipe.\n\n2. Brush the pizza dough with olive oil. Sprinkle with the rub.\n\n3. Top with the sausage fatty, sweet pepper, minced garlic and provolone. Grill as described on this page.\n\n4. Remove the pizza from the grill and sprinkle with Parmesan.\n\n## Grilled Tuscan Chicken, Pepper and Goat Cheese Pizza\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 REST: 1 hour \u2022 COOK: about 8 minutes\n\n1 lb pizza dough\n\n\u00bd cup cornmeal for dusting\n\nCanola oil for oiling (optional)\n\n1 cup Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\n2 cups shredded meat from Herbed Tuscan Bricked Chicken\n\n1 grilled sweet red pepper, seeded and cut into thin strips\n\n1 grilled sweet yellow pepper, seeded and cut into thin strips\n\n1 small red onion, very thinly sliced\n\n1\u00bd tsp dehydrated sweet red pepper flakes\n\n\u00bd cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\n8 oz goat cheese, crumbled\n\n2 cups lightly packed arugula leaves\n\nExtra virgin olive oil for drizzling\n\n1. Prepare the grill and dough as described in the Grilled Prosciutto, Olive and Mozzarella Pizza recipe, but divide the dough in half and form into two 9-inch thin-crust pizza crusts, crimping the edges of each as you would a pie.\n\n2. Spread the pizza dough with sauce, dividing evenly.\n\n3. Top with the chicken, sweet peppers and onion. Sprinkle with the red pepper flakes, then the Parmesan and goat cheese. Grill as described on this page.\n\n4. Remove the pizzas from the grill. Scatter with arugula and drizzle with olive oil. Let stand for 2 minutes before serving.\n\n## Pizza Pointers\n\nFor pizzeria-worthy pizza at home, follow these simple steps:\n\n\u2022 Make sure the grill grates are super clean.\n\n\u2022 Always oil the grill grates and, if you are not using a pizza stone, oil the pizza crust, too.\n\n\u2022 If using a pizza stone, place it on the grill before you light the grill so the stone heats up along with the grill.\n\n\u2022 Whether you make your own pizza dough or use store-bought, make sure you let it rest before forming the pizzas (this makes stretching the dough easier).\n\n\u2022 Prep all your ingredients before you head to the grill.\n\n\u2022 Dust the pizza peel with cornmeal to prevent the dough from sticking.\n\n\u2022 Thinly slice any raw vegetables for toppings, or grill larger pieces in advance.\n\n\u2022 Close the lid of the grill as soon as you've added the pizza toppings.\n\n\u2022 Keep a close eye on your pizza during grilling. Rotate it 90 degrees halfway through, if necessary, to evenly crisp the edges.\n\n\u2022 Don't worry if your dough droops a little between the grates; as long as your grill is hot enough, the dough will firm up quickly.\n\n\u2022 If making several pizzas, brush the pizza stone well after cooking each one.\n\n## Orange-Shrimp Lollipops\n\nMAKES: 36 lollipops \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 10 minutes\n\nIt's funny how recipes come about sometimes. While getting ready for a party once, I discovered that one of the packages of shrimp I'd bought had gone bad. With no time to run to the store, I had to come up with an appetizer using just half the shrimp. I had a bowl of navel oranges on the counter, so I paired the two and came up with these lollipops. They were such a hit, I now serve them at all my parties. These work well with grapefruit slices, too.\n\n36 large shrimp, peeled and deveined\n\n6 large navel oranges, cut into \u00bc-inch rounds\n\n36 small soaked bamboo skewers\n\n\u00bc cup Cajun Rub\n\nGlaze\n\n1 cup sweet chili sauce\n\n\u00bd cup apple jelly\n\n2 tbsp hot sauce\n\n1 tbsp sweet red pepper flakes\n\n1. Place 1 shrimp on an orange slice. Thread onto a skewer, attaching the shrimp securely. Repeat with the remaining shrimp, orange slices and skewers.\n\n2. Lightly sprinkle the shrimp with Cajun Rub. Set aside.\n\n3. Mix together all the glaze ingredients in a small saucepan. Bring to a simmer over medium heat, stirring until the jelly melts. Remove the saucepan from the heat and set aside.\n\n4. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n5. Grill the shrimp, without flipping, until they are just about to turn opaque, 6 to 7 minutes.\n\n6. Brush the shrimp generously with the glaze and grill for 2 minutes. Serve immediately.\n\n## Shrimp-Stuffed Mushroom Bites\n\nMAKES: 24 bites \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 45 to 60 minutes\n\nNo one can resist these mouthwatering little bites of deliciousness. Mushrooms teamed with shrimp and cheese? What's not to like? If you prefer, swap out the shrimp for crab or lobster meat.\n\n8 oz herb-and-chive cream cheese\n\n3 tbsp freshly grated Parmesan\n\n2 tsp Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\n24 cremini mushrooms, cleaned and stems removed\n\n24 small shrimp, peeled and deveined (about 1 lb)\n\n2 jalape\u00f1os, seeded and thinly sliced\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n1. Mix together the cream cheese, Parmesan and Diva Q rub in a small bowl.\n\n2. Fill the cavity of each mushroom cap with the cream cheese mixture, dividing evenly. Top each mushroom cap with 1 shrimp and a slice of jalape\u00f1o.\n\n3. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory wood chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n4. When the chips start to smoke, place the mushroom caps on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the mushroom caps until the cheese is bubbling and the shrimp are opaque, 45 to 60 minutes. Serve immediately.\n\n## Chevaps\n\nMAKES: 40 to 50 sausages \u2022 PREP: 45 minutes CHILL: overnight \u2022 COOK: 12 to 15 minutes\n\nChevap is a nickname for a type of skinless Macedonian sausage called _cevapcic_ (pronounced \"che-vap-chich\"). The first time I had chevaps was at my in-laws', and I loved the blend of pork, beef and spices. My father-in-law (who doesn't let anyone but him near the grill) buys his chevaps, but I've been playing around with my own recipe and they are super easy to make. The baking soda gives the sausages their tender texture, so take care when flipping them on the grill.\n\n5 lb ground pork\n\n5 lb ground beef (80% lean, 20% fat)\n\n2 cups Italian-seasoned bread crumbs\n\n1\u00bd cups Macedonian Roasted Red Pepper and Eggplant Spread\n\n1 medium onion, minced\n\n2 eggs\n\n3 tbsp baking soda\n\n3 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 tbsp dried parsley leaves\n\n2 tbsp kosher salt\n\n1\u00bd tbsp ground dried porcini mushrooms\n\n1\u00bd tbsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n1\u00bd tbsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1 tsp ground allspice\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\nAdditional Macedonian Roasted Red Pepper and Eggplant Spread to serve\n\nCrumbled feta cheese to serve\n\n1. Place the pork, beef, bread crumbs, eggplant spread, onion, eggs, baking soda, garlic, parsley, salt, ground porcinis, paprika, pepper and allspice in a very large bowl. Mix the ingredients until thoroughly combined.\n\n2. Using a 3-ounce ice-cream scoop, scoop out portions of the meat mixture onto a large parchment-lined baking sheet. Form each portion into a finger-length sausage.\n\n3. Cover the baking sheet tightly with plastic wrap. Chill the sausages overnight until firm.\n\n4. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Lightly oil the grill grates.\n\n5. Grill the sausages in batches, turning occasionally, until the internal temperature reaches 160\u00b0F, 12 to 15 minutes.\n\n6. Serve with additional eggplant spread and feta cheese.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Chevaps are perfect party food, and this recipe makes a big batch, but you can grill them in advance and freeze them. To serve, thaw the chevaps, then reheat on the grill or in the oven._\n\n## Diva Q Smokin' Caesar\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nChevaps and this spicy Caesar are a marriage made in heaven.\n\n\u00bd cup clamato juice\n\n2 oz Tito's or your favorite vodka\n\n4 dashes Tabasco chipotle sauce\n\n3 dashes Worcestershire sauce\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nIce\n\nDiva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\n1 large shrimp, peeled, deveined and grilled\n\n1 slice Pig Candy\n\n1 lime wedge\n\n1. Combine the clamato juice, vodka, Tabasco and Worcestershire sauces and salt and pepper to taste in a cocktail shaker. Add ice and shake vigorously.\n\n2. Rim a large mason jar with Diva Q rub and add more ice. Strain the cocktail into the jar.\n\n3. Garnish with the shrimp, Pig Candy and lime wedge.\n\n## Smoked Sausage\u2013Stuffed Poblanos\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 1 \u00bd hours\n\nThe original recipe for these stuffed peppers came from leftovers in the fridge, but they were so good, we make them on purpose now. Poblanos are mild peppers, and their generous size makes them easier to stuff than jalape\u00f1os. Ice-cold beer is a must with these.\n\n1\u00bc lb sweet or hot Italian sausage, casings removed and sausage crumbled\n\n1 sweet white onion, finely chopped\n\n2 ears corn, grilled and kernels removed (this page)\n\n1 can (4\u00bd oz\/127 mL) chopped green chilies, drained\n\n1 tbsp Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n4 poblanos (4 to 5 inches long)\n\n1 cup shredded cold-smoked mozzarella\n\n1. Fry the sausage in a medium skillet over medium heat until almost cooked, breaking up any large pieces of sausage.\n\n2. Add the onion. Saut\u00e9 until the onion is starting to soften but is not browned, about 5 minutes.\n\n3. Remove the skillet from the heat and let cool slightly. Stir in the corn, chilies and Diva Q rub.\n\n4. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 275\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n5. Make a cut lengthwise in one side of each poblano to create a pocket. Carefully remove the seeds from each poblano. Rinse the poblanos, then shake out any excess water.\n\n6. Carefully fill each poblano with the sausage mixture, dividing evenly.\n\n7. When the chips start to smoke, place the poblanos on the cool side of the grill. Smoke until the poblanos start to soften, 45 to 60 minutes. (For a very smoky flavor, replenish the wood chips by adding another handful after 30 minutes.)\n\n8. Top the poblanos with mozzarella, dividing evenly. Smoke until the cheese has melted, about 20 minutes. Serve immediately.\n\n## Grilled Greek Lamb Chops\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 4 to 7 minutes\n\nI am the first to admit that lamb isn't my favorite meat. But one day I came across some inexpensive thin-cut lamb shoulder-blade chops and decided to give them a try. They were so juicy and quick to cook, they became a family favorite. Serve them as (messy) finger food or for a speedy weeknight supper.\n\n1 large lemon, zested and juiced\n\n2 tbsp Greek Rub\n\n3 cloves Smoked Garlic, smashed\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n8 thin-cut (\u00bd-inch) lamb shoulder-blade chops\n\nKen's Green Sauce\n\n1. Mix together the lemon zest and juice, Greek Rub, garlic, and salt and pepper to taste in a small bowl.\n\n2. Spread the mixture over both sides of each lamb chop. Set aside.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Grill the lamb chops, turning once, until lightly charred and the internal temperature reaches 125\u00b0F for medium-rare, 4 to 7 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the lamb chops from the grill and serve with Ken's Green Sauce.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_If you can find them, lamb ribs are a great substitute for lamb shoulder-blade chops. Follow the recipe, but grill the ribs indirect for 3 to 4 hours, until the fat has rendered and the meat has become tender._\n\n## Smoked Scotch Eggs\n\nMAKES: 8 scotch eggs \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 1 hour\n\nI think any day I can smoke sausage is a good day, so it made sense to treat classic sausage-wrapped Scotch eggs to a touch of smoke.\n\n8 small eggs\n\nCherry wood chips\n\n2 lb sweet or hot Italian sausage, casings removed\n\n\u00bc cup Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\n1 cup Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\n1. Gently lower the eggs into a saucepan of boiling water. Boil for 5 minutes, then immediately transfer the eggs to a bowl of ice water. When the eggs are cool, peel off the shells.\n\n2. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of cherry chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n3. Divide the sausage into 8 equal portions. Mold a portion of sausage around each egg to cover it completely, sealing the edges well. Season the sausage-wrapped eggs with Diva Q rub.\n\n4. When the chips start to smoke, place the eggs on the cool side of the grill. Smoke until the internal temperature of the sausage layer reaches 155\u00b0F, 45 to 60 minutes. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful after 30 minutes.\n\n5. Glaze the eggs all over with the sauce. Smoke until the sauce is set, about 10 minutes. Remove the eggs from the grill and serve warm.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Scotch teamed with Smoked Scotch Eggs? Awesome._\n\n## Buckner Brothers' Kentucky Brown Mouthwash\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 3 minutes\n\nThe Buckner Brothers team, led by Elliot and Brian Buckner, from Virginia and New York respectively, is a serious contender in competition barbecue. The Buckners, often referred to as the frat boys of the barbecue world, always travel with their so-called Brown Bar, a veritable brown liquor buffet. Their signature \"mouthwash\" is perfect with the Scotch eggs.\n\nCrushed ice\n\n3 oz bourbon, such as Maker's Mark or Woodford Reserve\n\n2 tbsp Simple Mint Syrup\n\nMint sprig for garnish\n\n1. Fill a glass with crushed ice.\n\n2. Add the bourbon and mint syrup and stir to combine.\n\n3. Garnish with mint.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_The Buckner Brothers team has coined a well-known term in competition barbecue. When you've had too many libations, you are \"bucknered.\" If you're seeing things in triplicate, you are \"bucknered.\" If you can't find your nose or your toes, you are \"bucknered.\" If you're not sure where you are or how you got there, you are \"bucknered.\"_\n\n## Smoked Pumpkin Soup\n\nMAKES: 8 to 10 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 2\u00bd hours\n\nPumpkins are much more than a jack-o'-lantern waiting to happen. Smoking a pumpkin brings out its natural sweetness and adds a whole new level of savory richness to this velvety soup. If you're pressed for time, you can smoke the pumpkin a couple days in advance, then refrigerate the flesh for when you're ready to make the soup. The smoked pumpkin seeds are hard to resist, but try to save a few for garnishing the soup.\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n1 pumpkin (about 4 lb)\n\n2 tbsp canola oil\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n2 tbsp unsalted butter\n\n1 medium white onion, finely diced\n\n4 cups chicken stock\n\n1 cup whipping (heavy) cream\n\n2 tbsp fresh thyme leaves\n\n\u00bd tsp cinnamon\n\nSmoked pumpkin seeds and crumbled cooked bacon (optional)\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Cut the pumpkin into quarters. Remove the seeds and set aside. Coat the flesh of the pumpkin with canola oil and season with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n3. Place the pumpkin on the cool side of the grill and smoke until the pumpkin is soft, 1\u00bd to 2 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding a handful every 30 minutes while the pumpkin smokes.\n\n4. Meanwhile, spread the pumpkin seeds out on a smoking mat (see this page) or disposable aluminum pan. Place on the cool side of the grill and grill until toasted and crunchy, about 1 hour.\n\n5. Remove the pumpkin from the grill; when it is cool enough to handle, remove the flesh from the skin and chop coarsely. Set the pumpkin flesh and smoked pumpkin seeds aside.\n\n6. Melt the butter in a large pot over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onion until softened but not browned.\n\n7. Add the pumpkin flesh, stock, cream, thyme and cinnamon to the pot. Bring to a boil over high heat. Reduce the heat to medium-low and simmer, uncovered, for 30 minutes.\n\n8. Using an immersion blender in the pot, pur\u00e9e the soup until smooth. Season with salt and pepper to taste. Serve sprinkled with smoked pumpkin seeds and bacon, if using.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For a fall dinner, I like to serve this soup in mini pumpkins._\n\n# PRAISE \nTHE PIG!\n\nMagic happens when pork hits the grill. From chops to roasts to ribs, these recipes will take you to pork nirvana.\n\nChar Siu (Chinese Barbecued Pork)\n\nWorld Championship\u2013Winning Pulled Pork\n\n Sweet Smoke Q World-Famous Pink Drink\n\nPeach Nectar Pulled Pork\n\nPulled Pork Nachos\n\n Krunkarita\n\nPulled Pork Double-Stuffed Potatoes\n\nTomahawk Pork Chops with Mango Glaze\n\n Peachy Jack\n\nRosemary-Garlic Slathered Chops\n\nGrilled Pork Cheeks with Apricot Glaze\n\nPork Steaks with Cherry-Chipotle Glaze\n\nDouble-Smoked Maple-Mustard Easter Ham\n\nLip-Smacking Dry (or Wet) Ribs\n\nNibble-Me-This Pork Tenderloin with Thai Peanut Sauce\n\nPerfectly Easy Porchetta\n\nEast-Meets-West Stuffed Pork Loin\n\nFilipino-Style Stuffed Pork Belly\n\nBelly, Jelly and Biscuits\n\nSmoked Sausage Biscuits and Gravy\n\nOrange-Ginger Pork Kebabs\n\nSmoked Pork Hock Bean Soup\n\n## Char Siu (Chinese Barbecued Pork)\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: overnight cook 1 \u00bd hours\n\nI think everyone has a favorite Chinese joint. You know the type I mean. It might look a little sketchy but makes the best soup, pork, whatever. There's a Chinese restaurant in Toronto that serves the best char siu I've ever had. The gorgeous deep red-meat has addictive flavors of five-spice powder, ginger and sesame and the chewy texture I look for in good char siu. I like using a boneless pork butt for this recipe because its fat adds flavor. Seriously. Pork fat: always a good idea.\n\n1 boneless pork butt (about 8 lb)\n\nCherry wood chips\n\nMarinade\n\n1 cup hoisin sauce\n\n\u00be cup mushroom-flavored soy sauce\n\n\u00bd cup honey\n\n\u00bd cup Sriracha sauce\n\n\u00bd cup dry sherry\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 tbsp minced fresh ginger\n\n2 tbsp granulated sugar\n\n2 tbsp umami paste (see sidebar)\n\n1 tbsp chili oil\n\n1 tbsp toasted sesame oil\n\n1 tbsp five-spice powder\n\n1. Trim any excess fat and membrane from the pork butt. Slice the pork into \u00bc-inch slices. Place the pork in a large resealable freezer bag.\n\n2. Mix together all the marinade ingredients in a medium bowl. Add half of the marinade to the bag, turning to coat the pork. Seal the bag and refrigerate overnight. Refrigerate the remaining marinade.\n\n3. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 275\u00b0F. Add a handful of cherry chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n4. Remove the pork slices from the bag, discarding the marinade in the bag.\n\n5. When the chips start to smoke, place the pork slices in a single layer on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the pork until the internal temperature reaches 155\u00b0F to 160\u00b0F, about 1\u00bd hours. Glaze the pork every 15 minutes with the reserved marinade and add another handful of wood chips every 30 minutes while the pork smokes.\n\n6. Remove the char siu from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 15 minutes before serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_I like to throw themed dinner parties, and this recipe is always a huge favorite when I have a Chinese night. Accompany the pork with sticky rice and grilled bok choy, or serve it over miso soup for a power-packed bowl of happiness._\n\n_Umami\u2014known as the fifth taste, after sweet, salty, sour and bitter\u2014is like a flavor bomb and can add a punch to almost any dish. Look for umami paste in the condiments section of larger supermarkets or specialty grocery stores._\n\n## World Championship\u2013Winning Pulled Pork\n\nMAKES: 20 to 30 servings \u2022 PREP: 45 minutes \u2022 CHILL: 4 hours \u2022 COOK: 8 to 10 hours \u2022 REST: 2 hours\n\nThis is it: the recipe that won my team the Jack Daniel's World Pork Championship in 2011. It was one of the best jaw-dropping-holy-crap-we-did-it moments in the team's history. We'd already placed first in six pork competitions in 2011. That the Jack was our seventh was a wonderful coincidence, Jack Daniel's whiskey being known as Old No. 7 Brand. Needless to say, we raised many toasts to Jasper\u2014the original Jack Daniel's real name\u2014that night. For more information on Butcher BBQ and Smoky Mountain Smokers products, see this page.\n\n2 bone-in pork butts (each 10 to 12 lb)\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nOak wood chips\n\nCompetition Pork Injection\n\n1\u00bd cups pineapple juice\n\n\u00be cup Butcher BBQ Pork Injection\n\n\u00bc cup packed light brown sugar\n\nRub\n\n1\u00bd cups Butcher BBQ Honey Rub\n\n1 cup Butcher BBQ Premium Rub\n\n\u00bd cup Smoky Mountain Smokers Chipotle BBQ Seasoning\n\nSpritz\n\n2 cups apple juice\n\n2 tbsp MSG\n\nWrap\n\n2 cups packed light brown sugar\n\n1\u00bd cups clarified unsalted butter (see sidebar)\n\n1\u00bd cups apple juice\n\n\u00bd cup Tabasco chipotle sauce\n\n\u00bd cup Butcher BBQ Honey Rub, finely ground\n\nSauce\n\nDiva Q Competition Sauce\n\nTo Serve\n\nButcher BBQ Honey Rub to taste\n\nAdditional Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\nBuns and slaw\n\n1. Trim the tops of the pork butts of excess fat, leaving the bottom fat caps intact. Refrigerate the pork butts.\n\n2. Whisk together all the injection ingredients in a medium bowl until the sugar has dissolved. Set the injection aside for 1 hour before filling the injector.\n\n3. Place each pork butt in a 2-gallon resealable freezer bag. Inject half of the injection into each pork butt, injecting the butts every \u00bd inch.\n\n4. Rub each pork butt in its bag generously with half of the Honey Rub, half of the Premium Rub and half of the Chipotle BBQ Seasoning. Seal the bags and refrigerate the pork butts for 4 hours.\n\n5. Mix together the spritz ingredients and pour into a spray bottle.\n\n6. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F to 250\u00b0F. Add a small handful each of hickory and oak chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n7. When the wood chips start to smoke, place the pork butts on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the pork butts until the internal temperature of each reaches 165\u00b0F to 170\u00b0F and they are a deep reddish mahogany, 6 to 7 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding a handful of each every hour while the pork butts smoke.\n\n8. Check the pork butts every 30 minutes. If their surfaces seem dry, spray them with the spritz. The surfaces of the pork butts should be moist but not dripping.\n\n9. After 6 or 7 hours, place each pork butt in a disposable aluminum pan. (Leave the grill on.)\n\n10. Sprinkle each pork butt with half of the brown sugar, half of the clarified butter, half of the apple juice, half of the Tabasco and half of the Honey Rub. Cover each pan with heavy-duty foil, sealing it tightly.\n\n11. Return the pans to the cool side of the grill and grill until the internal temperature of each pork butt reaches 200\u00b0F and the bone can be pulled out easily, 2 to 3 hours. Remove the pan from the grill.\n\n12. Strain the pan juices through a fine-mesh sieve. Add the strained pan juices to the Diva Q sauce and whisk thoroughly. Glaze each pork butt with the sauce.\n\n13. Cover the pans with plastic wrap and a double layer of foil. Place the pans in a cooler or a very large plastic container and cover them with towels. Let the pork butts rest for 2 hours.\n\n14. To serve, pull the pork butts into large chunks, discarding any fat and gristle. Add Honey Rub to taste and stir in additional Diva Q sauce. Serve the pulled pork on buns with slaw.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Clarified butter is butter that has had the milk solids removed to prevent it from burning. It's easy to make: In a small, heavy saucepan, melt the butter over low heat, skimming off any foam that rises to the surface. When the butter is completely melted, carefully pour off the clear fat, leaving the cloudy milk solids in the saucepan._\n\n## Sweet Smoke Q World-Famous Pink Drink\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 3 minutes\n\nThis tangy cocktail is the invention of pitmaster Jim Elser from Winter Haven, FL. Jim and his Sweet Smoke Q team won the World Barbecue Championship in 2014, and he pours his World-Famous Pink Drink at every barbecue competition. You can pair Jim's tipple with all kinds of barbecue, but it's especially good with a pulled pork sandwich drizzled with sweet sauce.\n\n\u2153 cup good-quality fresh lemonade\n\n2 oz vodka\n\n2 tbsp cranberry juice\n\nIce\n\n1 lime wedge\n\n1. Combine the lemonade, vodka and cranberry juice in a cocktail shaker. Add the ice and shake vigorously.\n\n2. Strain into a glass (over additional ice, if you like) and garnish with the lime wedge.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_My kids love pulled pork on just about anything\u2014even breakfast eggs. Pulled pork is super versatile and can be used in any recipe that calls for ground beef. For tips on freezingpulled pork._\n\n## Peach Nectar Pulled Pork\n\nMAKES 20 to 30 servings \u2022 PREP 45 minutes \u2022 CHILL 4 hours \u2022 COOK 8 to 10 hours \u2022 REST 2 hours\n\nFriends in Georgia have taught me that injecting peach nectar into a pork butt makes it a thing of beauty. This is my go-to recipe for pulled pork. It makes a big batch, but freezes well.\n\n2 bone-in pork butts (each 10 to 12 lb)\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nOak wood chips\n\nInjection\n\n2 cups peach nectar\n\n\u00bd cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bc cup kosher salt\n\n2 tsp Worcestershire sauce\n\n1 tsp MSG (optional)\n\n1 tsp mustard powder\n\nRub\n\nKansas City Rub (double the recipe)\n\nSpritz\n\n2 cups apple juice\n\nWrap\n\n1\u00bd cups apple juice\n\n1 cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bd cup hot sauce\n\nSauce\n\nKansas City Sweet BBQ Sauce (double the recipe)\n\nTo Serve\n\nAdditional Kansas City Sweet BBQ Sauce\n\nBuns and slaw\n\n1. Trim the tops of the pork butts of excess fat, leaving the bottom fat caps intact. Place each pork butt in a 2-gallon resealable freezer bag.\n\n2. Whisk together all the injection ingredients in a medium bowl until the sugar and salt have dissolved. Fill the injector with the mixture.\n\n3. Inject half of the injection into each pork butt, injecting the butts every \u00bd inch.\n\n4. Rub each pork butt in its bag generously with the Kansas City rub. Seal the bags and refrigerate the pork butts for 4 hours.\n\n5. Pour the apple juice into a spray bottle.\n\n6. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F to 250\u00b0F. Add a small handful each of hickory and oak chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n7. When the wood chips start to smoke, place the pork butts on the cool side of the grill.\n\n8. Smoke the pork butts until the internal temperature of each reaches 165\u00b0F to 170\u00b0F and they are a deep reddish mahogany, 6 to 7 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding a handful of each every hour while the pork butts smoke.\n\n9. Check the pork butts every 30 minutes. If their surfaces seem dry, spritz them so they are moist but not dripping.\n\n10. After 6 or 7 hours, place each pork butt in a disposable aluminum pan. (Leave the grill on.)\n\n11. Sprinkle each pork butt with half of the apple juice, half of the brown sugar and half of the hot sauce. Cover each pan with heavy-duty foil, sealing it tightly.\n\n12. Return the pans to the cool side of the grill and grill until the internal temperature of each pork butt reaches 200\u00b0F and the bone can be pulled out easily, 2 to 3 hours. Remove the pans from the grill.\n\n13. Strain the pan juices through a fine-mesh sieve. Add the strained juices to the Kansas City sauce and whisk thoroughly. Glaze each pork butt with the sauce.\n\n14. Cover the pans with plastic wrap and a double layer of foil. Place the pans in a cooler or a very large plastic container and cover them with towels. Let the pork butts rest for 2 hours.\n\n15. To serve, pull the pork butts into large chunks, discarding any fat and gristle. Mix with additional barbecue sauce and serve on buns with slaw.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Pulled pork frozen in 2- and 3-pound portions are perfect for family meals during the week. Drizzling with some apple juice before freezing helps keep the meat moist._\n\n## Pulled Pork Nachos\n\nMAKES: 8 to 10 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 to 20 minutes\n\nMy kids are nacho addicts, and this is their favorite snack. Since we always have pulled pork in the freezer, this recipe is an easy fix. It's the perfect party\/football\/making-people-happy snack. We sometimes have a nacho bar party at which we set out bowls of ingredients and let everyone make their own nachos in small cast iron pans.\n\n1 large bag corn tortilla chips\n\n2 cups warm Peach Nectar Pulled Pork or World Championship\u2013Winning Pulled Pork\n\n\u00bd cup Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\n2 cups shredded cold-smoked cheddar or pepper Jack\n\n\u00bd cup pitted, sliced black or green olives\n\n1 small red onion, finely chopped\n\n1 cup chopped tomatoes\n\n1 cup seeded and chopped sweet peppers\n\n1 cup sliced fresh or drained, pickled jalape\u00f1os (or to taste)\n\nSour cream\n\nFresh Pineapple Salsa\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Spread one-third of the tortilla chips over the bottom of a disposable aluminum pan.\n\n3. Top the tortilla chips with one-third of the pulled pork, one-third of the sauce, one-third of the shredded cheese, one-third of the olives and one-third of the onion. Repeat these layers twice.\n\n4. Place the pan on the grill and grill until the cheese is thoroughly melted, 10 to 20 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the pan from the grill and top the nachos with tomatoes, sweet peppers and jalape\u00f1os. Serve with sour cream and salsa on the side.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For a different take on nachos, swap out the pulled pork for pulledRoadside Chicken._\n\n## Krunkarita\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 2 to 3 minutes\n\nAndy Allen and Randy Hill, of the Southern Krunk BBQ Society in Arkansas, created this recipe. It's the best-ever margarita and a natural with the nachos. The only tweak I've made is to add grilled limes.\n\n1 cup granulated sugar\n\n1 cup water\n\n1 cup freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\n8 oz Don Julio Blanco or your favorite tequila\n\n4 oz Cointreau\n\n8 limes, divided\n\n\u00bd cup kosher salt\n\nIce\n\n1. Mix together the sugar and water in a medium saucepan. Bring to a boil, stirring to dissolve the sugar. Remove the saucepan from the heat. Let the syrup cool, then pour into a pitcher and refrigerate until chilled.\n\n2. Add the lemon juice, tequila and Cointreau to the syrup. Refrigerate until ready to serve.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Cut 4 of the limes into \u00bc-inch slices. Grill the lime slices, turning once, until grill marks appear, 2 to 3 minutes. Remove the lime slices from the grill and set aside.\n\n5. Grate the zest from the remaining limes. Mix together the lime zest and salt in a small bowl.\n\n6. Rim 4 glasses with a slice of grilled lime, then rim with lime salt.\n\n7. Shake the tequila mixture with ice in a cocktail shaker. Strain into the glasses and add a squeeze of grilled lime to each.\n\n## Pulled Pork Double-Stuffed Potatoes\n\nMAKES 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP 15 minutes \u2022 COOK 1 \u00be to 2 \u00bc hours\n\nBecause I enter so many competitions throughout the year, I end up with a lot of leftover cooked meat, so have figured out a bunch of easy ways to use it up. Potatoes make the perfect vessels for pulled pork and barbecue sauce. I like cheddar, bacon, chives and chilies with mine, but play around with your own favorite toppings.\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n8 medium red potatoes, scrubbed\n\n\u00bd cup bacon grease, melted\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1 cup sour cream\n\n1 cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n2 cups Peach Nectar Pulled Pork\n\nKansas City Sweet BBQ Sauce to taste\n\n1 cup shredded Jack cheddar\n\n8 slices bacon, cooked and crumbled\n\n2 tbsp finely chopped fresh chives\n\nSeeded and finely chopped chilies to taste (optional)\n\nAdditional sour cream and Kansas City Sweet BBQ Sauce\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Pierce each potato a couple of times with a fork. Combine the potatoes, bacon grease, and salt and pepper to taste in a large bowl and toss to coat well.\n\n3. When the chips start to smoke, place the potatoes on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the potatoes until they are tender, 1\u00bd to 2 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes.\n\n4. Remove the potatoes from the grill. (Leave the grill on.) Carefully slice each potato in half lengthwise. Scoop the potato flesh into a medium bowl, reserving the potato skins.\n\n5. Add the sour cream, butter, and salt and pepper to taste to the potato flesh and mash well. Scoop the potato mixture back into the potato skins.\n\n6. Combine the pulled pork with enough sauce to moisten it. Top each potato half with pulled pork, then with cheddar. Return the potato halves to the cool side of the grill and grill until the cheese has melted, 10 to 15 minutes.\n\n7. Serve the stuffed potatoes topped with bacon, chives, chilies, and additional sour cream and sauce.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Use large russet potatoes and more pulled pork to turn these into a substantial main course._\n\n## Tomahawk Pork Chops with Mango Glaze\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 BRINE: 4 hours \u2022 COOK: 30 to 40 minutes\n\nHuge beef steaks, known as tomahawk steaks, have been popping up in butcher shops over the last few years. I love the pork version, too. These are great for a dinner party (see the sidebar for a neat way to serve them), and the mango glaze adds a touch of the exotic.\n\nBrine\n\n3 cups water\n\n\u00bc cup good-quality kosher salt\n\n\u00bc cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bd tsp ground ginger\n\n\u00bd tsp ground allspice\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nChops\n\n4 bone-in, rib-cut pork chops (1\u00bd inches thick)\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nGlaze\n\n1 large mango, peeled, pitted and sliced\n\n1 jalape\u00f1o, seeded and minced\n\nHalf small sweet white onion, minced\n\n2 tbsp packed light brown sugar\n\n2 tbsp apple cider vinegar\n\n\u00bd tsp minced fresh ginger\n\n\u00bd tsp fresh thyme leaves\n\n\u00bd tsp cinnamon\n\n1. Whisk together all the brine ingredients in a plastic container large enough to hold the pork chops. Whisk until the salt and sugar have dissolved. Place the pork chops in the brine and refrigerate for 4 hours.\n\n2. Mix together all the glaze ingredients in a medium saucepan. Simmer, stirring occasionally, until the mango has softened, 15 to 20 minutes. Set aside to cool.\n\n3. Remove the chops from the brine, discarding the brine. Pat the chops dry on paper towels and season with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n4. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n5. Place the chops on the hot side of the grill and grill until lightly crusted, 5 to 6 minutes per side.\n\n6. Glaze the chops on both sides with the mango mixture and move them to the cool side of the grill. Grill, turning and brushing with the glaze once, until the internal temperature reaches 140\u00b0F, 12 to 15 minutes.\n\n7. Remove the chops from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 5 minutes. Serve with any remaining glaze.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For a fun presentation, cut a small slice off the meaty end of the pork chops and serve them standing up._\n\n## Peachy Jack\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 5 minutes\n\nThis refreshing tipple is a must with the mango-glazed pork chops.\n\n7 oz peach cider\n\n1 oz Jack Daniel's Whiskey\n\nIce\n\n1 peach slice\n\n1 cocktail stick\n\n1. Combine the cider and whiskey in a cocktail shaker. Add ice and shake vigorously. Strain into a chilled glass.\n\n2. Skewer the peach slice on a cocktail stick, add to the drink and serve.\n\n## Rosemary-Garlic Slathered Chops\n\nMAKES 8 servings \u2022 PREP 15 minutes \u2022 BRINE 3 hours \u2022 COOK 15 to 20 minutes\n\nThick pork chops grilled right can be just as satisfying as the best-ever steak. The secret to keeping them juicy on the grill is a simple savory brine. Here, rosemary and pepper in the brine give the chops big flavor. I get a lot of my pork from the Hill family at Willowgrove Hill Farms, Mitchell, ON. Great people; great pork.\n\n8 center-cut boneless pork chops, about 1 inch thick\n\nRosemary-Pepper Brine\n\n16 cups water\n\n\u00bd cup kosher salt\n\n\u00bc cup packed light brown sugar\n\n2 tbsp whole black peppercorns\n\n2 sprigs fresh rosemary, leaves picked and coarsely chopped\n\nRosemary-Garlic Slather\n\n\u00bc cup Dijon mustard\n\n\u00bc cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1 small bunch fresh rosemary, leaves picked and finely chopped\n\n1. In a large plastic container, whisk together all the brine ingredients until the salt and sugar have dissolved. Add the chops to the brine and refrigerate for 3 hours.\n\n2. Mix together all the slather ingredients in a small bowl. Remove the chops from the brine and pat them dry. Generously spread the slather all over both sides of the chops.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to high (450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Grill the chops, turning once, until the internal temperature reaches 140\u00b0F, 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the chops from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 5 minutes before serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_The Rosemary-Garlic Slather is also fantastic smeared on whole cuts of pork or prime rib._\n\n## Grilled Pork Cheeks with Apricot Glaze\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 40 to 60 minutes\n\nPeople need to eat more pork cheeks. Period. Tender and flavorful, pork cheeks just need a little trimming (see method). A short braise after grilling breaks down the fibers and makes the pork cheeks tender but still with a bit of chew. I love apricots in any form\u2014fresh, dried, or in a jelly or glaze\u2014and they pair perfectly with any type of pork.\n\n1 medium white sweet onion, cut in half, leaving root end intact\n\n3 lb pork cheeks, trimmed\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n1 cup apple juice\n\nGlaze\n\n1 cup apricot preserves\n\n2 tbsp packed light brown sugar\n\n2 tbsp Dijon mustard\n\n\u00bd tsp ground ginger\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Grill the onion, turning often, until lightly charred, 6 to 7 minutes. Remove the onion from the grill. When cool enough to handle, slice the onion, discarding the root end. Set the sliced onion aside.\n\n3. With a small, sharp knife, trim the silvery membrane from the pork cheeks. Season the pork cheeks with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n4. Oil the grill grates, then grill the pork cheeks until lightly charred and seared, 2 to 3 minutes on each side.\n\n5. Remove the pork cheeks to a large cast iron skillet. Place the skillet on the grill. Add the apple juice and grilled onion to the skillet, cover with foil and braise until the pork cheeks are tender and the internal temperature reaches 155\u00b0F to 160\u00b0F, 20 to 30 minutes.\n\n6. Meanwhile, mix together all the glaze ingredients in a medium bowl.\n\n7. Remove the skillet from the grill. Remove the pork cheeks from the skillet and place them directly on the grill.\n\n8. Reserving the onion, pour the cooking juices from the skillet into the bowl of glaze. Brush the glaze over both sides of the pork cheeks. Grill the pork cheeks, turning once, until the glaze has caramelized, 10 to 20 minutes.\n\n9. Remove the pork cheeks from the grill and serve with the grilled onion.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_The cheeks\u2014tender and flavorful from the fats that run through them\u2014are one of the most delicious yet underutilized cuts of meat on a pig. Ask your butcher to order them for you._\n\n## Pork Steaks with Cherry-Chipotle Glaze\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 25 minutes\n\nI didn't eat my first pork steak until a few years ago. I was at a barbecue competition and one of the teams brought them to a potluck. Since then, this recipe has become a regular weeknight meal for our family. It's economical, and the cherry-chipotle glaze makes the steaks darn tasty.\n\n6 bone-in pork steaks (1 inch thick)\n\nKansas City Rub\n\nCherry-Chipotle BBQ Sauce\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Generously season the pork steaks on both sides with the rub. Grill the pork steaks on the hot side of the grill, turning once, until lightly charred, 12 to 16 minutes.\n\n3. Glaze the steaks generously on both sides with the sauce. Grill the steaks on the cool side of the grill, turning once, until the internal temperature reaches 140\u00b0F, about 10 minutes.\n\n4. Remove the steaks from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 5 minutes before serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For fall-off-the-bone-tender pork steaks, after charring them, place the steaks in a disposable aluminum pan. Add 2 cups apple juice and cover the pan with foil. Place the pan on the cool side of the grill and grill for 1\u00bd hours. Remove the steaks from the pan, return them directly to the grill and glaze as described in the recipe._\n\n## Double-Smoked Maple-Mustard Easter Ham\n\nMAKES: 16 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 2 \u00be hours\n\nWe always have a crowd at our house for Easter. Friends pop by, the bunny does his thing and I get to make my favorite ham, glazed with the sweet-savory notes of maple and mustard. This is a great recipe for people who like to putter by the grill. Keep glazing the ham until you're happy with the result. If you enjoy a super-sweet ham, double up on the glaze and baste away until you reach your ham-happiness level.\n\nHickory, oak or maple wood chips\n\n8 lb smoked spiral-cut, bone-in ham\n\n2 cups apple juice\n\nGlaze\n\n\u00bd cup packed dark brown sugar\n\n\u00bd cup amber maple syrup\n\n\u00bc cup Dijon mustard\n\n\u00bd tsp ground allspice\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of wood chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Place the ham in a large disposable aluminum pan. Pour the apple juice into a spray bottle. Spritz the ham with apple juice.\n\n3. When the wood chips start to smoke, place the pan of ham on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the ham for 2 hours, spritzing it with apple juice every 15 minutes. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the ham smokes.\n\n4. Meanwhile, mix together all the glaze ingredients in a medium bowl.\n\n5. Increase the temperature of the grill to 300\u00b0F. Grill the ham, basting it with glaze every 15 minutes and making sure to get the glaze in between the ham's slices, until the baste has caramelized and the internal temperature reaches 140\u00b0F, about 45 minutes.\n\n6. Remove the ham from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 15 minutes before slicing. Serve with the accumulated pan juices.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Be sure to save the ham bone and add it to the pot when you makeSmoked Pork Hock Bean Soup._\n\n## Lip-Smacking Dry (or Wet) Ribs\n\nMAKES: 4 to 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 4 to 5 hours\n\nI get asked for advice on how to cook ribs more than any other topic. And no wonder. Ribs are easy to love. There's something primal about a slab of ribs kissed with smoke, rubbed with spices and (sometimes) slathered with sauce. Make sure you buy good-quality ribs that are big and meaty. Depending on the weight of the ribs, the cooking time can vary from 4 to 6 hours. If you opt for wet ribs, experiment with different ingredients, such as preserves or pepper jellies, in the foil wrap.\n\n2 racks St. Louis\u2013style pork ribs (see sidebar)\n\n2 tbsp yellow mustard\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nFor Dry Ribs\n\n\u00be cup Memphis Rib Rub\n\nFor Wet Ribs\n\n\u00be cup Kansas City Rub\n\n\u00bd cup apple juice\n\n1 cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bc cup hot sauce\n\nSpritz\n\n1 cup apple juice\n\nTo Finish\n\n1\u00bd cups Kansas City Sweet BBQ Sauce, plus additional sauce to serve\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F to 250\u00b0F.\n\n2. Rinse the ribs under cool, running water and pat dry. Remove the membrane from the bony side of the ribs (see sidebar).\n\n3. Coat the ribs thinly on both sides with mustard. Rub the ribs on both sides with 3 to 4 tbsp of the rub of your choice. Set the ribs aside for 30 minutes to allow the rub to penetrate.\n\n4. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill. When the chips start to smoke, place the ribs on the cool side of the grill, meat side up. Smoke the ribs for 1 hour.\n\n5. After 1 hour, pour the apple juice into a spray bottle and spritz the ribs. Add another handful of wood chips to the grill. Smoke the ribs for 1 hour, then spritz again and replenish the wood chips.\n\n6. For dry ribs, smoke for an additional 2 hours, spritzing regularly with apple juice. Serve without sauce. (The remaining steps are for wet ribs only.)\n\n7. For wet ribs, remove the ribs from the grill after the first 3 hours of cooking.\n\n8. Lay out a large piece of foil 2\u00bd times the length of the racks of ribs. Fold the foil in half. Place one rack of ribs on the foil meat side down. Pour half the apple juice overtop, then sprinkle with half of the sugar and half of the hot sauce. Wrap the ribs in the foil, sealing the edges tightly to ensure the juices stay in.\n\n9. Repeat with the second rack of ribs and the remaining apple juice, sugar and hot sauce.\n\n10. Return the wrapped ribs to the cool side of the grill, making sure they are bone side down. Grill until the ribs are tender, 45 minutes to 1 hour. The meat will start to crack and split when the ribs are ready. If they're not tender to your liking, keep checking every 15 minutes.\n\n11. Carefully unwrap the ribs and place them on a rimmed baking sheet, discarding the juices in the foil.\n\n12. Prepare the grill for direct cooking and increase the temperature to 300\u00b0F. Brush the ribs on both sides with barbecue sauce. Grill the ribs, watching them closely and rotating and flipping the racks once, until the sauce is set and the sugars have caramelized, 5 to 10 minutes.\n\n13. Remove the ribs from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let them rest for 10 minutes.\n\n14. Turn the ribs meat side down and slice cleanly between the bones. Serve with additional barbecue sauce on the side.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_St. Louis\u2013style pork ribs are my favorite cut for competitions. They're side ribs that have had the brisket and sternum bones trimmed off to create a neat, rectangular rack of ribs._\n\n_Make sure to remove the membrane from the bony side of a slab of ribs to allow the flavors of a rub to be absorbed. To remove the membrane, insert the tip of your finger under the membrane in the center of the rack and work a section loose. Grasp the loosened membrane with a piece of paper towel and peel it off._\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_You don't boil your steak, so don't boil your ribs. A rack of ribs takes four beers to cook (one beer per hour in barbecue terms)._\n\n## Nibble-Me-This Pork Tenderloin with Thai Peanut Sauce\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: 4 to 6 hours \u2022 COOK: about 25 minutes\n\nMy talented friend Chris Grove from Knoxville, TN, who loves to grill almost as much as I do, came up with this recipe for tenderloin with Thai peanut sauce. It's wicked good and packs a punch of flavor. Make it, love it and be sure to visit Chris's website: nibblemethis.\u200bcom.\n\n2 pork tenderloins, silver skin trimmed\n\nMarinade\n\n\u2153 cup peanut oil\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh cilantro\n\n1 tbsp freshly squeezed lime juice\n\n2 tsp fish sauce\n\n1 tsp toasted sesame oil\n\n1 tsp Sriracha sauce\n\n2 cloves garlic, smashed\n\n\u00bd tsp light brown sugar\n\n\u00bd tsp ground ginger\n\nPeanut Sauce\n\n\u2153 cup teriyaki sauce\n\n\u00bc cup smooth peanut butter\n\n1 tbsp rice wine vinegar\n\n\u00bd tsp dehydrated sweet red pepper flakes\n\n\u00bc tsp ground ginger\n\n1. Put the tenderloins in a large, resealable freezer bag.\n\n2. Put all the marinade ingredients in a food processor and process for 30 seconds.\n\n3. Pour the marinade into the bag, making sure the tenderloins are completely coated. Seal the bag and refrigerate for 4 to 6 hours.\n\n4. Put all the peanut sauce ingredients in a food processor and process for 30 seconds until well blended. Refrigerate until needed. (Peanut sauce can be made ahead.)\n\n5. When ready to cook, prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to 375\u00b0F.\n\n6. Remove the tenderloins from the marinade. Grill the tenderloins, rotating them every 5 minutes, until the thickest parts reach an internal temperature of 140\u00b0F, about 20 minutes.\n\n7. Remove the tenderloins from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 5 minutes before serving.\n\n8. While the tenderloins are resting, heat the peanut sauce in a small saucepan over medium-low heat for 3 to 5 minutes.\n\n9. Cut the tenderloins into \u00bc-inch slices. Drizzle with peanut sauce and serve with more sauce on the side for dipping.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Versatile pork tenderloin tapers at one end. For even cooking, arrange the tenderloins on your grill with the thicker ends toward your grill's hot spots._\n\n## Perfectly Easy Porchetta\n\nMAKES 12 to 16 servings \u2022 PREP 45 minutes \u2022 COOK about 5\u00bd hours\n\nGood grief, I crave porchetta! It's sinfully decadent and good served hot or cold the next day in sandwiches. There are so many versions of porchetta. I like to use fennel in mine, but you can substitute any hardy greens, such as kale or mustard greens, or just leave it out altogether.\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter\n\n1 medium bulb fennel, thinly sliced\n\n3 stalks celery, thinly sliced\n\n2 small white sweet onions, thinly sliced\n\n6 to 7 lb skin-on pork belly (in one piece)\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n12 cloves garlic, minced\n\n1 bunch fresh rosemary, leaves picked and finely chopped\n\n1 bunch fresh flat-leaf parsley, leaves picked and finely chopped\n\n\u00bc cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n2 lemons, zested and juiced\n\n2 tbsp fennel seeds\n\n2 tbsp Dijon mustard\n\n1 tbsp ground sage\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n1. Melt the butter in a medium saucepan over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the fennel, celery and onions until softened but not browned. Remove the saucepan from the heat and set aside to cool to room temperature.\n\n2. Place the pork belly, skin side down, on a cutting board. Generously season the meat side of the belly with salt and pepper.\n\n3. In a food processor, combine the garlic, rosemary, parsley, oil, lemon zest, lemon juice, fennel seeds, mustard and sage. Pulse just enough to make a paste.\n\n4. Spread three-quarters of the garlic mixture on the meat side of the pork belly. Top with the fennel mixture. Roll the pork belly up tightly and tie in 2 or 3 places with butcher twine.\n\n5. With a sharp knife, score the skin of the pork belly in between the twine. Rub the remaining garlic mixture into the score marks on the skin. Season the pork belly all over with salt and pepper.\n\n6. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n7. When the chips start to smoke, place the pork belly on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the pork belly for 4 hours, adding another handful of wood chips every hour.\n\n8. Increase the temperature of the grill to 375\u00b0F. Smoke the pork belly until the internal temperature reaches 155\u00b0F to 160\u00b0F, about 1\u00bd hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful halfway through the cooking time.\n\n9. Remove the porchetta from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for at least 15 minutes before slicing.\n\n## East-Meets-West Stuffed Pork Loin\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 45 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: overnight \u2022 COOK: about 2 hours\n\nThis was one of the first recipes I wrote after becoming an OCB (obsessive-compulsive barbecuer). Fast-forward many years and my family still asks for this recipe. It works well for a dinner party or simple Sunday supper. For best results, use cornbread that is a couple of days old.\n\n3 lb boneless, butterflied pork loin\n\nMarinade\n\n\u00bd cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bc cup red wine vinegar\n\n\u00bc cup ketchup\n\n\u00bc cup hoisin sauce\n\n2 tbsp low-sodium soy sauce\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n1 tsp five-spice powder\n\n1 tsp ground ginger\n\n\u00bd tsp table salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nStuffing\n\n2 tbsp unsalted butter\n\n1 medium white sweet onion, finely chopped\n\n4 cups crumbled Buttery Cornbread\n\n2 tbsp dried chives\n\n1 tsp ground sage\n\n\u00bd cup chicken stock\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nGlaze\n\n\u00bd cup low-sodium soy sauce\n\n\u00bc cup hoisin sauce\n\n2 tsp toasted sesame oil\n\n1 tsp rice wine vinegar\n\n1. Place the pork loin in a large resealable freezer bag. Mix together all the marinade ingredients in a medium bowl. Add the marinade to the bag, turning to coat the pork. Seal the bag and refrigerate overnight.\n\n2. The next day, remove the pork loin from the marinade, discarding the remaining marinade. Set the pork aside.\n\n3. For the stuffing, melt the butter in a large skillet over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onion until softened but not browned. Stir in the cornbread, chives and sage.\n\n4. Remove the skillet from the heat. Add the chicken stock, salt and pepper. Let cool to room temperature.\n\n5. Cover a large cutting board with plastic wrap. Lay the pork loin, cut side up, on the plastic wrap. Spread the cornbread stuffing over the pork loin to cover the top side completely. Using the plastic wrap to lift it, roll up the pork loin tightly, jelly roll style. Tie at 1-inch intervals with butcher twine.\n\n6. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F.\n\n7. Place the pork loin on the cool side of the grill and grill until the internal temperature reaches 135\u00b0F, 1\u00bd to 2 hours.\n\n8. Meanwhile mix together all the glaze ingredients in a small bowl.\n\n9. Brush the glaze all over the pork loin and continue grilling until the internal temperature reaches 140\u00b0F, 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n10. Remove the pork loin from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 15 minutes before slicing.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For smoky pork, add a handful of wood chips every 30 minutes while the pork cooks. Fruit woods (cherry, apple) and lighter woods (pecan) pair well with pork._\n\n## Filipino-Style Stuffed Pork Belly\n\nMAKES: 16 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 7 to 8 hours\n\nTraditional Filipino _cebu lechon_ involves cooking a whole stuffed pig on a massive rotisserie over a charcoal fire until its skin turns to glistening crackling. Delicious but far from feasible for most people. So I came up with a simpler recipe that still captures the same incredible flavor. The skin on this pork is insanely good\u2014my family actually fights over the crackling.\n\n8 lb skin-on pork belly (in one piece)\n\n5 cloves garlic, smashed\n\n\u00bc cup dried chives\n\n\u00bc cup kosher salt\n\n3 tbsp finely ground black pepper\n\n5 bay leaves, crushed\n\n10 stalks lemongrass, bruised (see sidebar)\n\n1 bunch green onions, trimmed\n\n1 bunch garlic chives\n\n2 cups good-quality soy sauce, such as China Lily\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n1. Lay the pork belly, skin side down, on a cutting board.\n\n2. Mix together the garlic, dried chives, salt, pepper and bay leaves in a small bowl. Rub the garlic mixture all over the meat side of the pork belly. Arrange the lemongrass, green onions and garlic chives lengthwise down the center of the pork belly.\n\n3. Bring the sides of the pork belly together and tie tightly with butcher twine to make a neat cylinder. Brush the skin with some of the soy sauce.\n\n4. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n5. When the chips start to smoke, place the pork belly on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the pork belly, basting every 30 minutes with more soy sauce, until the internal temperature of the pork reaches 155\u00b0F to 160\u00b0F and the skin is crispy, 7 to 8 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding two handfuls every hour while the pork belly smokes.\n\n6. Remove the pork belly from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 15 minutes before slicing thinly.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Bruising the lemongrass stalks helps release their aromatic flavoring. Use the handle of a heavy chef's knife or the base of a small saucepan to pound the lemongrass._\n\n## Belly, Jelly and Biscuits\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: overnight \u2022 COOK: about 2 \u00bc hours\n\nI love a good biscuit, and combining one with pork belly and a pepper jelly makes my mouth water and transports me to the Deep South. This way of cooking with pork belly comes from chef Michael Olson, a professor at Ontario's Niagara College, and is worth every minute of prep. The result is an extremely crunchy exterior, almost like _chicharr\u00f3n_ , the Latino pork crackling snack.\n\n2\u00bd lb skin-on pork belly (in one piece)\n\n1 tbsp table salt\n\n1 tsp baking powder\n\nCherry wood chips\n\n16 Best-Ever Buttermilk Biscuits, split\n\n1 jar (12 oz\/355 mL) Texas Pepper Jelly Cherry Habanero Jelly or your favorite pepper jelly\n\n1. Using a sharp knife, score the skin side of the pork belly at \u00bc-inch intervals, cutting just into the fat but not through the meat.\n\n2. Stir together the salt and baking powder in a small bowl. Rub the mixture into the scored skin of the pork belly.\n\n3. Place the belly, skin side up, in a shallow nonmetallic dish and refrigerate overnight.\n\n4. The next day, prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of cherry chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n5. When the chips start to smoke, place the pork belly, skin side up, on a wire rack over a large disposable aluminum pan. Place the pan on the cool side of the grill.\n\n6. Smoke the pork belly for 2 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the pork belly smokes.\n\n7. Remove the pan from the grill, cover the pork belly loosely with foil and let rest for 30 minutes. Increase the temperature of the grill to 450\u00b0F to 500\u00b0F.\n\n8. Place the pork belly, skin side down, directly on the grill grates on the cool side of the grill. Smoke until the internal temperature reaches 155\u00b0F to 160\u00b0F and the skin is golden and has puffed up, 8 to 10 minutes.\n\n9. Remove the pork belly from the grill. Flip so the pork belly is skin side up, cover loosely with foil and let rest for 15 minutes. Slice the pork belly thinly and serve in the biscuits with pepper jelly.\n\n## Smoked Sausage Biscuits and Gravy\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 1 hour\n\nWho can resist a biscuit? Fluffy buttermilk biscuits and rich sausage gravy are over-the-top indulgent, and I am not even going to try to pretend this is healthy, but it's worth every calorie. You could just fry up the sausage and crumble it in the gravy, but a little hickory smoke makes all the difference.\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n1 lb good-quality sausage meat, such as Bob Evans Pork Sausage\n\n2 tbsp all-purpose flour\n\n2 tbsp unsalted butter, softened\n\n2 cups milk\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n6 hot Best-Ever Buttermilk Biscuits\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 275\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Unwrap the sausage meat but leave it in a sausage shape. When the chips start to smoke, place the sausage on the cool side of the grill. Smoke until the internal temperature reaches 160\u00b0F, 45 to 60 minutes. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful halfway through the cooking time.\n\n3. Remove the sausage from the grill. Crumble the sausage meat into a large bowl. Set aside.\n\n4. Whisk together the flour and butter in a large saucepan over medium heat. Cook, stirring often, until pale golden, 5 to 10 minutes.\n\n5. Whisk in the milk until smooth. Cook, whisking constantly, until the sauce is bubbly and smooth.\n\n6. Stir in the sausage meat and bring to a boil. Season the gravy lightly with salt and generously with pepper. Serve over piping hot biscuits.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_This is a perfect, soul-satisfying breakfast for a crowd. Just don't tell your cardiologist._\n\n## Orange-Ginger Pork Kebabs\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 20 minutes\n\nPut anything on a stick and the fun factor goes way up. Orange and ginger are a great combo for pork, and the marmalade here turns the kebabs sticky and yummy as you grill them. This recipe also makes a great appetizer if you thread individual cubes of pork onto smaller, appetizer-size skewers.\n\n1\u00bd lb boneless pork loin, cut into 1\u00bd-inch chunks\n\n4 metal skewers\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n3 oranges, cut into \u00bc-inch slices\n\nBaste\n\n1 cup orange marmalade\n\n\u00bd cup orange juice with pulp\n\n\u00bc cup grated fresh ginger\n\n2 tbsp canola oil\n\n1 tbsp dried chives\n\n1 tsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n1 tsp minced garlic\n\n1. Thread the pork chunks onto the skewers. Season the pork with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n2. Whisk together all the baste ingredients in a small bowl.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Oil the grill grates.\n\n4. Grill the pork kebabs, basting with the marmalade mixture every 5 minutes and turning often, until the internal temperature of the pork reaches 140\u00b0F, about 20 minutes.\n\n5. When the kebabs have been grilling for about 12 minutes, add the orange slices to the grill. Cook the orange slices, turning once, until well marked with grill marks, 6 to 8 minutes. Serve the kebabs with the grilled orange slices.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Using metal skewers for kebabs eliminates the need to soak bamboo skewers before threading on the meat. The metal also heats up and cooks the meat more quickly._\n\n## Smoked Pork Hock Bean Soup\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 5 to 7 hours\n\nMy Grandma P never let anything go to waste and always used every scrap of pork she had, so I ate pork hock bean soup often when I was a kid. Now that I'm a grown-up, I find smoke adds another layer of flavor to the soup. This is a dish best served on a chilly fall or winter day with crusty bread and a glass of wine. Consider it a hug in a bowl.\n\n3 fresh pork hocks (each about 1\u00bd lb)\n\nKansas City Rub\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n2 tbsp canola oil\n\n2 small sweet onions, finely chopped\n\n8 cups chicken stock\n\n1 lb white navy beans, rinsed, picked over, soaked overnight and drained\n\n4 carrots, peeled and chopped\n\n2 cups seeded and chopped roasted red and orange sweet peppers\n\n\u00bc cup dried chives\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 bay leaves\n\nFinely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Coat the pork hocks all over with the rub. Set aside.\n\n2. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n3. When the chips start to smoke, place the hocks on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the hocks until the meat is tender and can be pulled easily from the bone, 4 to 5 hours. Replenish the hickory chips by adding another handful every hour while the hocks smoke.\n\n4. Remove the hocks from the grill and set aside.\n\n5. Heat the oil in a large pot over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onions until softened but not browned. Add the pork hocks, stock, beans, carrots, roasted peppers, chives, garlic and bay leaves to the pot.\n\n6. Bring to a boil over high heat, then reduce the heat to medium-low and simmer, covered, until the beans are soft, 1 to 2 hours.\n\n7. If the soup is too thick for your liking, add more stock or water. Season with pepper to taste before serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Smoked turkey legs, which you can buy from some butcher shops, work well as a substitute for pork hocks in the soup._\n\n# BACON \nBONANZA\n\nI love bacon and believe it's the key to a truly fulfilled life. From savories to sweets, bacon really does make just about anything taste better. (Be sure to read the safety tips in the sidebar before you start grilling.)\n\nThe Ultimate Bacon and Eggs\n\nPig Candy\n\nGrilled Poutine and Bacon\n\nBacon-Wrapped Cheddar-Stuffed Double Dogs\n\n Homemade Citrus Ginger Ale\n\nAtomic Buffalo Turds\n\nSmoked Brisket Bombs\n\n Mulled Jack Daniel's\n\nBacon-Wrapped Smoked Stuffed Cherry Peppers\n\nBacon-Wrapped Sausage Fatty\n\nBetter-Than-Your Momma's Meatloaf\n\nBacon-Wrapped Cherry Turkey Breasts\n\n## Saving Your Bacon on the Grill\n\nThe combination of bacon fat and a hot grill can be a recipe for a disastrous grease fire unless you take certain precautions. Read these tips before you get grilling:\n\n\u2022 Always have baking soda nearby to suppress any grease fires.\n\n\u2022 Never throw water on a grease fire.\n\n\u2022 Know where your fire extinguisher is at all times.\n\n\u2022 Bacon grease splatters can burn you badly, so wear something with long, tight-fitting sleeves to protect your arms.\n\n\u2022 Set an empty aluminum tray under the grill grate to catch bacon grease drippings.\n\n\u2022 When you're grilling bacon, never leave the grill unattended.\n\n\u2022 Make sure your grill is on level ground. An uneven grill can cause grease to drip into the fire source and cause flare-ups.\n\n\u2022 Always wait until the grill is cold to remove any bacon grease drippings from the interior of the grill.\n\n\u2022 Start with a clean grill every time. After using a grill for bacon, wait for it to cool down, then wipe the grill grates with paper towels to prevent flare-ups the next time you light the grill.\n\n\u2022 Bacon fat can go rancid quickly. Wipe down any splatters of bacon grease on the outside of the grill as soon as they happen.\n\n## The Ultimate Bacon and Eggs\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 35 to 40 minutes\n\nI was at a trade show a few years back and doing some grilling presentations on Traeger pellet grills (see this page). There happened to be a Cadbury rep at the show who was giving away samples. We had bacon, we had chocolate, so my friend Marc and I decided to get a little adventurous. This recipe may seem crazy, but the combo of sweet, salt and smoke sure tastes good.\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n6 Cadbury Creme Eggs, frozen\n\n12 thin slices maple bacon\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect grilling and preheat it to 225\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Remove the foil from the eggs and wrap each one tightly in 2 slices of bacon, making sure to cover each egg completely.\n\n3. Place the bacon-wrapped eggs on a wire rack set over a disposable aluminum pan. This will allow air to circulate around the chocolate and the bacon fat to drip down.\n\n4. Place the pan on the cool side of the grill and smoke the bacon-wrapped eggs for 20 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the bacon-wrapped eggs from the pan and place them directly on the grill grates on the cool side of the grill. Grill until the bacon is crisp to your liking, 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n6. Remove the bacon-wrapped eggs from the grill and let cool for 15 minutes before serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Smoked Bacon-Wrapped Crispy Crunch_\n\n_Experiment with different types of chocolate bars. The ones that work best are solid or have a peanut butter filling. I particularly like using Crispy Crunch bars. Freeze the bars, wrap them in bacon and grill as for The Ultimate Bacon and Eggs._\n\n## Pig Candy\n\nMAKES: about 16 slices \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 1 hour\n\nA picture of pig candy should appear next to the word \"addictive\" in the dictionary. It is insanely easy to make, and you can crumble it into almost anything\u2014cookies, icing, ice cream or any other sweet treats that need a hit of bacon.\n\n1 lb thinly sliced bacon\n\n\u00bd cup maple syrup or corn syrup\n\n2 cups packed light brown sugar\n\n3 tbsp chipotle powder\n\n1. Prepare the grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to medium (300\u00b0F to 375\u00b0F).\n\n2. Place the bacon slices in a single layer on a large disposable, perforated aluminum pan. Brush each bacon slice with maple syrup. Sprinkle generously with brown sugar, then chipotle powder.\n\n3. Place the pan on the cool side of the grill and grill until the bacon has absorbed the brown sugar and is crispy, about 1 hour.\n\n4. Remove the bacon from the pan and place in a single layer on a wire rack set over a rimmed baking sheet. Set aside at room temperature until the surface of the bacon is dry.\n\n5. Refrigerate in an airtight container with parchment paper between the layers and use within 1 week.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Be careful when cooking bacon on the grill, and make sure to read theSaving Your Bacon on the Grill tips before you begin._\n\n## Grilled Poutine and Bacon\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 25 to 30 minutes\n\nCanada's \"national dish\" gets a grilled twist here. The sensational combination of potato, bacon, cheese curds and St-Hubert gravy is comfort food at its best.\n\n3 lb russet potatoes, scrubbed\n\n2 tbsp canola oil\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n6 slices thick-cut bacon\n\n1 can (14 oz\/398 mL) St-Hubert Poutine Gravy or 1\u00bd cups homemade chicken gravy\n\n1 cup cheese curds\n\n2 tbsp finely chopped fresh chives\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Cut the potatoes into wedges. Put the wedges in a microwave-safe bowl. Cover with plastic wrap and microwave on high until almost tender, about 8 minutes.\n\n3. Add the oil and salt and pepper to taste to the potatoes and toss well.\n\n4. Grill the potatoes until crispy and lightly charred, 10 to 12 minutes.\n\n5. Grill the bacon slices, turning once, until crispy, 8 to 10 minutes.\n\n6. Meanwhile, bring the poutine gravy to a simmer in a small saucepan over medium heat.\n\n7. Remove the potatoes and bacon from the grill. Chop the bacon and set aside.\n\n8. Pile the potato wedges on a platter. Top with the cheese curds and gravy. Sprinkle with bacon and chives.\n\n## Bacon-Wrapped Cheddar-Stuffed Double Dogs\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 30 minutes\n\nI'm completely biased, but my kids rock. Our mighty munchkins have traveled to many competitions with us and, for the last couple of years, they have been participating in kids' barbecue contests. I was never so nervous as the first time they participated, but they came third with this recipe, and I had tears in my eyes when I heard their names called. It's my youngest kid Gabe's hands-down favorite recipe.\n\n12 all-beef wieners\n\n12 slices sharp cheddar\n\n24 thin slices bacon\n\n6 hot dog buns, toasted\n\nKetchup and mustard to serve\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 275\u00b0F.\n\n2. Slice the wieners almost in half lengthwise, being careful not to cut all the way through. They should open like a book.\n\n3. Open one of the sliced wieners. Top it with 2 slices of cheddar and another wiener, cut side down. Wrap the cheddar-stuffed wieners tightly with 1\u00bd to 2 slices of bacon.\n\n4. Grill the bacon-wrapped wieners for 15 minutes. Flip them over and grill until the bacon starts to crisp and the cheese has melted, about 15 minutes. You may want to move them to the hot side of the grill for the last few minutes of cooking to crisp up the bacon to your liking.\n\n5. Serve the wieners on toasted hot dog buns with the condiments you like (Ella has ketchup; Gabe prefers mustard and ketchup).\n\n## Homemade Citrus Ginger Ale\n\nMAKES: 8 to 10 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 20 minutes\n\nWe enjoyed this fantastic alcohol-free beverage at a resort in Mexico alongside simple skewers of grilled chicken and beef, but it goes just as well with my kids' double dogs.\n\n2 cups water\n\n1 cup granulated sugar\n\n1 cup peeled, thinly sliced fresh ginger\n\n1 lemon, zested and juiced\n\n1 lime, zested and juiced\n\n8\u00bd cups sparkling water or club soda\n\nCrushed ice\n\n1 small bunch fresh mint, leaves picked\n\n1. Mix together the 2 cups water, the sugar and the ginger in a small saucepan. Bring to a boil, stirring to dissolve the sugar.\n\n2. Reduce the heat and simmer until the ginger has softened completely, about 20 minutes. Remove the saucepan from the heat and let stand for 1 hour.\n\n3. Strain the ginger syrup, discarding the ginger. Refrigerate until chilled.\n\n4. Combine the syrup and the lemon and lime zest and juice in a large pitcher. Add the sparkling water.\n\n5. Pour into glasses over crushed ice and garnish with mint leaves.\n\n## Atomic Buffalo Turds\n\nMAKES: 16 ABTs \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1 \u00bd to 2 hours\n\nThese bacon-wrapped jalape\u00f1o poppers\u2014aka ABTs\u2014are the crack of the barbecue world. I remember the first time I tried one, and I'm a certified addict to this day. I like to fill the jalape\u00f1os with a three-cheese mixture, but feel free to tweak the filling and spices to make this recipe your own. The longer you smoke the jalape\u00f1os, the more their heat is tempered. If you want super-spicy ABTs, don't remove the membranes and seeds from the jalape\u00f1os\u2014just remember to warn your guests.\n\n8 jalape\u00f1os, halved lengthwise and seeded\n\n16 thin slices bacon\n\nFilling\n\n1 pkg (8 oz\/250 g) cream cheese, softened\n\n\u00bd cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\n\u00bd cup shredded smoked mozzarella\n\n\u00bc cup freshly grated Romano\n\nHalf small white sweet onion, finely chopped\n\n2 tsp hot sauce\n\n1 tsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n1 tsp chipotle powder\n\n\u00bd tsp granulated garlic (see this page)\n\n1. Mix together all of the filling ingredients in a medium bowl.\n\n2. Fill the jalape\u00f1os with the cheese mixture and wrap each in 1 slice of bacon, making sure the bacon covers the filling completely.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F.\n\n4. Place the ABTs, cut sides up, on the cool side of the grill. Grill until the filling is bubbling out at the edges and the bacon is cooked, 1\u00bd to 2 hours.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_If you're preparing more than one batch of ABTs or are sensitive to the oils in hot peppers, be sure to wear gloves when handling the jalape\u00f1os._\n\n## Smoked Brisket Bombs\n\nMAKES: 12 appetizer servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1\u00bd to 2 hours\n\nLeftover smoked brisket usually isn't a burden, but you can only eat so much sliced brisket or burnt ends. When you have 40 to 50 pounds of brisket in your freezer, like I sometimes do, you need to come up with new and interesting ways to use it up. So these brisket bombs were born. The bacon fat, sauce and smoky flavor combine to make these bites taste out of this world. I serve these as party appetizers, and they always disappear quickly.\n\n2 lb flat from 180 Brisket, cut into 1\u00bd-inch cubes\n\n1 lb thinly sliced bacon\n\nLong wooden toothpicks\n\nCherry wood chips\n\n1 cup Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\n1. Wrap each cube of brisket in a slice of bacon, securing with a toothpick.\n\n2. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F. Add a handful of cherry chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n3. When the chips start to smoke, place the brisket bombs on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the brisket bombs for 1 hour.\n\n4. Flip the brisket bombs over and smoke until the bacon is crisp, 30 minutes to 1 hour. Glaze with the sauce and serve.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Put a slice of drained, pickled jalape\u00f1o on top of each cube of brisket before wrapping them in bacon for a spiced-up version of Brisket Bombs._\n\n## Mulled Jack Daniel's\n\nMAKES: 12 to 18 servings \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 2 to 3 hours\n\nMy sister-in-smoke Angie Quaale came up with this recipe one cold winter's night, and I've been enjoying it ever since. Team with the Smoked Brisket Bombs and you've got a holiday party to remember.\n\n6 quarts apple juice\n\n1 bottle (26 oz\/750 mL) Jack Daniel's Whiskey\n\n\u00bc cup dried cranberries\n\n2 dried figs\n\n4 pieces candied ginger\n\n3 cinnamon sticks\n\n1 tbsp whole allspice berries\n\n4 whole cloves\n\n2 whole star anise\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients in a large pot. Bring just to a simmer over very low heat. Simmer for 2 to 3 hours (do not boil).\n\n2. Strain through a fine-mesh sieve into a pitcher and serve warm.\n\n## Bacon-Wrapped Smoked Stuffed Cherry Peppers\n\nMAKES: 12 stuffed cherry peppers \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1\u00bd to 2 hours\n\nCherry peppers are flavorful but not too spicy, and, filled with cheesy goodness and wrapped in bacon love, they make great appetizers. You can make these as mild or spicy as you like by adjusting the amount of hot sauce.\n\n12 cherry peppers\n\n4 oz herb-and-garlic cream cheese\n\n4 oz soft goat cheese\n\n1 tsp hot sauce\n\n\u00bd tsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n12 slices medium-sliced bacon\n\nCanola oil cooking spray\n\nCherry wood chips\n\n1. With a small, sharp knife, cut out the stem ends of the peppers and carefully scrape out the seeds and membranes from the insides, leaving the peppers whole.\n\n2. Mix together the cream cheese, goat cheese, hot sauce and paprika in a small bowl. Fill the cavity of each pepper with the cheese mixture.\n\n3. Wrap each pepper in a slice of bacon, leaving the top of the pepper exposed.\n\n4. Spray a 12-cup mini cupcake pan with cooking spray. Place a bacon-wrapped pepper, cut side up, in each cavity.\n\n5. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of cherry chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n6. When the chips start to smoke, place the pan of peppers on the cool side of the grill. Smoke until the bacon is crispy and the filling is bubbling, 1\u00bd to 2 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the peppers smoke.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For one heck of a spicy version of this recipe, substitute habaneros for the cherry peppers._\n\n## Bacon-Wrapped Sausage Fatty\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1 \u00bd to 2 hours\n\nWhen someone at a barbecue competition asks you if you want to smoke a fatty, we're talking about the sausage version. Use whatever sausage meat you like. Just make sure the fat content isn't too high or your fatty will crumble and fall through the grill grates, and you will be sad.\n\n2 lb good-quality hot (spicy) sausage meat, such as Jimmy Dean Hot Sausage\n\n1 small jalape\u00f1o, minced\n\n1 tbsp Canadian Rub\n\n1 lb medium-sliced maple bacon\n\nCherry wood chips\n\nApple-Beer BBQ Sauce\n\n1. Crumble the sausage into a medium bowl. Add the jalape\u00f1o and rub and mix well.\n\n2. Form the sausage mixture into a log shape, about 8 \u00d7 4 inches. Wrap the bacon slices tightly around the log, overlapping the slices slightly.\n\n3. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of cherry chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n4. When the chips start to smoke, place the bacon-wrapped sausage fatty on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the fatty until the internal temperature reaches 160\u00b0F and the bacon is crisp, 1\u00bd to 2 hours. Replenish the cherry chips by adding another handful to the grill every 30 minutes while the fatty smokes.\n\n5. During the last few minutes of cooking, glaze the fatty with the sauce.\n\n6. Remove the fatty from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for at least 10 minutes before slicing.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_When it comes to making a sausage fatty, the options are endless: stuff it with cheese, nix the jalape\u00f1os to make it milder or sub in minced ghost peppers for a crazy hot fatty._\n\n## Better-Than-Your-Momma's Meatloaf\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 CHILL: overnight \u2022 COOK: about 2 hours\n\n\"Better than your momma's\" is quite the statement, but in this case, it's true. This recipe takes meatloaf to a whole new level. Ground chuck and brisket give it great texture, and the cold-smoked cheeses add so much flavor. Add jalape\u00f1os and smoke and you have an exceptional meatloaf you'll be proud to serve to anyone. Even your momma.\n\n1 lb ground chuck\n\n1 lb ground beef brisket\n\n1 cup panko bread crumbs\n\n1 medium onion, minced\n\n2 eggs, lightly beaten\n\n2 jalape\u00f1os, seeded and minced\n\n2 cloves garlic, minced\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1 cup shredded cold-smoked cheddar\n\n1 cup shredded cold-smoked pepper Jack\n\nPecan wood chips\n\nKansas City Rub\n\n1 lb thinly sliced smoked bacon\n\nKansas City Sweet BBQ Sauce\n\n1. Gently mix together the ground chuck and brisket, bread crumbs, onion, eggs, jalape\u00f1os, garlic, and salt and pepper to taste in a large bowl. Pack half of the mixture into a 9- \u00d7 5-inch loaf pan.\n\n2. Make a well in the center of the meat mixture in the pan and add the cheeses to the well. Top the cheeses with the remaining meatloaf mixture, packing it tightly. Cover the pan tightly with plastic wrap and refrigerate overnight to set the mixture.\n\n3. The next day, prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of pecan chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n4. Carefully remove the meatloaf from the pan. Season the meatloaf all over with the rub. Cover the meatloaf with the bacon slices, overlapping the slices slightly and making sure the ends are tucked under.\n\n5. When the pecan chips are smoking, place the meatloaf on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the meatloaf until the internal temperature reaches 155\u00b0F, 1\u00bd to 2 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the meatloaf smokes.\n\n6. Brush the meatloaf with the sauce. Smoke the meatloaf until the internal temperature reaches 160\u00b0F, about 15 minutes.\n\n7. Remove the meatloaf from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes before slicing carefully.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_My friends at Rollin Smoke Barbecue in Las Vegas stuff their meatloaf with shredded smoked meat._\n\n## Bacon-Wrapped Cherry Turkey Breasts\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 SOAK: overnight \u2022 BRINE: 2 hours \u2022 COOK: 1 hour\n\nTurkey's not just for Christmas or Thanksgiving. With easy-to-fix turkey breasts readily available year-round, we should all be grilling them more often. Cooking bacon-wrapped turkey breasts on a maple plank adds a serious punch of flavor.\n\nBasic Brine\n\n2 boneless, skinless turkey breasts (each 1\u00bd lb)\n\n1 tsp poultry seasoning\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1 lb thinly sliced bacon\n\n1 sugar maple plank, soaked overnight\n\nCherry-Chipotle BBQ Sauce\n\n1. Prepare the brine and submerge the turkey breasts in it for 2 hours.\n\n2. Prepare the grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n3. Remove the turkey breasts from the brine and pat dry on paper towels. Discard the brine.\n\n4. Sprinkle the turkey breasts with poultry seasoning and salt and pepper to taste.\n\n5. Wrap each turkey breast in half of the bacon, overlapping the slices slightly and tucking the ends under the thinner parts of the breast. Place the breasts on the soaked plank. Have ready a spritz bottle filled with water.\n\n6. Grill the turkey breasts until the internal temperature reaches 165\u00b0F, about 1 hour. Keep a close eye on the plank, as it may catch fire; spritz the plank with water if necessary.\n\n7. For the last 5 minutes of cooking, glaze the turkey breasts with the sauce.\n\n8. Remove the plank from the grill, tent the turkey breasts loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes before slicing.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_One Thanksgiving, I was short on time and substituted this recipe for a whole bird. There were no complaints from the family. The turkey breasts were tender, moist and juicy, and the leftovers made great sandwiches the next day._\n\n# BEEF \nIT UP\n\nFrom stuffed burgers to award-winning brisket to mighty prime rib, beef is king of the grill. Try these meat-lover recipes and see why beef reigns supreme.\n\nShiitake Chuck Roast\n\n180 Brisket\n\nAsian-Marinated Korean Beef Ribs\n\nSunday Night Herb-Crusted Prime Rib\n\n Bear's Smokehouse Old-Fashioned\n\nFrom-Texas-with-Love Beef Ribs\n\nDouble-Tied Herbed Beef Tenderloin\n\nRosemary-Garlic Marinated Flank Steak\n\nMarinated Flap Steak Sandwich\n\nSmokin' Good Beef Bologna\n\nStuffed-to-the-Max Burgers\n\nRib Eye Tacos\n\n Gail-a-Rita\n\nMeat Cake\n\nSmoked Bone Marrow\n\n## Shiitake Chuck Roast\n\nMAKES: 16 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: at least 4 hours \u2022 COOK: 3 to 5 hours\n\nDried mushrooms are heavy on umami\u2014the so-called fifth taste, after sweet, salty, sour and bitter\u2014and, in this recipe, they add a punch of flavor to economical chuck roasts. Use a clean coffee grinder to grind the dried mushrooms to a powder.\n\n2 boneless beef chuck roasts or bottom sirloin roasts (each about 4 lb)\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nOak wood chips\n\n4 cups low-sodium beef stock\n\n2 white sweet onions, slivered\n\nMarinade\n\n1 cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n\u00bd cup dried shiitake mushroom powder (about 2 cups dried mushrooms)\n\n\u00bd cup finely chopped fresh rosemary leaves\n\n\u00bc cup low-sodium soy sauce\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh thyme leaves\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh oregano\n\n\u00bc cup horseradish mustard\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 tbsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n2 tbsp coarsely ground black pepper (butcher grind)\n\n2 tsp kosher salt\n\n1. Combine all the marinade ingredients in a very large bowl. Add the roasts, turning to coat well with the marinade. Cover the bowl with plastic wrap and refrigerate for at least 4 hours or overnight, turning the roasts at least once during marinating time.\n\n2. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F. Add a handful each of hickory and oak chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n3. When the chips start to smoke, remove the roasts from the marinade and place on the cool side of the grill. Baste the roasts with the remaining marinade.\n\n4. Smoke the roasts until the internal temperature reaches 175\u00b0F, 2 to 3 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every hour while the roasts cook. Remove the roasts from the grill. (Leave the grill on.)\n\n5. Place each roast in a disposable aluminum pan and add 2 cups stock and half of the slivered onions to each pan. Cover each pan tightly with heavy-duty foil.\n\n6. Place the pans on the cool side of the grill and cook until the internal temperature reaches 205\u00b0F and the meat starts to fall apart easily, 1 to 2 hours.\n\n7. Remove the roasts from the pans, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 15 minutes before slicing. Skim the fat from the cooking juices and serve the juices with the meat.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_This recipe takes the chuck roasts to the tender pot-roast stage. If you prefer a rarer roast, smoke the chuck roasts just until the internal temperature reaches 120\u00b0F, 1\u00bd to 2 hours. Remove the roasts from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 15 minutes before slicing._\n\n## 180 Brisket\n\nMAKES: 12 to 14 servings \u2022 PREP: stand (injection) 1 hour, marinate (brisket) 30 minutes, rest (flat) 1 hour \u2022 COOK: 10\u00bd to 12\u00bd hours \u2022 REST: 1 hour\n\nIn Kansas City Barbecue Society competitions, 180 is a perfect score, and that is what I was awarded when I served this brisket at a contest in Collingwood, ON. Doing brisket right takes practice, but once you nail it, there's nothing finer to serve to family and friends. Use a clean coffee grinder to grind the dried mushrooms to a powder.\n\n1 whole beef brisket (14 to 16 lb)\n\n\u00bc cup granulated onion (see this page)\n\n2 tbsp finely ground dried porcini mushrooms\n\n\u00be to 1 cup Montreal Steak Spice\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nOak wood chips\n\nInjection\n\n2 cups bottled low-sodium water\n\n\u00be cup Butcher BBQ Prime Brisket Injection (see this page)\n\nBrisket Spritz\n\n2 cups low-sodium beef stock\n\n\u00be cup Worcestershire sauce\n\n2 tbsp fish sauce\n\nBrisket Wrap\n\n1\u00bd cups low-sodium beef stock\n\n1 medium white sweet onion, sliced\n\n2 tbsp unsalted butter\n\n1 tbsp coarsely ground black pepper (butcher grind)\n\n1 tbsp Minor's Beef Au Jus Concentrate or concentrated beef bouillon\n\nGlaze\n\n\u00bd cup Smoky Mountain Smokers Chipotle BBQ Sauce (see this page)\n\n1. Trim the top fat and silver skin from the brisket. The meat side (known as the flat) of the brisket should be completely exposed, with no visible fat. Trim the fat from the point of the brisket to expose the meat. Trim enough of the bottom fat cap to make the brisket as level as possible.\n\n2. Whisk together the injection ingredients in a medium bowl. Set aside for 1 hour. Fill the injector with the mixture.\n\n3. Inject the brisket at 1-inch intervals, injecting \u00bd oz each time. Continue to inject until the brisket starts pushing out more liquid than it is taking in.\n\n4. Mix together the granulated onion and ground mushrooms in a small bowl. Sprinkle the mixture over the meat of the brisket, coating it well. Sprinkle the meat of the brisket generously with steak spice, coating it well.\n\n5. Set the brisket aside at room temperature for 30 minutes before smoking.\n\n6. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 180\u00b0F. Add a handful each of hickory and oak chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill. When the chips start to smoke, place the brisket, fat side down, on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the brisket for 1 hour.\n\n7. Mix together all the spritz ingredients in a small bowl. Pour into a spray bottle. After the brisket has smoked for 1 hour, spray it all over with the spritz, ensuring the surface is damp but not dripping.\n\n8. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful each of hickory and oak chips. Smoke the brisket for another 4 hours, replenishing the wood chips and spritzing the brisket every hour.\n\n9. After 4 hours, increase the grill temperature to 275\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips. Smoke the brisket, without turning it, until the bark on the surface of the brisket has crusted, another 2 to 3 hours.\n\n10. While the brisket is cooking, mix together all the wrap ingredients in a small saucepan. Bring to a simmer, stirring until the concentrate has melted. Let cool to room temperature.\n\n11. Remove the brisket from the grill and place, fat side down, on a double layer of heavy-duty foil large enough to wrap the brisket. (Leave the grill on.)\n\n12. Bring the foil up around the brisket. Pour the wrap mixture over the brisket, then seal the foil tightly around the brisket so none of the wrap leaks out.\n\n13. Return the foil-wrapped brisket to the grill. Continue to grill until the internal temperature of the brisket reaches 205\u00b0F, 2 to 3 hours. Remove the brisket from the grill. (Leave the grill on.)\n\n14. Carefully open the foil. Pour the juices into a small bowl. To make the glaze, add the barbecue sauce to the juices and mix well.\n\n15. Separate the flat (the leaner part) of the brisket from the point (the fattier end), where it splits naturally. Brush one-quarter of the glaze onto the flat. Wrap the flat in a double layer of plastic wrap, then in a layer of heavy-duty foil. Place the foil-wrapped flat in a cooler or a very large plastic container and cover with towels. Let the flat rest for at least 1 hour.\n\n16. Cut the point of the brisket into 1-inch cubes. These are known as burnt ends. Place the burnt ends in a disposable aluminum pan and toss with just enough glaze to coat them lightly. (Depending on the size of the brisket, you may not need all the glaze.)\n\n17. Increase the temperature of the grill to 275\u00b0F. Return the pan of burnt ends to the cool side of the grill. Cook the burnt ends for 1 hour, then, using tongs, flip them and spray with the spritz. Cook until the burnt ends are softened and the glaze has caramelized, about 30 minutes.\n\n18. Unwrap the flat of the brisket. Cut into slices against the grain. Serve with burnt ends.\n\n## Asian-Marinated Korean Beef Ribs\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: overnight \u2022 COOK: 8 to 10 minutes\n\nThinly cut Korean-style beef ribs are a cinch to grill, and the aromas from the Asian-inspired marinade will have your guests salivating. Pile the grilled ribs on a cutting board and let everyone have at 'em. Before you know it, you'll need to grill another batch.\n\n4 lb Korean-style beef short ribs\n\nMarinade\n\n\u00be cup low-sodium soy sauce\n\n\u00bd cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bd cup rice wine vinegar\n\n\u00bd cup hoisin sauce\n\n\u00bd cup water\n\n2 tbsp toasted sesame oil\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n1 tbsp minced fresh ginger\n\n1 tbsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\nGarnish\n\n2 tsp sesame seeds\n\n2 green onions, chopped\n\n1. Place the short ribs in a 1-gallon resealable freezer bag.\n\n2. Whisk together all the marinade ingredients in a medium bowl. Pour the marinade over the ribs, then seal the bag, squeezing to remove as much air as possible. Refrigerate overnight, turning the bag once or twice to ensure even distribution of the marinade.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Remove the ribs from the bag, discarding the remaining marinade. Grill the ribs, turning often, until slightly charred, 8 to 10 minutes. Serve sprinkled with sesame seeds and green onions.\n\n## Sunday Night Herb-Crusted Prime Rib\n\nMAKES: 10 to 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: 4 hours \u2022 COOK: 1 to 1 \u00be hours\n\nEveryone needs a go-to Sunday dinner that brings the whole family or a group of friends to the table. And this is mine. The herb crust adds extra flavor to the succulent prime rib, and the recipe comes together effortlessly. What more can you ask of a Sunday dinner?\n\n\u00bc cup fresh rosemary leaves\n\n\u00bc cup fresh flat-leaf parsley leaves\n\n\u00bc cup minced garlic\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\n3 tbsp Dijon mustard\n\n2 tbsp kosher salt\n\n2 tbsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1 prime rib roast (5 to 7 lb)\n\n1. Combine the rosemary, parsley, garlic, oil, mustard, salt and pepper in a food processor. Pulse until the herbs are finely chopped and the ingredients are combined.\n\n2. Coat the entire prime rib with the herb mixture. Refrigerate, uncovered, for 4 hours.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Place the prime rib, bone side down, on the cool side of the grill.\n\n4. Grill, allowing 12 to 15 minutes per pound, until the internal temperature of the thickest part of the prime rib reaches 120\u00b0F to 130\u00b0F for rare to medium-rare, 1 to 1\u00be hours.\n\n5. Remove the prime rib from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 15 minutes before slicing.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_The leftover prime rib makes an amazing filling for quesadillas._\n\n## Bear's Smokehouse Old-Fashioned\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 5 minutes\n\nOn Sunday night\u2014or any night, for that matter\u2014this old-fashioned teams well with roast beef.\n\n1 tsp superfine or fruit sugar\n\n2 dashes Angostura bitters\n\n1 tsp water\n\n1 slice orange\n\nIce\n\n2 oz Forty Creek or your favorite Canadian whisky\n\nOrange twist for garnish\n\n2 drained maraschino cherries\n\n1. Place the sugar in an old-fashioned glass. Add the bitters and water. Add the orange slice and muddle.\n\n2. Fill the glass with ice and add the whisky. Stir until the sugar has dissolved.\n\n3. Garnish with an orange twist and maraschino cherries.\n\n## From-Texas-with-Love Beef Ribs\n\nMAKES: 2 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 5 to 6 hours\n\nDear Texas: you rock. I have had some of the most mouthwatering, smoky beef ribs at Black's Barbecue, in Lockhart; Louie Mueller Barbecue, in Taylor; and John Mueller Meat Co. and La Barbecue, in Austin. Buy the meatiest beef ribs you can find for this recipe.\n\n1 large rack Texas-size beef ribs (4 to 5 lb)\n\n\u00be cup Montreal Steak Spice\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nMesquite wood chips\n\nSpritz\n\n2 cups best-quality beef stock\n\n\u00bd cup Worcestershire sauce\n\n [ ](http:\/\/youtube.com\/user\/DivaQBBQ1)\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful each of hickory and mesquite chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Pull off the membrane from the bony side of the ribs (see sidebar). Season both sides of the ribs generously with the steak spice.\n\n3. Mix together the spritz ingredients and pour into a spray bottle.\n\n4. When the chips start to smoke, place the ribs, bone side down, on the cool side of the grill.\n\n5. Smoke the ribs until the meat has pulled back from the bones and is tender, 5 to 6 hours. Spray the ribs with the spritz every 30 to 45 minutes; replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every hour while the ribs smoke.\n\n## Double-Tied Beef Tenderloin\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 43 to 55 minutes\n\nDelicate tenderloin is a refined cut of beef that's truly an indulgence. Since it's very lean, beef tenderloin should never be cooked to more than medium, so have a digital thermometer on hand to ensure the beef doesn't overcook. Pair it with a glass of good red wine, and enjoy.\n\n2 whole trimmed beef tenderloins (each 3 lb)\n\n\u00bc cup Worcestershire sauce\n\n\u00bc cup Montreal Steak Spice\n\n1 tsp rubbed dried thyme leaves\n\n1 tsp dried rosemary\n\n1 tsp dried dill weed\n\n1. Lay one beef tenderloin on top of the other so the thick end of one lies over the thinner end of the other. Tie the beef tenderloins together at intervals with butcher twine (or ask your butcher to do this for you).\n\n2. Coat the tied tenderloins with Worcestershire sauce. Sprinkle evenly with the steak spice and herbs. Set aside.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Grill the tenderloins on the hot side of the grill for 4 to 5 minutes per side until crusted.\n\n5. Move the tenderloins to the cool side of the grill. Continue to grill until the internal temperature of each tenderloin is 120\u00b0F to 130\u00b0F for rare to medium-rare, 35 to 45 minutes.\n\n6. Remove the tenderloins from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 10 to 15 minutes before slicing.\n\n## Rosemary-Garlic Marinated Flank Steak\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: overnight \u2022 COOK: 10 to 12 minutes\n\nFlank steak is the ugly duckling of the steak world. It isn't nearly as sexy as a porterhouse, nor as attractive as a rib eye. But what flank lacks in beauty, it sure makes up for in flavor. Flank steak needs a marinade, but is an economical cut that can feed a lot of people when it's sliced thinly across the grain.\n\n1 flank steak (about 2 lb)\n\nSea salt for serving\n\nMarinade\n\n1 cup soy sauce\n\n\u00bd cup rice wine vinegar\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh rosemary leaves\n\n2 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 tbsp sorghum syrup (see sidebar)\n\n1 tbsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n1 tbsp coarsely ground black pepper (butcher grind)\n\n1. Mix together all the marinade ingredients in a medium bowl. Place the flank steak in a 1-gallon resealable freezer bag. Pour the marinade over the flank steak, then seal the bag, squeezing to remove as much air as possible.\n\n2. Refrigerate overnight, turning the bag once or twice to ensure even distribution of the marinade.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Remove the flank steak from the marinade, discarding the remaining marinade. Grill the flank steak, turning once, until the internal temperature reaches 120\u00b0F to 130\u00b0F for rare to medium-rare, about 10 to 12 minutes. (Flank steaks can vary in thickness, so keep an eye on the steak and don't overcook it; flank is best served rare to medium-rare.)\n\n5. Remove the flank steak from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes. Slice thinly across the grain. I like to sprinkle the slices with sea salt just before serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Although referred to as sorghum \"molasses\" in the southern United States, sorghum syrup is actually made from sorghum grass, not sugar cane. It's an amber, mild-flavored syrup that's slightly sweeter than true molasses. Substitute maple syrup if you can't find it._\n\n_Top a salad with thinly sliced flank steak, or use it to stuff tacos._\n\n## Marinated Flap Steak Sandwich\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: at least 4 hours \u2022 COOK: 20 to 25 minutes\n\nFlap steaks, cut from the bottom sirloin, are super versatile. I use them for kebabs, in tacos and for this easy sammie. I was thinking of Philly cheese steaks when I came up with this crowd-pleasing recipe. If you find it challenging to trim the silver skin from the steaks, ask your butcher to do it for you.\n\n2 flap steaks, trimmed of silver skin (each about 2 lb)\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n1 each sweet red, yellow and green peppers, seeded and cut in half\n\n1 red onion, cut in half\n\n1 baguette, split horizontally\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, softened\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1 cup shredded cheddar\n\nMarinade\n\n\u00bd cup soy sauce\n\n\u00bc cup minced garlic\n\n2 tbsp molasses\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Place the flap steaks in a 1-gallon resealable freezer bag.\n\n2. Whisk together all the marinade ingredients in a small bowl until the molasses has dissolved. Pour the marinade over the steaks, then seal the bag, squeezing to remove as much air as possible. Refrigerate for at least 4 hours or overnight, turning the bag once or twice to ensure even distribution of the marinade.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Generously oil the grill grates.\n\n4. Place the peppers and onion on the grill. Grill, turning once, until softened, 6 to 8 minutes. Remove the peppers and onion from the grill. Cut into slices and set aside.\n\n5. Remove the flap steaks from the bag, discarding any remaining marinade. Grill the steaks, turning once, until lightly charred and the internal temperature reaches 120\u00b0F to 130\u00b0F for rare to medium-rare, 6 to 8 minutes.\n\n6. Remove the steaks from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes.\n\n7. While the steaks are resting, spread the cut sides of the baguette with butter. Grill, butter side down, until lightly toasted. (Leave the grill on.)\n\n8. Place the steaks on the bottom half of the baguette and sprinkle with salt and pepper to taste. Top the steaks with the grilled peppers and onion. Sprinkle evenly with cheddar. Replace the top of the baguette.\n\n9. Return the sandwich to the top rack or a cooler part of the grill until the cheese melts, 5 to 6 minutes.\n\n10. Remove the sandwich from the grill, cut into slices and serve.\n\n## Smokin' Good Beef Bologna\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 2 \u00bd hours\n\nI grew up eating bologna sandwiches, but I never gave much thought to bologna and barbecue until I visited Cozy Corner Bar-B-Q in Memphis, TN. I tried the restaurant's slab of succulent smoked bologna and was hooked. Smoked bologna is all sorts of awesome on its own, so doesn't need anything fancy. Slice it thinly and serve on plain white bread with lots of great mustard.\n\n1 chub all-beef bologna (3 lb)\n\n\u00bd cup spicy deli mustard\n\n\u00bc cup Kansas City Rub\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n1 cup Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\nSliced white bread\n\nAdditional mustard to serve\n\n1. Remove the wax coating, if any, from the bologna. Score the outside of the bologna into \u00bd-inch slices. Rub the bologna with the mustard, then sprinkle with the rub.\n\n2. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a small handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n3. When the chips start to smoke, place the bologna on the cool side of the grill. Smoke the bologna until the internal temperature reaches 160\u00b0F, about 2 hours. Replenish the hickory chips by adding another small handful every 30 minutes while the bologna smokes.\n\n4. Slather the bologna with the Diva Q barbecue sauce. Smoke until the bologna has darkened and the sauce has set, about 30 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the bologna from the grill. Cut into slices at the score marks and serve on white bread with additional mustard.\n\n## Stuffed-to-the-Max Burgers\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 CHILL: at least 1 hour \u2022 COOK: 12 to 14 minutes\n\nThere are a million ways to make burgers, but this is burger nirvana. Stuffed burgers done my way, with a rolling pin and pizza wheel\u2014really!\u2014are easy to prep. Get your kids to help you and share the burger love.\n\n3 lb ground beef (80% lean, 20% fat)\n\n3 cloves garlic, minced\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n8 kaiser buns, split\n\n\u00bc cup salted butter, softened\n\nStuffing\n\n\u00bd cup bacon jam (see sidebar)\n\n\u00bd cup caramelized onions\n\n2 cups grated sharp cheddar\n\nAdditional cheese for melting (optional)\n\nToppings\n\nCooked bacon, sliced cheese, lettuce leaves, good-quality mayonnaise (such as Hellmann's or Duke's), Homemade Smoked Ketchup and\/or mustard\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_You can stuff the burgers with anything from herbed cream cheese to leftover pulled pork. Let your imagination run wild._\n\n1. Gently mix together the ground beef, garlic, and salt and pepper to taste in a large bowl.\n\n2. Lay a large sheet of plastic wrap on your work surface. Tip the ground beef mixture onto the plastic wrap. Using a rolling pin, flatten the ground beef out evenly on the plastic wrap to form a rectangle about \u00bd inch thick.\n\n3. Using a pizza wheel, score the rectangle of ground beef into 16 even-size squares.\n\n4. Top the 8 squares nearest to you with equal amounts of bacon jam, caramelized onions and cheddar.\n\n5. Grasp the edge of the plastic wrap furthest away from you and fold the top 8 burgers over the ones nearest to you.\n\n6. Peel the plastic wrap off the top of the burgers. Cut through the score marks with the pizza wheel to form 8 square burgers.\n\n7. With your hands, form each square burger into a round patty, making sure the edges of each burger are sealed to keep the stuffing in. Refrigerate the burgers for at least 1 hour before grilling.\n\n8. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Generously oil the grill grates.\n\n9. Season the burgers with salt and pepper to taste. Grill, turning once, until the internal temperature reaches 160\u00b0F, 12 to 14 minutes. For the last few minutes of cooking, top the burgers with additional cheese (if using).\n\n10. Remove the burgers from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 5 to 10 minutes before serving.\n\n11. While the burgers rest, spread the cut sides of the buns with butter. Grill, cut sides down, until golden. Assemble the burgers, adding your choice of toppings.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Bacon jam is readily available in almost any grocery store. It's fun to have on hand as it adds some really special, bacon-y goodness to this dish._\n\n## Rib Eye Tacos\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 25 to 30 minutes\n\nTacos are everywhere, but these ones, chock full of greens, zesty salsa and rib eye\u2014yes, rib eye\u2014steak are satisfyingly over the top.\n\n4 rib eye steaks (1\u00bd inches thick)\n\n12 flour tortillas\n\n3 cups shredded napa cabbage\n\nFresh Tomato Salsa\n\n8 oz roma tomatoes, seeded and chopped\n\n2 jalape\u00f1os, seeded and finely diced\n\n2 limes, zested\n\n2 green onions, chopped\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh cilantro\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\nFresh Pineapple Salsa\n\nHalf fresh pineapple, peeled, cored and chopped\n\n\u00bd cup finely chopped red onion\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh cilantro\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n1. Mix all the ingredients for each salsa in 2 separate medium serving bowls. Set aside for at least 10 minutes before serving.\n\n2. Grill the steaks according to the recipe for Reverse-Seared Steaks.\n\n3. Remove the steaks from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 5 to 10 minutes before slicing into thin strips.\n\n4. Fill each tortilla with napa cabbage, steak and a salsa of your choice.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_On a carb-free kick? Serve the steak and salsas on a bed of organic greens._\n\n## Gail-a-Rita\n\nMAKES: about 2 \u00be gallons (30 servings) \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nGail Gurney-Smith of The 5th Artery Barbeque Team from Amherst, NY, came up with this margarita recipe at a competition in 2012. She made a big batch in a 3-gallon cooler and served it up to all her fellow competitors. Get in the spirit by wearing sombreros and fake moustaches (if necessary!) and fixing a mess of tacos to go with it. You can use really inexpensive tequila for this.\n\n2 bottles (each 64 oz\/1.9 L) Daily's Cocktails Peach or Raspberry Mix or 15 cups peach or raspberry juice\n\n2 bottles (each 64 oz\/1.9 L) white grape and peach or white grape and raspberry juice\n\n2 bottles (40 oz\/1.14 L) tequila\n\n1 bottle (26 oz\/750 mL) triple sec\n\nIce\n\nRaspberries or sliced peaches for garnish\n\nBendy straws\n\n1. Pour the mix, juice, tequila and triple sec into a clean, sanitized 3-gallon cooler and stir well.\n\n2. Ladle over ice into red plastic Solo cups. Garnish with raspberries or peach slices and serve with bendy straws.\n\n## Meat Cake\n\nMAKES: 12 to 14 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 CHILL: 2 hours \u2022 COOK: about 1 hour\n\nYou have to be a little bit barbecue-obsessed to make a birthday cake out of meat, but this recipe is all sorts of yum. The first time I made it, the wow factor was so high I started to get requests from friends. One year I even made heart-shaped ones for Valentine's Day.\n\nCakes\n\n2 lb ground chuck\n\n2 lb Italian sausage, casings removed\n\n8 oz bacon, ground\n\n1 cup panko bread crumbs\n\n1 medium onion, minced\n\n2 eggs, beaten\n\n3 jalape\u00f1os, seeded and minced\n\n\u00bc cup Sriracha sauce\n\n1 tbsp Montreal Steak Spice\n\n1 tbsp minced garlic\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nCherry wood chips\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n3 cups shredded cold-smoked cheddar\n\nIcing\n\n6 to 7 cups hot cooked, mashed potatoes\n\nBarbecue sauce in a squeeze bottle, for writing\n\n1. Gently mix together the ground chuck, sausage, bacon, bread crumbs, onion, eggs, jalape\u00f1os, Sriracha sauce, steak spice, garlic, and salt and pepper to taste in a large bowl.\n\n2. Divide the meat mixture between two 8-inch round baking pans, smoothing it out so it's level. Refrigerate for 2 hours.\n\n3. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a small handful each of cherry and hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n4. When the chips start to smoke, place the pans on the cool side of the grill. Smoke until the internal temperature of each cake reaches 150\u00b0F, 45 to 60 minutes. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful halfway through the smoking time.\n\n5. Remove the pans from the grill and drain off any excess fat. (Leave the grill on.) Carefully remove the cakes from the pans. Top each cake evenly with cheese.\n\n6. Place the cakes, cheese side up, on the cool side of the grill. Cook until the internal temperature of each cake reaches 160\u00b0F, about 15 minutes.\n\n7. Remove the cakes from the grill and place one cake on a serving plate. Top the cake with half of the hot mashed potato. Place the second cake on top of the potato. Spread the top of the cake with the remaining mashed potato.\n\n8. Use the barbecue sauce to drizzle a message on the top of the cake. Serve immediately.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_If you're feeling creative, spoon any leftover mashed potato into a piping bag fitted with a large tip and pipe mashed-potato flowers and other decorations on top of the cake._\n\n## Smoked Bone Marrow\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 15 to 20 minutes\n\nIf someone had once told me that I would happily scrape out the innards of a bone and slather it on toast, I'd have said they were crazy. These days I'm hooked. Smoked bone marrow has the same characteristics as top-notch p\u00e2t\u00e9. It's pure beef fat\u2014no diet food here\u2014and its superb flavor is enhanced by smoking. Ask your butcher to cut the marrow bones in half lengthwise.\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n8 beef marrow bones, cut in half lengthwise\n\n\u00bc cup Montreal Steak Spice\n\n\u00bd cup finely chopped fresh flat-leaf parsley\n\n1 baguette, sliced and toasted\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory wood chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Season the marrow side of the bones with steak spice.\n\n3. When the wood chips start to smoke heavily, place the bones, cut sides up, on the cool side of the grill.\n\n4. Smoke the marrow bones until the marrow becomes gelatinous, 15 to 20 minutes. Watch the bones carefully; if you grill them for too long, the marrow will liquefy and run out of the bones.\n\n5. Carefully remove the bones from the grill, scrape the marrow out of the bones and spread it onto the baguette toasts, sprinkle with parsley and serve.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Once you've enjoyed the marrow, do what my friends Patrick Weir, Jess Sweeney and chef Dave Mottershall do: scrub the bones and use them as whiskey luges. Put one end of a bone in your mouth, then pour whiskey in the other end._\n\n# FOWL \nPLAY\n\nForget all about dried-out chicken, duck or turkey on the grill. These recipes bring succulent, juicy poultry with big, bold flavors right into your backyard.\n\nSmoked Crispy Duck\n\nPineapple Stand Chicken\n\nGet Your Jerk On!\n\nHerbed Tuscan Bricked Chicken\n\nRoadside Chicken\n\nSpicy Curry Chicken Skewers\n\nBrie and Spinach\u2013Stuffed Chicken Breasts\n\nSweet and Sassy Chicken Lollipops\n\n Q'n Canucks Take-Out-the-Competition Punch\n\nCompetition Chicken Thighs\n\nBlue-Ribbon Wings\n\nGame Day Shredded Buffalo Chicken Sammie\n\n Mutha Chicken's Slaughterhouse Slammer\n\nGrilled Greek Turkey Burgers\n\nCajun-Butter-Injected Turkey Breast\n\n## Smoked Crispy Duck\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 2\u00be hours\n\nMy sister-in-smoke Angie Quaale took me out for lunch when I was visiting her in Vancouver. Angie is a dynamo of a woman with great taste in food. That day we ate terrific shredded duck with hoisin sauce in lettuce wraps. Here's my take on that crispy, succulent duck. The shredded meat is also wonderful in tacos, or portion out the duck and serve as a main course.\n\n1 duck (about 5 lb), spatchcocked (see sidebar)\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nGlaze\n\n\u00be cup maltose syrup (see sidebar), honey or molasses\n\n\u00bd cup low-sodium soy sauce\n\n2 tbsp grated fresh ginger\n\n2 tsp minced garlic\n\n1 tsp five-spice powder\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Spatchcocking (aka flattening) a bird is easy to do. Place the bird breast side down on a cutting board and, with sturdy kitchen shears, cut along each side of the bird's backbone. Remove the backbone (reserve, if you like, for making stock). Flip the bird over and open it up like a book. With the flat of your hand, press down firmly on the breastbone to flatten the bird. Alternatively, ask your butcher to spatchcock the bird for you._\n\n1. Rinse the duck and pat it dry with paper towels. Use your fingers to separate the skin from the breast, then, with a very sharp knife, slash the breasts of the duck. (This will help render out more fat.) Sprinkle the duck with salt and pepper.\n\n2. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F. If using a gas or charcoal grill, place a disposable aluminum pan directly on the coals or burners on the cool side of the grill to catch the fat that will drip off the duck.\n\n3. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n4. When the chips start to smoke, place the duck, skin side up, on the cool side of the grill (directly over the aluminum pan if using a charcoal or gas grill). Smoke the duck for 2 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the duck smokes.\n\n5. Mix together all the ingredients for the glaze in a small bowl.\n\n6. After 2 hours, increase the temperature of the grill to 300\u00b0F. Glaze the duck with some of the maltose mixture. Smoke the duck, glazing it every 10 minutes, until the glaze is used up, 30 to 40 minutes.\n\n7. Increase the temperature of the grill to high (450\u00b0F-plus). Smoke until the duck is a rich dark color, the skin is crisp and the internal temperature of the thickest part of the thigh reaches 175\u00b0F, about 10 minutes.\n\n8. Remove the duck from the grill and let rest, uncovered, for 20 minutes.\n\n9. When the duck is cool enough to handle, divide it into portions or shred the duck meat, chopping up the crispy skin and mixing it in with the meat.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Maltose syrup is used in beer- and bread-making. Look for it in home brewing supply stores, health food stores or Asian groceries._\n\n## Pineapple Stand Chicken\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 40 to 50 minutes\n\nBeer-can chicken is _so_ last year. It's also a waste of perfectly drinkable beer. My version, which stands the chicken on a fresh pineapple, adds just as much juiciness plus some tropical flavor.\n\n1 large pineapple\n\n1 chicken (3 to 4 lb)\n\n\u00bc cup Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\nFresh Pineapple Salsa\n\n1. Trim the top from the pineapple. Cut a slice from the bottom of the pineapple so it stands level.\n\n2. With the pineapple standing upright on a cutting board and using a large, sharp knife, cut the peel and any \"eyes\" from the pineapple.\n\n3. Cut vertical slices of flesh from the pineapple all around the core, stopping 2 inches from the base of the pineapple. You'll be left with the vertical core of the pineapple on a 2-inch base, and this forms your \"stand\" for the chicken. Reserve the pineapple for the salsa.\n\n4. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 275\u00b0F.\n\n5. Season the chicken inside and out lightly with the rub. Invert the chicken onto the pineapple stand.\n\n6. Place the chicken on its pineapple stand on the cool side of the grill. Grill for 20 minutes. Rotate the chicken and grill until the internal temperature of the breast reaches 165\u00b0F and the thigh reaches 175\u00b0F, 20 to 30 minutes.\n\n7. Remove the chicken from the grill and remove the pineapple stand. Tent the chicken loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes before serving with the salsa.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_The pineapple stand for the chicken can be prepared ahead of time, but don't invert the chicken onto it until just before grilling. There are enzymes in pineapple that can break down the meat and make it mushy if the fruit comes in contact with the chicken too far in advance._\n\n## Get Your Jerk On!\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: overnight \u2022 COOK: 45 to 55 minutes\n\nCrank up the Bob Marley tunes and get your Jamaican groove on with this easy jerk chicken that's perfect for a backyard gathering. For the most authentic jerk, check out the sidebar. Ya, mon.\n\n1 large chicken (4 to 5 lb)\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\nMarinade\n\n1 small red onion, minced\n\n\u00bc cup chopped green onions\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\n2 to 4 scotch bonnet peppers, minced\n\n2 small jalape\u00f1os, minced\n\n3 tbsp Appleton Estate or your favorite amber rum\n\n2 tsp finely ground white pepper\n\n2 tsp kosher salt\n\n1\u00bd tsp ground thyme\n\n\u00bd tsp ground allspice\n\n\u00bd tsp grated nutmeg\n\n\u00bd tsp cinnamon\n\n1. Combine all marinade ingredients in a food processor and pulse until smooth.\n\n2. Place the chicken in a resealable 2-gallon freezer bag. Pour the marinade into the bag, turning to coat the chicken with the marinade. Squeeze out as much air as possible from the bag, seal the bag and refrigerate overnight.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 350\u00b0F.\n\n4. Remove the chicken from the bag, discarding the marinade. Generously oil the grill grates. Place the chicken, breast side up, on the cool side of the grill and grill for 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n5. Rotate the chicken, then grill for another 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n6. Flip the chicken over, then grill until the internal temperature reaches 165\u00b0F in the breast and 175\u00b0F in the thigh, about 15 minutes. For crispier skin, move the chicken to the hot side of the grill for the last few minutes of cooking.\n\n7. Remove the chicken from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes before serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Try the jerk marinade on pork or salmon, too. Marinate the pork overnight, but the salmon for just 30 minutes._\n\n_For the most authentic jerk chicken, grill it over pimento wood charcoal, made from the wood of the Jamaican allspice tree. (Look for pimento wood charcoal at your local barbecue supply store.) Fill a chimney starter with the charcoal and light it. When all the charcoal is covered with gray ash, pour out the coals and spread them evenly over half of your grill. The bottom and top vents should be open halfway. Follow the grilling directions in the recipe._\n\n## Herbed Tuscan Bricked Chicken\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: at least 4 hours \u2022 COOK: 40 to 50 minutes\n\nOne day I'll get to Italy to eat _pollo al mattone_. Until then I'll be content with my version of what translates as Tuscan bricked chicken. The brick presses the chicken into the grill grates so it cooks more evenly and quickly and becomes crunchy, juicy and packed full of flavor. If you don't have any bricks, use a heavy cast iron skillet. I have a small herb garden in my backyard, and I change up the herbs in this recipe depending on what's in season.\n\n1 lemon, zested and juiced\n\n1 tbsp finely chopped fresh oregano\n\n1 tbsp finely chopped fresh marjoram\n\n1 tbsp finely chopped fresh flat-leaf parsley\n\n1 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 tsp finely chopped fresh rosemary leaves\n\n1 chicken (3 to 4 lb), spatchcocked (see this page)\n\n\u00bc cup extra virgin olive oil\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n2 standard building bricks\n\nLemon wedges for garnish\n\n1. Mix together the lemon zest and juice, oregano, marjoram, parsley, garlic and rosemary.\n\n2. Rub the chicken all over with the oil and then with the lemon mixture, making sure to rub some of it under the skin of the breast meat.\n\n3. Season the chicken with salt and pepper to taste. Cover the chicken with plastic wrap and refrigerate for at least 4 hours or overnight.\n\n4. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-low (300\u00b0F).\n\n5. Wrap the bricks in heavy-duty foil to cover them completely.\n\n6. Place the chicken, skin side down, on the grill. Immediately place the bricks on top of the chicken. Grill until the skin is crispy, 15 to 20 minutes. Flip the chicken and grill until the internal temperature of the breast meat reaches 165\u00b0F and the thigh reaches 175\u00b0F, 25 to 30 minutes.\n\n7. Remove the chicken from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes. Serve the chicken with lemon wedges on the side.\n\n## Roadside Chicken\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 1 hour\n\nWhen I'm driving through the southern United States, I often pass gas stations where some dude is out front fixing barbecue and basting chicken. This is my take on some incredible chicken I've enjoyed at the side of the road. I love that you can putter at the grill while you baste this chicken, adding layers of flavor each time. Make a couple of batches\u2014your tummy will thank you for the leftovers.\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n1 large chicken (4 to 5 lb), cut into 8 portions\n\n3 large navel oranges, cut in half\n\nBaste\n\n1 cup apple cider vinegar\n\n\u00bd cup canola oil\n\n\u00bc cup orange juice with pulp\n\n\u00bc cup Worcestershire sauce\n\n2 tbsp granulated sugar\n\n1 tbsp chili powder\n\n1 tbsp garlic powder\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 275\u00b0F to 300\u00b0F.\n\n2. Whisk together all the baste ingredients in a nonmetallic bowl, whisking until the sugar has dissolved and the spices are well mixed.\n\n3. Generously oil the grill grates. Place the chicken pieces, skin side up, on the cool side of the grill and brush with the baste.\n\n4. Grill the chicken, basting every 10 minutes and turning the pieces occasionally, until the internal temperature of the breast pieces reaches 165\u00b0F and the thighs and legs reaches 175\u00b0F, about 50 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the chicken from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes.\n\n6. While the chicken is resting, grill the orange halves, cut sides down, on the hot side of the grill.\n\n7. Serve the chicken with segments of grilled orange.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_A dash of hot sauce in the baste adds a kick of spice to the chicken._\n\n## Spicy Curry Chicken Skewers\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: at least 2 hours \u2022 COOK: 8 to 12 minutes\n\nAs a busy mom of three mighty munchkins, I'm always in search of quick midweek grills. This fragrant curried chicken is an easy recipe that everyone enjoys. Use a little or a lot of curry and vary the heat level, according to what your family likes. Serve the skewers over couscous, or slide the meat off the skewers and tuck in a pita or flatbread.\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\n3 tbsp minced garlic\n\n2 tbsp mild curry powder\n\n2 tbsp Spicy Thai Rub\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n2 lb skinless, boneless chicken breasts, cut into 1-inch chunks\n\n4 to 6 metal skewers\n\nCucumber-Yogurt Dip\n\n2 English cucumbers, seeded and cubed\n\n1 cup Greek yogurt\n\n2 tsp finely chopped fresh dill\n\n1 tbsp freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\n2 cloves Smoked Garlic, smashed\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Mix together the oil, garlic, curry powder, Thai rub and black pepper in a medium nonmetallic bowl. Add the chicken and toss to coat with the oil mixture. Cover and refrigerate for at least 2 hours or overnight.\n\n2. Mix together all the dip ingredients in a medium bowl. Cover and refrigerate for at least two hours.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Thread the chicken onto the skewers. Place the chicken skewers on the grill and grill, turning once, until the internal temperature reaches 165\u00b0F, 8 to 12 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the skewers from the grill and serve with the Cucumber-Yogurt Dip.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_I've served these skewers as an appetizer for a dinner party and used the spice rub on whole chicken breasts._\n\n## Brie and Spinach\u2013Stuffed Chicken Breasts\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 BRINE: 1 hour \u2022 COOK: 8 to 10 minutes\n\nSo elegant and refined, this is ladies-who-lunch stuffed chicken. The stuffing can be switched up with things you already have in your fridge, but my family loves the combo of spinach and brie. If you like, slice the chicken and serve it in a bun, or let cool and use to fix a posh chicken salad.\n\nBasic Brine\n\n4 boneless, skinless chicken breasts\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n4 oz brie, sliced and rind removed\n\n1 cup packed baby spinach leaves\n\n4 small, slim metal skewers\n\nMoroccan Spice Rub\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n1. Prepare the brine and submerge the chicken breasts for 1 hour.\n\n2. Remove the chicken breasts and pat dry on paper towels. Discard the brine.\n\n3. Cut a horizontal slit in the side of each chicken breast to create a pocket. Season each pocket with salt and pepper to taste. Put 1 slice of brie and one-quarter of the spinach leaves in each pocket. Secure each pocket with a skewer. Season the outside of the breasts with the rub.\n\n4. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Generously oil the grill grates. Grill the chicken breasts, turning often, until the internal temperature reaches 165\u00b0F, 8 to 10 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the chicken from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes before serving.\n\n## Sweet and Sassy Chicken Lollipops\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 45 minutes \u2022 COOK: 30 to 45 minutes\n\nI like having a handle on chicken, and these lollipops are fun to look at and taste great. I've made chicken lollipops for competitions, on TV shows and for my family, and they're always a real crowd-pleaser.\n\n1 cup Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\n\u00bc cup Sriracha sauce\n\n2 lb chicken drumsticks\n\n\u00bc cup Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\n1 tsp chipotle powder\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n1. Mix together the Diva Q sauce and Sriracha sauce in a small bowl. Set aside.\n\n2. With a small, sharp knife, cut around the thin, bony end of each chicken drumstick, cutting through the skin, meat and tendons until you reach the bone. Push the meat and skin down toward the thick end of the drumstick to form a \"lollipop.\" Repeat with the remaining drumsticks.\n\n3. Generously sprinkle the drumsticks with the rub and chipotle powder.\n\n4. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Generously oil the grill grates.\n\n5. Grill the chicken, turning often, until the internal temperature reaches 175\u00b0F, 20 to 30 minutes.\n\n6. Glaze the chicken with the sauce mixture. Grill, turning often, until the glaze sets, 10 to 15 minutes.\n\n7. Remove the chicken from the grill, tent loosely with foil and let rest for 10 minutes before serving.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_If you like, wrap the exposed bone of each chicken drumstick in foil before grilling to protect it from the glaze. Make sure to remove the foil before serving._\n\n## Q'n Canucks' Take-Out-the-Competition Punch\n\nMAKES: about 1 \u00bd gallons (30 servings) \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nThe award-winning Q'n Canucks BBQ Team from Guelph, ON, always serves up batches of this knock-you-on-your-butt punch at barbecue competitions. I love it with the Sweet and Sassy Chicken Lollipops.\n\n1 bottle (26 oz\/750 mL) vodka\n\n1 bottle (26 oz\/750 mL) dark, golden or white rum\n\n16 oz banana liqueur\n\n16 oz tequila\n\n8 cups soda water\n\n4 cups cranberry juice\n\n4 limes, thinly sliced\n\nIce\n\n1. Mix together the vodka, rum, liqueur and tequila in a large drink dispenser or punch bowl.\n\n2. Add the soda water, cranberry juice, lime slices and lots of ice.\n\n## Competition Chicken Thighs\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 45 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 1 \u00bd hours\n\nWhen it comes to barbecue competitions, chicken is hard work. Teams spend more time on chicken than on any other meat, making sure each piece is uniform and removing all the fat. Before one contest, I played with chicken recipes for two weeks straight, serving chicken thighs for every meal. My family didn't appreciate it, but I ended up with a great recipe that pleased the judges at the competition. You'll need an eight-cavity mini loaf pan and a wire rack for this recipe.\n\n8 bone-in, skin-on chicken thighs\n\n\u00bd cup Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub, finely ground\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nButter-flavor cooking spray\n\n\u00bd cup low-sodium turkey stock (see sidebar)\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter\n\n1 tsp MSG\n\n2 cups Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\n\u00bc cup Texas Pepper Jelly Cherry Habanero Jelly or your favorite pepper jelly\n\n1. Trim the chicken thighs so they are a uniform shape and size, removing any hard pockets of fat or veins from the undersides of the thighs.\n\n2. Peel the skin back from the chicken thighs without removing it completely. Sprinkle the flesh of the chicken thighs on both sides with the rub. Replace the skin and let the chicken thighs rest at room temperature for 15 minutes.\n\n3. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a small handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n4. Spray an eight-cavity mini loaf pan generously with cooking spray. Pour 1 tbsp stock into each cavity of the loaf pan.\n\n5. Carefully place a chicken thigh, skin side up, in each cavity. Divide the butter into 8 even-size pieces and place one piece on each thigh.\n\n6. When the hickory chips start to smoke, place the pan of chicken on the cool side of the grill. Smoke for 45 minutes.\n\n7. Flip the chicken thighs over and cover the pan tightly with heavy-duty foil. Return the pan to the cool side of the grill and smoke until the internal temperature reaches 175\u00b0F, about 30 minutes.\n\n8. Remove the pan from the grill. Carefully remove the chicken thighs to a wire rack set over a rimmed baking sheet. Pour the juices out of the loaf pan into a small bowl. Add the MSG. Mix well and set aside. Pour the Diva Q sauce over the chicken thighs. Return the thighs to the cool side of the grill. Smoke until the sauce is set, 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n9. Remove the chicken thighs from the grill and brush the underside of each thigh with a thin layer of pepper jelly.\n\n10. Pour the reserved loaf-pan juices into an injector and inject each chicken thigh with juices, inserting the needle through the side of each chicken thigh.\n\n11. Remove the chicken thighs from the grill and serve.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Since this is a competition recipe, I've listed the exact ingredients I used on the day, but at home, you could use low-sodium chicken stock, if you prefer. And, just in case you do try competing, recipes like this look great in a parsley- or lettuce-lined turn-in box, spritzed with warm water at the last minute for a high-shine finish._\n\n## Blue-Ribbon Wings\n\nMAKES: 4 to 6 appetizer servings \u2022 PREP: 25 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: overnight \u2022 COOK: about 1\u00bd hours\n\nEven more fun than entering a barbecue competition is winning it. This is the recipe that garnered the top spot in the Tyson Best Wing on the Planet competition for our team\u2014twice. I use commercial sauces for the glaze because you don't always have to make everything from scratch. But feel free to use your own favorite combo. Serve the wings with plenty of napkins and beer.\n\n2\u00bd lb chicken wings (about 24)\n\n1 bottle (5 oz\/142 mL) Tabasco chipotle sauce\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\nWing Rub\n\n2 tbsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n1 tbsp chili powder\n\n2 tsp kosher salt\n\n2 tsp garlic powder\n\n2 tsp granulated sugar\n\n2 tsp mild curry powder\n\n2 tsp hot mustard powder\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1 tsp ground cumin\n\n1 tsp chipotle powder\n\nGlaze\n\n1 cup Frank's RedHot Sweet Chili Sauce\n\n\u00bc cup Sweet Baby Ray's Original Barbecue Sauce\n\n1. Place the chicken wings in a 1-gallon resealable freezer bag and pour the Tabasco over them, tossing to coat evenly. Seal the bag and refrigerate overnight, turning after a couple of hours to evenly distribute the marinade.\n\n2. Remove the chicken wings from the bag, discarding the Tabasco. Place the chicken wings on a rimmed baking sheet.\n\n3. Mix together all the rub ingredients in a small bowl. Sprinkle the rub on both sides of the chicken wings.\n\n4. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n5. When the chips start to smoke, place the chicken wings on the grill and smoke them for 1 hour. Flip the chicken wings and continue to smoke them until the internal temperature reaches 165\u00b0F, 30 minutes. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the chicken wings smoke.\n\n6. Remove the chicken wings from the grill and place in a large bowl. (Leave the grill on).\n\n7. Mix together the glaze ingredients in a microwave-safe bowl. Microwave for 1 minute on high power.\n\n8. Reserving \u00bc cup of the glaze to serve as a dipping sauce, pour the remaining glaze over the chicken wings and toss to coat evenly.\n\n9. Increase the temperature of the smoker or grill to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F) and oil the grill grates.\n\n10. Place the glazed chicken wings on the hot side of the grill and grill, turning once, until the glaze has caramelized, 2 to 4 minutes.\n\n11. Remove the chicken wings from the grill and serve with the remaining glaze on the side for dipping.\n\n## Game Day Shredded Buffalo Chicken Sammie\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 12 minutes\n\nSometimes guests can't help but cancel dinner at the last minute. Friends had a last-minute emergency when I was planning to cook them Roadside Chicken. The next day, I reconfigured the chicken into one heck of a sandwich, and this recipe was born. I now make Roadside Chicken just so I can fix the sammie.\n\n1 baguette\n\n\u00be cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n1\u00bd cups shredded pepper Jack or cold-smoked cheddar\n\n\u00bd cup Diva Q Competition Sauce\n\n\u00bd cup Piri Piri Hot Sauce\n\n1 freshly cooked, hot Roadside Chicken\n\nAdditional Diva Q Competition Sauce and\/or Piri Piri Hot Sauce to serve\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Slice the baguette in half lengthwise. Brush the cut sides with some of the butter. Grill the baguette, cut sides down, until lightly toasted.\n\n3. Remove the baguette from the grill and sprinkle the cheese on the cut sides. Return the baguette, cheese side up, to the upper shelf of the grill. Grill until the cheese is melted, 5 to 8 minutes.\n\n4. Mix together the remaining butter and Diva Q and Piri Piri sauces in a large bowl.\n\n5. Shred the chicken, removing the skin and bones. Add the meat to the sauce mixture and toss well. Pile the chicken high on the toasted baguette. Serve with additional sauce, if you like.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_This recipe is required eating when watching a football game. Beer and whiskey (for the grown-ups) are also a must._\n\n## Mutha Chicken's Slaughterhouse Slammer\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 3 minutes\n\nMy dear friend Dan McGrath (aka Mutha Chicken) owns Galvinell Meat Co. in Conowingo, MD. After a long day in the slaughterhouse, he likes to wind down with this unique combo of root beer and rum. Me? I team it with my Buffalo Chicken Sammie.\n\n1 cup root beer\n\n3 oz Captain Morgan or your favorite amber rum\n\nIce\n\nPinch of grated nutmeg\n\n1. Pour the root beer and rum into a tall glass.\n\n2. Add the ice and nutmeg and stir to combine.\n\n## Grilled Greek Turkey Burgers\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 12 to 14 minutes\n\nLean turkey burgers can sometimes taste like cardboard. My healthy\u2014yet satisfying\u2014burgers are made nice and moist by the addition of grated onion.\n\nDilled Tzatziki\n\n2 cups plain Greek yogurt\n\n1 cup crumbled feta cheese\n\n2 tsp dried dill weed\n\n2 lemons, zested and juiced\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nBurgers\n\n3 lb ground turkey\n\n\u00be cup minced pitted kalamata olives\n\n1 medium white sweet onion, finely grated\n\n2 lemons, zested\n\n2 tbsp Greek Rub\n\n2 cloves garlic, minced\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\nTo Serve\n\n12 whole wheat hamburger buns, split\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, melted\n\nCurly leaf lettuce leaves, pitted kalamata olives and sliced red onion\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients for the dilled tzatziki in a medium bowl. Refrigerate until ready to serve.\n\n2. For the burgers, gently mix together the ground turkey, olives, onion, lemon zest, rub, garlic, and salt and pepper to taste in a large bowl. Form the mixture into 12 even-size patties.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Generously oil the grill grates.\n\n4. Grill the burgers until the internal temperature reaches 165\u00b0F, 6 to 7 minutes per side.\n\n5. Brush the cut sides of the buns with melted butter. Grill, cut side down and turning often, until golden.\n\n6. Assemble the burgers, topping each with dilled tzatziki, lettuce, black olives and red onion.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_The burger mix makes fantastic meatballs, too. Just form the turkey mixture into balls and thread onto metal skewers._\n\n## Cajun-Butter-Injected Turkey Breast\n\nMAKES: 4 to 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: at least 4 hours \u2022 COOK: 16 to 20 minutes\n\nInjecting a turkey breast with Cajun-spiked butter ensures moist, juicy meat. Wrapping the breast in plastic wrap before injecting it prevents any splash back from the injection. You may want to double up this recipe because the leftovers taste fantastic.\n\n1 boneless turkey breast (about 3 lb)\n\n1 tbsp canola oil\n\nCajun Rub\n\nInjection\n\n1 cup apple juice\n\n1 tbsp concentrated shrimp and crab boil (see sidebar)\n\n\u00bd cup honey\n\n\u00bd cup clarified unsalted butter\n\n2 tbsp Cajun Rub\n\n1. Whisk together all the injection ingredients in a small saucepan. Bring to a boil, stirring to dissolve the honey. Remove the saucepan from the heat and let cool completely.\n\n2. Cover the turkey breast with a piece of plastic wrap. Fill an injector with three-quarters of the apple juice mixture. Inject the mixture through the plastic wrap into the turkey breast, making multiple injections. Reserve the remaining apple juice mixture.\n\n3. Remove the plastic wrap from the turkey breast and rub it lightly with oil. Sprinkle the turkey breast with the rub. Cover and refrigerate for at least 4 hours or overnight.\n\n4. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium (300\u00b0F to 375\u00b0F).\n\n5. Grill the turkey breast, turning once, until the internal temperature of the thickest part reaches 165\u00b0F, 16 to 20 minutes.\n\n6. Remove the turkey breast from the grill. Fill a clean injector with the remaining apple juice mixture. Inject the mixture into the hot turkey breast. Tent the turkey breast loosely with foil and let rest for 5 to 10 minutes before slicing.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Concentrated shrimp and crab boil is a liquid seasoning traditionally used to flavor the cooking water for a Cajun-style seafood boil. Look for it in the spice aisle of larger supermarkets._\n\n# GONE \nFISHIN'\n\nCatch of the day hits the grill. From succulent scallops to heavenly halibut, get the scoop on how to cook all your favorites. No fishing poles required.\n\nSlashed Crispy Orange-Glazed Trout\n\nBlackened Cajun Salmon\n\nSalmon Burgers with Lemony Tartar Sauce\n\nMahi Mahi Sliders\n\nGrilled Tuna Steak Tacos\n\nJust for the Halibut\n\nGrilled Cilantro-Lime Halibut Skewers\n\nSeafood Feast Pizza\n\nGrilled Lobster Feast\n\nShrimp and Lobster\u2013Stuffed Calamari\n\nFirecracker Prawns\n\nButtery Garlic-Lemon Smoked Mussels\n\nDiva Oysters\n\n Boucherie Pimm's Cup\n\nPlanked Scallops with Smoked Tomato-Garlic Oil\n\nSeafood Celebration Chowder\n\n## Slashed Crispy Orange-Glazed Trout\n\nMAKES: 4 to 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 20 minutes\n\nGrilling whole fish is incredibly simple. My fishmonger, Johnny, rocks. He advises me on which fish and seafood work best on the grill and explains how to clean them. Slashing the sides of trout in this recipe seriously cuts down on the grilling time. The orange and lime slices help keep the fish moist.\n\n2 whole trout (each about 3 lb), cleaned\n\nKosher salt and finely ground pepper to taste\n\n2 navel oranges, sliced\n\n2 limes, sliced\n\nCanola oil, for oiling\n\nGlaze\n\n1 tsp toasted sesame oil\n\nHalf red onion, finely chopped\n\n2 navel oranges, zested and juiced\n\n3 tbsp sweet chili sauce\n\n2 tbsp fish sauce\n\n3 dried kaffir lime leaves\n\nHalf stalk bruised lemongrass\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Cut several slashes in both sides of each trout. Season the inside of each fish with salt and pepper. Stuff each fish with orange and lime slices. Set aside.\n\n3. Heat the sesame oil in a small saucepan over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onion until softened but not browned.\n\n4. Add the orange zest and juice, chili sauce, fish sauce, lime leaves and lemongrass. Bring to a boil. Let boil until reduced by half.\n\n5. Strain the glaze through a fine-mesh sieve, discarding the solids. Set aside.\n\n6. Generously oil the grill grates several times. Grill the trout on one side for 5 to 6 minutes. Carefully flip the trout over. Grill until the skin is crispy, 5 to 6 minutes, brushing with the glaze for the last couple of minutes.\n\n## Blackened Cajun Salmon\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 to 20 minutes\n\nWhen I first heard the term \"blackened\" in relation to food, I wondered why people would want their food burnt. Now, many years later and a (little) bit wiser, I am a fan of these Cajun-based blackening seasonings, which add so much to fish and chicken. Usually blackening involves a cast iron skillet and butter, but I have adapted the method for the grill. The brown sugar enhances the sweetness of the salmon, but you can omit it if you prefer.\n\n1 whole boneless side of salmon with skin\n\nCajun Rub\n\n2 tbsp packed dark brown sugar\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n1 lemon, quartered\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Mix together the rub and sugar in a small bowl. Generously season the flesh side of the salmon.\n\n3. Generously oil the grill grates. Grill the salmon, skin side down, until the salmon is firm to the touch and the flesh flakes easily, 10 to 20 minutes. (The grilling time will vary depending on the thickness of the salmon. Keep an eye on it and don't walk away from your grill.)\n\n4. Carefully remove the salmon to a platter and squeeze the lemon quarters overtop.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For easier flipping, put your trout in a fish-grilling basket, but make sure to spray the basket several times first with nonstick cooking spray._\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Any leftover salmon is great on sandwiches the following day. Just remove the skin, flake the flesh with a fork and add mayonnaise, capers and seasonings to taste._\n\n## Salmon Burgers with Tartar Sauce\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 12 to 14 minutes\n\nThese simple salmon patties are perfect for a hot day, served with white wine and a green salad.\n\nLemony Tartar Sauce\n\n\u00bd cup good-quality mayonnaise\n\n2 tbsp drained, minced gherkins\n\n1 tbsp drained capers\n\n1 tbsp apple cider vinegar\n\n1 tbsp honey Dijon mustard\n\n1 tsp grated lemon zest\n\n1 tsp freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\nBurgers\n\n1 lb minced boneless, skinless salmon\n\n1 egg\n\n2 tbsp minced fresh chives\n\n1 tbsp grated lemon zest\n\n1 tbsp Dijon mustard\n\n\u00bd tsp cayenne\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n\u00be cup panko bread crumbs (approx.)\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\nBrioche buns\n\n1. Mix together all the ingredients for the tartar sauce in a small bowl. Cover and refrigerate until ready to serve.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n3. Mix together the salmon, egg, chives, lemon zest, mustard, cayenne, and salt and pepper to taste in a medium bowl. Add just enough bread crumbs so the mixture holds together (you may not need all the crumbs). Form the mixture into 4 even-size patties.\n\n4. Generously oil the grill grates. Grill the patties, turning often, until golden brown and firm to the touch, 12 to 14 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the patties from the grill. Serve in the brioche buns with the tartar sauce.\n\n## Mahi Mahi Sliders\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 6 to 8 minutes\n\nMy parents had a place in Florida for many years, and I have many happy fishing\u2014and grilling\u2014memories from that time. I like to season fish generously before grilling it, and Old Bay, a combo of celery salt, spices and paprika, does the trick here.\n\n6 boneless, skinless mahi mahi fillets (each about 4 oz)\n\n1 tbsp Old Bay Seasoning\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n6 ciabatta buns, split and toasted\n\nCowboy Caviar\n\nCurly leaf lettuce\n\nLemony Tartar Sauce\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Sprinkle the mahi mahi fillets with Old Bay Seasoning and pepper.\n\n3. Generously oil the grill grates. Grill the mahi mahi, turning once, until just firm to the touch, 6 to 8 minutes.\n\n4. Serve the mahi mahi on toasted ciabatta buns and top with Cowboy Caviar, lettuce and tartar sauce.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_For the Mahi Mahi Sliders, any firm fish works well in this recipe. Just be sure your grill is clean and well oiled so the fish doesn't stick._\n\n## Grilled Tuna Steak Tacos\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 4 to 6 minutes\n\nThere is a reason tacos proliferate on menus everywhere: they're super tasty and easy to make. Just make sure you don't overcook the tuna\u2014ahi tuna deserves your attention and just a light grilling to medium-rare at most. If you are on a gluten-free or carb-reduced diet, skip the tortillas and serve the tuna on a bed of mixed greens.\n\n4 ahi tuna steaks (each 1\u00bd inches thick)\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\n2 tbsp Montreal Steak Spice\n\nAdditional canola oil for oiling\n\n12 flour tortillas (6-inch)\n\n4 cups Creamy Carrot Slaw\n\n4 limes, quartered\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Brush the tuna steaks with canola oil and sprinkle with steak spice.\n\n3. Generously oil the grill grates. Grill the tuna, turning once, just until lightly charred but still medium-rare, 4 to 6 minutes.\n\n4. Remove the tuna from the grill and cut it crosswise into thin slices.\n\n5. Top each tortilla with tuna slices and Creamy Carrot Slaw and serve with lime wedges.\n\n## Just for the Halibut\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 6 to 8 minutes\n\nWhen you start with a really great piece of fish, you don't need to add a lot to it. Photographer Ken Goodman came up with this delicious sauce when we were shooting the food for this book. He's also a trained chef, so whipped the sauce up in minutes. It pairs perfectly with the halibut.\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n4 boneless, skinless halibut steaks (1\u00bd inches thick)\n\n\u00bc cup sunflower oil\n\n2 tbsp Spicy Thai Rub\n\n1 lime, quartered\n\nKen's Green Sauce\n\n\u00bd cup firmly packed fresh basil leaves\n\n\u00bd cup firmly packed fresh mint leaves\n\n2 tbsp freshly squeezed lime juice\n\n1 clove garlic\n\n\u00bd cup extra virgin olive oil\n\nWater, as needed\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. For Ken's Green Sauce, place the basil, mint, lime juice and garlic in a blender or a food processor. Pulse until finely minced and combined.\n\n2. With the motor running, pour in the oil, blending until smooth. Add a little water, if necessary, if the sauce is too thick. Scrape into a small bowl and season with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Generously oil the grill grates several times. Brush each halibut steak on both sides with sunflower oil. Season each lightly with the Thai rub.\n\n5. Grill the halibut, turning once, until just starting to become opaque, 6 to 8 minutes.\n\n6. Remove the halibut from the grill and serve with Ken's Green Sauce and lime wedges.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_When buying fish, it's a good idea to know your fishmonger and to buy sustainable seafood from a trusted source. When I'm in Canada I love dealing with 1 Fish 2 Fish in Langley, BC, and Johnny's Seafood in Barrie, ON._\n\n## Grilled Cilantro-Lime Halibut Skewers\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 MARINATE: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 12 to 15 minutes\n\nA simple fresh marinade, brightened with lime and cilantro, and a light grilling brings out the lovely texture and sweet flavor of fresh halibut.\n\nMarinade\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh cilantro\n\n2 tsp minced garlic\n\n\u00bd tsp chipotle powder\n\n1 lime, zested and juiced\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nSkewers\n\n1\u00bd lb boneless, skinless halibut, cut into 1-inch chunks\n\n4 metal or soaked bamboo skewers\n\n2 sweet green peppers, seeded and cut into 1-inch chunks\n\n8 oz yellow and red cherry tomatoes\n\nLime wedges for serving\n\n1. Combine all the marinade ingredients in a large resealable freezer bag. Add the halibut, turning to coat with the marinade. Refrigerate for 30 minutes.\n\n2. Thread the halibut, sweet peppers and cherry tomatoes alternately onto the skewers.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Grill the skewers, turning often, until the fish is just firm to the touch, 12 to 15 minutes. Serve with lime wedges.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Any firm-fleshed fish\u2014try cod, salmon or snapper\u2014can be used for these kebabs._\n\n## Seafood Feast Pizza\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 REST: 1 hour \u2022 COOK: about 15 minutes\n\nThis is an exceptional homemade pizza and quite the change from pepperoni and cheese. The seafood is the star here and takes pizza from humble to haute. For more on grilling pizza, check out my Pizza Pointers.\n\n1 lb pizza dough\n\n6 large shrimp, peeled and deveined\n\n\u00bd tsp Cajun Rub\n\n6 littleneck clams in their shells, scrubbed\n\nCornmeal for dusting\n\n6 asparagus stalks, cooked and chopped\n\n2 to 3 lobster claws, steamed, shelled and meat cubed\n\nWhite Sauce\n\n1\u00bd tbsp all-purpose flour\n\n1\u00bd tbsp salted butter, softened\n\n\u00bd cup whole milk\n\n\u00bd cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\n2 cloves Smoked Garlic, minced\n\n1 tbsp finely chopped fresh chives\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Prepare the dough as described in the Grilled Prosciutto, Olive and Mozzarella Pizza recipe.\n\n2. For the white sauce, whisk together the flour and butter in a small saucepan over medium heat. Cook, stirring often, for 2 minutes.\n\n3. Whisk in the milk until smooth. Stir in the Parmesan, garlic and chives. Cook, whisking constantly, until the sauce is bubbly and smooth. Remove from the heat, season with salt and pepper to taste and set aside.\n\n4. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Season the shrimp with Cajun rub. Grill the shrimp and clams until the clams open and the shrimp are opaque, 2 to 4 minutes.\n\n5. Prepare your grill for cooking the pizza as described in the Grilled Prosciutto, Olive and Mozzarella Pizza recipe.\n\n6. Top the pizza crust with white sauce, asparagus, clams, shrimp and lobster. Grill as described on this page.\n\n## Grilled Lobster Feast\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 FREEZE: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 20 to 22 minutes\n\nThis is for those special occasions when you want to splurge big. Invite a bunch of friends over, cover the table with newspaper and indulge in a lobster feast. I like keeping things fairly simple so that nothing detracts from the lobsters' rich flavor, but grilled corn is a must.\n\n6 live lobsters (each 1\u00bd lb)\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\nFlavored Butters\n\n1. Numb the lobsters by freezing them for 30 minutes.\n\n2. Lay one lobster on its back. Insert the tip of a large chef's knife just below the large claws and, in one swift cut, slice vertically through the lobster's head. Repeat with the remaining lobsters.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Brush the lobsters with canola oil. Grill the lobsters, turning once, until the shells are bright red and white juices start to coagulate on the outer tail and joints of the lobsters and their internal temperature reaches 145\u00b0F, 20 to 22 minutes.\n\n5. Remove the lobsters from the grill and serve with Flavored Butters and lots of napkins.\n\n## Shrimp and Lobster\u2013Stuffed Calamari\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 8 to 12 minutes\n\nWhen calamari are grilled right, they're delicate with nary a hint of rubber. The calamari tubes are the perfect shapes to stuff. I've used cooked sausage or fish, but this combo of lobster and shrimp take them over the top. Use smaller tubes for appetizers or serve larger ones\u2014like in this version\u2014as a main course.\n\n1 cup chopped, cooked lobster meat\n\n1 cup chopped, cooked, peeled shrimp\n\n2 tbsp unsalted butter, melted\n\n2 cloves Smoked Garlic, smashed\n\n1 tbsp finely chopped fresh chives\n\n1 tbsp hot sauce\n\n8 calamari tubes (4 to 5 inches long), cleaned\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Mix together the lobster, shrimp, butter, garlic, chives and hot sauce in a medium bowl.\n\n3. Stuff each calamari tube with the lobster mixture, making sure not to overfill the tubes. Season the tubes with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n4. Generously oil the grill grates. Grill the calamari, turning once, until they start to turn opaque, 8 to 12 minutes. Serve immediately.\n\n## Firecracker Prawns\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 8 to 10 minutes\n\nAs their name suggests, these prawns are damn hot, but I think you need to push the envelope on heat once in a while. Easy to make, the prawns may be spicy but they're still really flavorful. To temper the heat a bit, stir \u00bc cup melted butter into the Piri Piri Hot Sauce before adding the prawns. Make sure you have plenty of ice-cold beer to pair with these.\n\n12 giant (about 3lb) prawns or shrimp in their shells, deveined\n\n2 tbsp Spicy Thai Rub\n\n1 cup Piri Piri Hot Sauce\n\n4 Thai bird's-eye chilies, thinly sliced\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Sprinkle the prawns evenly with the Thai rub. Grill, turning once, until charred and the flesh is just turning opaque, 8 to 10 minutes.\n\n3. Remove the prawns from the grill and place in a large bowl. Add the piri piri sauce and toss well. Sprinkle with chilies and serve.\n\n## Buttery Garlic-Lemon Smoked Mussels\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 30 to 45 minutes\n\nYou don't have to fuss with mussels much, which makes this one of the easiest dishes ever. It's the perfect appetizer for when you have lots of guests hanging out in your backyard for cocktails.\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n4 lb mussels in their shells, scrubbed and debearded\n\n1 cup salted butter, melted\n\n\u00be cup Riesling\n\n\u00be cup finely chopped shallots\n\n6 cloves Smoked Garlic, smashed\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh chives\n\n2 lemons, zested and juiced\n\n1 baguette, sliced and toasted\n\nAdditional lemon wedges for serving\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 275\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Place the mussels in a disposable aluminum pan. When the chips start to smoke, place the pan on the cool side of the grill.\n\n3. Smoke until all the mussels have opened, 30 to 45 minutes. Discard any mussels that do not open. Remove the pan from the grill and tent it with foil.\n\n4. Meanwhile, whisk together the butter, Riesling, shallots and garlic in a small saucepan. Bring to a boil, then pour the butter mixture over the mussels.\n\n5. Scatter the mussels with chives and lemon zest, then drizzle with lemon juice. Serve with baguette toasts and lemon wedges.\n\n## Diva Oysters\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 to 15 minutes\n\nI have a fondness for oysters, whether raw, grilled, baked or broiled. Oysters, crayfish, bacon and a little bit of Parmesan are an outstanding combo. I think the culinary rule that says you can't put cheese with seafood is bull. All rules are made to be broken\u2014especially when they try to stop something from tasting this good.\n\n2 cups chopped frozen crayfish tail meat, thawed (see sidebar)\n\n\u00be cup crumbled, cooked bacon\n\n\u00bd cup freshly grated Parmesan, divided\n\n\u00bd cup panko bread crumbs\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n3 cloves Smoked Garlic, finely chopped\n\n3 tbsp finely chopped fresh chives\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n12 oysters in their shells\n\n12 whole crayfish (see sidebar)\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Mix together the crayfish meat, bacon, \u00bc cup of the Parmesan, the bread crumbs, butter, garlic, chives, and salt and pepper to taste in a medium bowl.\n\n3. Shuck the oysters, loosening them from their bottom shells but leaving them in the shells. Add any liquor from the oysters to the crayfish mixture and stir well.\n\n4. Place the oysters on a baking sheet. Spoon the crayfish mixture on top of the oysters, dividing evenly. Sprinkle evenly with the remaining Parmesan.\n\n5. Place the oysters and the whole crayfish on the grill. Cook until the topping on the oysters is bubbling and beginning to brown and the whole crayfish are deep red, 10 to 15 minutes.\n\n6. Serve 3 oysters per person, topping each oyster with 1 whole crayfish.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Crayfish (aka crawfish) are freshwater crustaceans that resemble small lobsters. Outside the southern United States, where they're plentiful, crayfish (both the whole crustacean and the chopped, cooked meat) are usually available frozen. Thaw in the fridge overnight before using._\n\n## Boucherie Pimm's Cup\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 5 minutes\n\nI love the food at Boucherie in New Orleans. The restaurant's version of this classic libation is just made for my take on oysters. To make simple syrup, combine equal quantities of granulated sugar and water in a saucepan. Bring to a boil, stirring to dissolve the sugar, then cool completely. Simple syrup keeps for weeks in the fridge.\n\n7 thin slices cucumber, divided\n\n2 tsp simple syrup (see note, right)\n\n4 oz Pimm's No. 1\n\n\u00bd cup ginger ale\n\n1 tsp freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\nCrushed ice\n\n1. Muddle 6 of the cucumber slices with the simple syrup in a tall glass.\n\n2. Add the Pimm's, ginger ale and lemon juice and stir gently.\n\n3. Add the ice and garnish with the remaining cucumber slice.\n\n## Planked Scallops with Smoked Tomato-Garlic Oil\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 45 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 1 hour\n\nThese big, juicy scallops with a hint of smoke are terrific as an appetizer or main course. Make sure to smoke the scallops only until they are just starting to turn opaque or they'll be overcooked and rubbery. Any leftover smoked tomato oil can be used to drizzle on shrimp, pasta or grilled fish.\n\nApple wood chips\n\n2 pints cherry tomatoes, cut in half\n\n1 cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n12 cloves Smoked Garlic\n\n3 sprigs fresh thyme\n\n1 large white sweet onion, cut in half\n\n12 fresh scallops (1\u00bc pounds)\n\n6 cross-grain untreated alder wood planks\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n3 tbsp finely chopped chives\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F to 250\u00b0F. Add two handfuls of apple chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Place the tomatoes, oil, garlic and thyme in a disposable aluminum pan. When the chips start to smoke, place the pan on the cool side of the grill. Also place the onion, cut sides down, on the cool side of the grill.\n\n3. Grill the tomatoes, stirring every 10 minutes, until they taste smoky and have begun to break down, about 40 minutes. Grill the onion, turning often, until lightly charred, about 10 to 12 minutes. Remove the pan and the onion from the grill when done.\n\n4. Increase the temperature of the grill to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n5. Place 2 scallops in the center of each plank. Drizzle 1 tablespoon of the tomato olive oil over each scallop and top each with a clove of smoked garlic. Sprinkle with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n6. Grill the planks on the hot side of the grill just until the scallops start to turn opaque, 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n7. Separate the smoked onion into layers. Sprinkle the scallops with chives and drizzle with additional tomato oil, then serve the scallops with the smoked tomatoes and garlic and pieces of smoked onion.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_When grilling on wood planks over direct heat, have a spray bottle of water on hand to spritz the planks' edges if they catch on fire._\n\n_Scallops come in all shapes and sizes. They are usually sold using a range of numbers to describe how many scallops of a particular size would make up a pound. The smaller the number, the larger (by weight) the scallops are, for example U15 means it would take fewer than 15 scallops to make up a pound._\n\n## Seafood Celebration Chowder\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 25 minutes \u2022 COOK: 40 to 50 minutes\n\nThis isn't your everyday chowder. It's one of those dishes you'll remember for a lifetime. I love using a variety of seafood in this chowder. My favorite combo is shrimp, lobster, halibut, squid and mussels, but feel free to change it up. Just make sure to add the items that need the longest cooking first.\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter\n\n\u00bd cup onion, finely diced\n\n\u00bd cup carrot, finely diced\n\n\u00bd cup celery, finely diced\n\n\u00bd cup sweet green pepper, seeded and finely diced\n\n2 tbsp saffron powder\n\n2 tbsp Old Bay Seasoning\n\n2 tsp chipotle powder\n\n4 cups lobster stock\n\nHickory wood chips\n\n8 very large (about 2 lb) shrimp, peeled and deveined\n\n8 oz boneless, skinless halibut\n\n1 cup water\n\n3 tbsp cornstarch\n\n1 cup whipping (heavy) cream\n\n12 mussels in their shells\n\n2 squid (each 3 to 4 inches), cleaned\n\n2 lb lobster claws, steamed\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n2 tbsp finely chopped fresh chives\n\n1. Melt the butter in a large cast iron pot over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onion, carrot, celery and green pepper until the onion is softened but not browned.\n\n2. Stir in the saffron powder, Old Bay Seasoning and chipotle powder.\n\n3. Add the stock and bring to a boil. Let boil for 5 to 10 minutes, then reduce the heat to a simmer.\n\n4. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n5. When the chips start to smoke, place the shrimp and halibut on the hot side of the grill. Cook until the shrimp and halibut are just starting to turn opaque, 10 to 15 minutes. Remove the shrimp and halibut from the grill and set aside.\n\n6. Place the cast iron pot containing the lobster stock mixture on the cool side of the grill.\n\n7. Whisk together the water and cornstarch in a small bowl and whisk into the lobster stock mixture. Whisk in the cream.\n\n8. Add the mussels and squid to the pot and bring to a simmer. Add the shrimp, halibut and lobster claws and simmer until all the mussels have opened and the squid is opaque, about 20 minutes.\n\n9. Remove the pot from the grill. Season the chowder with salt and pepper to taste. Sprinkle with chives and serve immediately.\n\n# SIZZLING SIDES \n(AND A MEATLESS BURGER)\n\nA gal can't live on meat alone. Luckily, a little kiss of smoke and flame can transform veggies, rice and even tofu from mundane to magnificent. There are recipes here, too, that don't use the grill but that go so well with barbecue, they're right at home in this book.\n\nGrilled Corn Three Ways\n\nHome-Style Creamed Grilled Corn\n\n Watermelon Mayhem\n\nSmoked Sriracha-Butter Onion Blossoms\n\nCandied Smoked Carrots\n\nGrilled Brussels Sprouts and Bacon\n\nCollard Greens with Bacon\n\nGrilled Artichokes with Smoked Aioli\n\nSmoked Beets with Goat Cheese\n\nGrilled Paneer and Charred Rapini\n\nGrilled Tofu with Tamarind Glaze\n\nSmokin' Good Sweet Potatoes with Bourbon Butter\n\nSmoked Spaghetti Squash\n\nSmoked Slashed Potatoes with Chipotle Aioli\n\nGrilled Polenta with Mushrooms\n\n Summertime Sangria\n\nSmoked Mushroom Risotto\n\nBig Party Mac and Cheese\n\nStone-Ground Cheesy Grits\n\nThe Ultimate Mac and Cheese\n\nPortobello-Cheddar Burgers with Guacamole\n\n Ubon's Bloody Mary\n\n## Grilled Corn Three Ways\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 20 minutes\n\nCorn is one of those gotta-have-it-or-it's-not-summer veggies, and we serve a lot of it at our house when it's in season. We set out tables covered in newsprint in our backyard and get all the kids involved in shucking the corn. Once it's ready, we serve the corn up on big platters with different toppings. Any of the Flavored Butters are terrific on grilled corn. Here are some of our other favorites.\n\n8 ears corn, husked and silk removed\n\nMexican Corn\n\n\u00bc cup good-quality mayonnaise, such as Hellmann's or Duke's\n\n1 tbsp ancho powder\n\n1 cup grated Cotija cheese (see sidebar)\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n2 limes, quartered\n\nChipotle-Lime Corn\n\n\u00be cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n1 tbsp minced canned chipotles in adobo sauce\n\n3 limes, zested and juiced\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nTraditional Corn\n\n\u00be cup unsalted butter, melted\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Bring a large pot of salted water to a boil. Add the corn and cook for 5 minutes. Drain well.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Grill the corn, turning often, until lightly charred, 15 minutes.\n\nMexican Corn: Mix together the mayonnaise and ancho powder in a small bowl. Brush the grilled corn all over with the mayonnaise mixture, then sprinkle with cheese and salt and pepper to taste. Serve with lime wedges.\n\nChipotle-Lime Corn: Mix together the butter and chipotles in a small bowl. Brush the grilled corn all over with the butter mixture, then sprinkle with lime zest and juice and salt and pepper to taste.\n\nTraditional Corn: Brush the grilled corn all over with butter and serve with salt and pepper to taste.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Cotija is a hard, salty cow's milk cheese from Mexico. Look for it in Latino grocery or specialty cheese stores._\n\n_For a prettier presentation, peel the husk back from each ear of corn, then remove the silk. Use one leaf of the husk to tie the ends of the rest of the husk together, leaving the ear of corn exposed._\n\n## Home-Style Creamed Grilled Corn\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 10 minutes\n\nHere's an indulgent side dish that's as comforting as your favorite sweater and that pairs well with just about any meat off the barbecue. It's also a great way to use up leftover grilled corn. If your corn is super sweet, you can omit the sugar.\n\n8 ears grilled corn\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter\n\n\u00bd cup all-purpose flour\n\n2 to 3 cups whole milk\n\n\u00bd cup minced shallots\n\n1 tbsp granulated sugar\n\nPinch of freshly grated nutmeg\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. With a large, sharp knife, slice the kernels from the ears of corn. Set aside.\n\n2. Melt the butter in a large saucepan over medium heat. Add the flour and cook, stirring, for 2 to 3 minutes.\n\n3. Gradually whisk in 2 cups of the milk, adding the milk \u00bd cup at a time. Cook, whisking constantly, until the sauce is smooth, thick and bubbly.\n\n4. Add the corn kernels, shallots, sugar and nutmeg, stirring to coat the kernels with the sauce.\n\n5. If the sauce is too thick, add more milk. Season with salt and pepper to taste. Serve hot or cold.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Mexican Creamed Grilled Corn _Add 1 can (4\u00bd oz\/127 mL) chopped green chilies and 1 tsp fajita seasoning to the sauce along with the corn. Sprinkle the creamed corn with grated Cotija cheese (seesidebar).__\n\n## Watermelon Mayhem\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 minutes\n\nThis ultimate hot-weather drink is a natural with all summer grills, but especially corn.\n\n2 cups granulated organic coconut sugar\n\n1 cup water\n\n4 cups cubed peeled, seedless watermelon\n\n2 cups coconut water\n\n3 limes, zested and juiced\n\n12 oz light rum\n\nCrushed ice\n\nLime and watermelon wedges for garnish\n\n1. Mix together the coconut sugar and water in a small saucepan. Bring to a boil, stirring to dissolve the sugar.\n\n2. Reduce the heat and simmer until the coconut syrup is light golden, about 10 minutes. Remove the saucepan from the heat and let the syrup cool. Refrigerate until chilled.\n\n3. Pur\u00e9e the watermelon in a blender until smooth and frothy. Add the coconut water and lime zest and juice and blend to combine.\n\n4. Pour the watermelon mixture into a large pitcher. Add the rum and coconut syrup to taste.\n\n5. Pour into glasses over crushed ice and garnish with lime and watermelon wedges.\n\n## Smoked Sriracha-Butter Onion Blossoms\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1 \u00bd to 2 hours\n\nThis simple dish packs a big punch. Grilled onions with butter and garlicky, spicy Sriracha sauce are knock-it-out-of-the-park amazing. The longer you smoke the onions, the sweeter they become.\n\n1 cup salted butter, softened\n\n\u00bd cup Sriracha sauce\n\n4 white sweet onions\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nShredded provolone (optional)\n\n1. Blend together the butter and Sriracha sauce in a small bowl.\n\n2. Peel the onions, leaving the root ends intact. With a sharp knife, score a crosshatch pattern in the top of each onion, avoiding cutting right through the onions.\n\n3. Wrap the bottom half of each onion in foil. Sprinkle each onion with salt and pepper to taste. Spread the top of each onion with Sriracha butter, dividing evenly.\n\n4. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n5. Smoke the onions on the cool side of the grill until tender, 1\u00bd to 2 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful to the grill every 30 minutes while the onions smoke.\n\n6. Just before the onions are ready, sprinkle each with provolone (if using). When the provolone is melted, remove the onions from the grill. Remove the foil and serve warm.\n\n## Candied Smoked Carrots\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 1\u00bd hours\n\nTeam sugar, butter and spice with smoke and the combo transforms carrots into a spectacular side dish. Try this with parsnips or cubes of butternut squash, too.\n\n2 lb baby carrots\n\n\u00bd cup packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n1 tsp five-spice powder\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nPecan wood chips\n\n1. Toss together all the ingredients (except the wood chips) in a disposable aluminum pan.\n\n2. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 225\u00b0F. Add a handful of pecan chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n3. Place the pan of carrots on the cool side of the grill and smoke, turning the carrots every 15 minutes, until tender, about 1\u00bd hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the carrots smoke.\n\n4. Remove the pan from the grill and serve the carrots warm.\n\n## Grilled Brussels Sprouts and Bacon\n\nMAKES: 4 to 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 30 to 40 minutes\n\nI hated Brussels sprouts when I was a kid and always tried to get our dog to eat them for me. It never worked, and I was always the last one sitting at the kitchen table long after the meal was over. Now that I'm a grown-up, I've discovered that grilling and a little bacon make a world of difference to sprouts. The second my kids asked for more, I knew I was on to a winner.\n\n2 lb Brussels sprouts, trimmed\n\n\u00bc cup bacon fat, melted\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n\u00bc cup birch syrup or maple syrup\n\n6 slices bacon, cooked and crumbled\n\n1. Toss together the Brussels sprouts, bacon fat, and salt and pepper to taste in a large bowl.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n3. Put the sprouts in a vegetable grill basket. Grill, turning the sprouts often, until tender, 30 to 40 minutes.\n\n4. Tip the sprouts onto a serving platter. Drizzle with birch syrup and sprinkle with crumbled bacon.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Slice any leftover sprouts and serve in a salad the next day._\n\n## Collard Greens with Bacon\n\nMAKES: 10 to 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 1\u00bc hours\n\nI've had collard-greens cooking lessons from a few Southern cooks. Each has their own take on how to turn these tough greens into bowls of goodness. I like using a ham bone in my version because I love the combo of salty collard greens and peppery vinegar.\n\n2 large bunches collard greens, washed\n\n8 oz bacon, chopped\n\n2 white sweet onions, finely chopped\n\n1\u00bd gallons cold water (approx.)\n\n1 lb chopped double-smoked ham\n\n1 ham bone\n\n4 whole cloves garlic\n\n2 tbsp unsalted butter\n\n2 tbsp dehydrated sweet red pepper flakes\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nPepper vinegar to taste (see sidebar)\n\n1. Chop the collard greens into bite-size pieces, discarding any tough stems. Set aside.\n\n2. Cook the bacon in a very large pot over medium heat until it's crispy. Using a slotted spoon, remove the bacon and drain on paper towels. Crumble the bacon finely and set aside.\n\n3. Add the onions to the fat remaining in the pot and saut\u00e9 until softened but not browned.\n\n4. Add the water, chopped ham, ham bone, garlic, butter and red pepper flakes to the pot. Bring to a boil over high heat. Reduce the heat to medium-low and simmer, uncovered, for 15 minutes.\n\n5. Add the collard greens and more water, if necessary, to ensure the collard greens are covered. Bring back to a simmer. Cook, uncovered, until the collard greens are tender, about 45 to 60 minutes, depending on how thick the leaves are.\n\n6. Season with salt and pepper to taste. Serve the collard greens topped with the crumbled bacon and with pepper vinegar on the side.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Pepper vinegar is a spicy condiment popular in the southern United States, where it's sprinkled liberally over hearty greens like collards, turnip greens or kale. Look for it in larger grocery stores. Try it, too, in a Bloody Mary, stirred into soup or drizzled over huevos rancheros._\n\n## Grilled Artichokes with Smoked Aioli\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 40 minutes \u2022 SOAK: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 40 to 45 minutes\n\nDon't be intimidated by artichokes. They're really simple to prep, and grilling seems to intensify their flavor. The smoked aioli can be served with any grilled vegetables or as a spread for sandwiches.\n\n2 lemons, cut in half\n\n6 artichokes\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nSmoked Aioli\n\n3 cloves Smoked Garlic\n\n\u00be cup good-quality mayonnaise, such as Hellmann's or Duke's\n\n2 tbsp freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\n2 tsp Dijon mustard\n\n1 tsp Worcestershire sauce\n\nLemon wedges and finely grated lemon zest for garnish\n\n1. Squeeze 2 of the lemon halves into a large bowl of cold water. Trim the artichokes by cutting off the tough outer leaves with scissors. Cut the artichokes in half lengthwise and submerge them in the lemon water for 20 minutes, weighing the artichoke halves down with a small plate if they float.\n\n2. Drain the artichoke halves and pat dry. Using a melon baller, cut out the hairy choke from the center of each artichoke half. Use a potato peeler to trim the hard outer part of the stems.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Season the artichoke halves with salt and pepper to taste. Place, cut sides up, on the grill.\n\n4. Grill the artichoke halves until their hearts and stems are tender, 40 to 45 minutes. Remove the artichoke hearts from the grill, put in a large bowl and cover tightly with plastic wrap. Set aside.\n\n5. For the Smoked Aioli, squeeze the smoked garlic cloves from their skins into a food processor. Add the mayonnaise, lemon juice, mustard and Worcestershire sauce. Pulse until very smooth.\n\n6. Scrape the aioli into a fine-mesh sieve. Rub through the sieve into a small bowl.\n\n7. Arrange the artichoke halves on a serving platter. Drizzle with some of the aioli and sprinkle with lemon zest. Serve immediately with lemon wedges and the remaining aioli.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Add extra zip to the Smoked Aioli by stirring in 1 tsp minced cannedchipotles in adobo sauce._\n\n## Smoked Beets with Goat Cheese\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 3 hours\n\nOne of my favorite restaurants in Austin, TX, is Freedmen's Bar. Chef Evan LeRoy serves up brilliant barbecue, including an amazing smoked beet dish, which was the inspiration for this recipe.\n\n2 lb mixed golden and red beets, peeled and trimmed\n\n\u00bd cup water\n\n\u00bc cup canola oil\n\n2 tbsp red wine vinegar\n\n1 bunch fresh thyme\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nSugar maple wood chips\n\n1 cup crumbled goat cheese\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Grill the whole beets, turning often, until lightly charred, 4 to 6 minutes.\n\n3. Remove the beets from the grill and cut into quarters. Combine the beets, water, oil, vinegar, bunch of thyme, and salt and pepper to taste in a cast iron skillet.\n\n4. Prepare the smoker or grill for indirect cooking and reduce the temperature to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of sugar maple chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n5. When the chips start to smoke, place the skillet containing the beets on the cool side of the grill. Smoke until the beets are tender, turning them often and adding a little water, if necessary, to keep the beets hydrated and glossy, 2 to 3 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the beets cook.\n\n6. Just before serving, sprinkle the beets with goat cheese.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_To avoid staining your hands, wear gloves when cutting beets, and use a nonporous cutting board for easy cleanup._\n\n## Grilled Paneer and Charred Rapini\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 8 to 12 minutes\n\nPaneer, an Indian cow's milk cheese available in South Asian grocery stores, is great on the grill. Its mild flavor makes it a blank canvas ready to take on whatever seasonings you wish to add. Make sure your grill is super clean and lightly oiled before grilling paneer.\n\n\u00bd tsp ground coriander\n\n\u00bd tsp galangal powder (see sidebar)\n\n\u00bd tsp chili powder\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1 piece (14 oz) paneer, cut into \u00bd-inch slices\n\n1 bunch rapini, washed\n\n2 tbsp extra virgin olive oil\n\n\u00bc cup best-quality balsamic syrup\n\n1. Mix together the coriander, galangal, chili powder, salt and pepper in a small bowl. Sprinkle the spice mixture over the paneer slices and set aside.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to high (450\u00b0F-plus). Toss the rapini in the olive oil. Grill the rapini, turning often, until charred and tender, 4 to 6 minutes. Remove the rapini from the grill and set aside.\n\n3. Clean the grill and oil the grates generously. Grill the paneer, turning once, until charred and softened, 4 to 6 minutes. Remove the paneer from the grill.\n\n4. Chop the rapini into bite-size pieces and place on a serving platter. Top with the paneer and drizzle with balsamic syrup. Sprinkle with additional salt and pepper to taste.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Galangal is similar to fresh ginger in appearance and flavor, but is milder and has notes of lemon and cardamom. Look for it in South Asian grocery stores._\n\n_Grilled rapini is a terrific side dish on its own. Toss it with balsamic syrup as soon as it comes off the grill, then serve sprinkled with freshly grated Parmesan._\n\n## Grilled Tofu with Tamarind Glaze\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 12 to 24 minutes\n\nI like grilled tofu\u2014a lot. It provides a blank canvas for flavor, and this sweet-and-sour tamarind glaze works especially well.\n\n1 pkg (14 oz\/350 g) extra-firm tofu\n\n2 tbsp canola oil\n\nAdditional canola oil for oiling\n\nGlaze\n\n\u00bc cup warm water\n\n2 tbsp tamarind paste\n\n1 tsp ketchup\n\n1 tsp Dijon mustard\n\n1 tsp minced garlic\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Cut the tofu into 4 even-size slices. Brush each slice with canola oil.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Generously oil the grill grates.\n\n3. Grill the tofu, turning once, until lightly charred, 10 to 20 minutes.\n\n4. Meanwhile, whisk together all the glaze ingredients in a small bowl until smooth.\n\n5. When the tofu is lightly charred, brush the slices on both sides with the glaze. Grill for 1 to 2 minutes per side. Serve warm.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Make sure your grill is super clean and well oiled before grilling tofu; it can stick really easily and you won't want to deal with the mess._\n\n## Smokin' Good Sweet Potatoes with Bourbon Butter\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1\u00bd to 2 hours\n\nSweet potatoes are jewels of happiness. I love them any way, but especially with bourbon and butter.\n\nPecan wood chips\n\n4 medium sweet potatoes, scrubbed\n\n2 tbsp extra virgin olive oil\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bc cup sorghum syrup\n\nBourbon Butter\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter, softened\n\n1 oz bourbon\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of pecan chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Pierce the sweet potatoes in several places with the tines of a fork. Brush the potatoes with oil and sprinkle with salt.\n\n3. When the wood chips are smoking, place the potatoes on the grill. Smoke until the sweet potatoes are tender enough that the tip of a knife slides in easily, 1\u00bd to 2 hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 45 minutes while the potatoes smoke.\n\n4. Meanwhile, for the Bourbon Butter, whip the butter in a small bowl until light and fluffy. Whip in the bourbon.\n\n5. Split the sweet potatoes open and spoon 1 tbsp of Bourbon Butter onto each one. Drizzle with sorghum syrup and serve immediately.\n\n## Smoked Spaghetti Squash\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1\u00bd hours\n\nThis recipe is so versatile. I serve it as a side or as a base for grilled meat, or cold with grilled shrimp, or my kids love it with pasta sauce (minus the pecans and maple syrup).\n\nPecan wood chips\n\n1 large spaghetti squash (4 to 5 lb)\n\n2 tbsp canola oil\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1 cup water\n\n\u00bd cup toasted chopped pecans\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter, softened\n\n\u00bc cup amber maple syrup\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of pecan chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Cut the squash in half lengthwise and scoop out the seeds. Brush the cut sides of the squash with oil and season with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n3. When the wood chips start to smoke, place the squash, cut sides up, on the cool side of the grill. Pour \u00bd cup of water into the cavity of each squash half.\n\n4. Smoke, without turning, until the squash is tender, about 1\u00bd hours. Replenish the wood chips by adding another handful every 30 minutes while the squash smokes.\n\n5. Carefully remove the squash halves from the grill and drain off any remaining water. Using a fork, scrape the softened flesh of the squash into a large bowl. Add the pecans, butter and maple syrup and toss well.\n\n## Smoked Slashed Potatoes with Chipotle Aioli\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 CHILL: 1 hour \u2022 COOK: 1 hour, 20 minutes\n\nThe proper name for these slashed potatoes is \"hasselback,\" but we've always called them fluted potatoes in my family. Either way, they look gorgeous done on the grill, and they take the smoke so well. I love pairing these with Chipotle Aioli, which adds even more smoky warmth.\n\n6 medium russet potatoes, scrubbed\n\n\u00bc cup extra virgin olive oil\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nHickory wood chips\n\nChipotle Aioli\n\n4 cloves Smoked Garlic\n\n1 cup good-quality mayonnaise, such as Hellmann's or Duke's\n\n2 tbsp minced canned chipotles in adobo sauce\n\n1 tsp freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Using a sharp knife, make crosswise cuts in each potato, about \u00bc inch apart and stopping about \u00bc inch from the bottom of the potato.\n\n2. Place potatoes on a microwave-safe plate. Microwave, uncovered, on high until the potatoes are just beginning to soften, about 20 minutes. Drizzle the potatoes with olive oil and season with salt and pepper to taste.\n\n3. Place all aioli ingredients in a food processor. Pulse until well combined. Cover and refrigerate for at least 1 hour before serving.\n\n4. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 275\u00b0F. Add a handful of hickory chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n5. When the chips start to smoke, place the potatoes on the grill. Smoke until the potatoes are tender, about 1 hour.\n\n6. Remove the potatoes from the grill. Serve topped with Chipotle Aioli.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_To ensure you don't slice all the way through the potatoes, lay the handle of a wooden spoon on either side of each potato as you slice._\n\n## Grilled Polenta with Mushrooms\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 to 15 minutes\n\nThis is a really gorgeous side dish or\u2014for your vegetarian friends\u2014a complete meal. I love the look of grilled polenta layered on a bed of salsa with a beautiful tumble of mushrooms on top. Commercially prepared polenta (wrapped in a sausage-shaped package) makes this a snap to put together.\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n1 lb cremini mushrooms\n\n4 metal skewers\n\n1 pkg (18 oz\/510 g) polenta\n\n4 portobello mushroom caps\n\nCanola oil cooking spray\n\n1 tbsp Christo's Green Herbed Salt\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nFresh Tomato Salsa\n\n\u00bc cup extra virgin olive oil\n\nKosher salt to taste\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to high (450\u00b0F-plus). Generously oil the grill grates.\n\n2. Thread the cremini mushrooms onto the skewers. Slice the polenta into \u00bd-inch rounds. Spray the cremini mushrooms, polenta and portobello caps with cooking spray and season with herbed salt and black pepper.\n\n3. Grill both types of mushrooms and polenta, turning often, until the mushrooms have softened and both mushrooms and polenta are lightly charred, 10 to 15 minutes.\n\n4. Remove the mushrooms and polenta from the grill. Slice the portobello caps.\n\n5. Spread a layer of salsa on a serving platter. Top with the polenta. Slide the cremini mushrooms from the skewers, then pile the creminis and sliced portobellos on top of the polenta. Drizzle with olive oil and season with salt and pepper to taste. Serve warm or cold.\n\n## Summertime Sangria\n\nMAKES: 4 to 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 CHILL: 4 hours\n\nI love the versatility of sangria. You can take just about any fresh fruit\u2014peaches, berries, apples, pears\u2014and make it your own. For a lower-alcohol version, add a 64-ounce (1.9 L) bottle of sparkling lime soda just before serving.\n\n2 cups fresh blackberries\n\n2 very ripe peaches, pitted and sliced thinly\n\n\u00bc cup granulated sugar\n\n1 lemon, juiced\n\n1 bottle (26 oz\/750 mL) Riesling\n\n2 oz triple sec\n\nCrushed ice\n\n1 small bunch fresh mint, leaves picked\n\n1. Mix together half of the blackberries, the peaches, the sugar and the lemon juice in a large pitcher. Mash the mixture until the sugar has dissolved.\n\n2. Add the Riesling, triple sec and remaining blackberries. Chill for 4 hours.\n\n3. Pour into glasses over crushed ice and garnish with mint leaves.\n\n## Smoked Mushroom Risotto\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 2 hours\n\nAt the Jack Daniel's World Championship Invitational Barbecue a few years back, my teammate Jessie and I were selected to participate in the I Know Jack...About Grillin' contest. We were given a box of random ingredients and a limited time in which to prepare them. Our box contained arborio rice, among other things, so Jessie and I decided to make risotto. We were crazy to attempt such a labor-intensive recipe, but we did\u2014and we won. It was a sweet victory and the inspiration for this dish.\n\nOak wood chips\n\n2 lb mixed cremini and button mushrooms, cleaned\n\n2 tbsp extra virgin olive oil\n\nHalf white sweet onion, finely chopped\n\n1\u00bd cups arborio rice\n\n3 cloves Smoked Garlic, smashed\n\n5 to 6 cups simmering mushroom or chicken stock\n\n1 cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\n3 tbsp unsalted butter\n\n2 tbsp fresh thyme leaves\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 250\u00b0F. Add a handful of oak chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n2. Place the mushrooms in a disposable aluminum pan. When the wood chips start to smoke, place the pan of mushrooms on the cool side of the grill. Smoke for 1 hour. Remove the pan from the grill and set aside.\n\n3. Heat the olive oil in a large saucepan over medium heat. Saut\u00e9 the onion until softened but not browned.\n\n4. Add the rice and garlic, stirring to coat the rice with the onion mixture.\n\n5. Add 1 cup of the stock. Cook, stirring, until most of the stock has been absorbed. Keep adding the stock, 1 cup at a time, letting the rice absorb the stock before adding more, until the rice is just tender, 45 to 60 minutes (you may not need all of the stock).\n\n6. Stir in the smoked mushrooms, Parmesan, butter and thyme. Season with salt and pepper to taste.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_I love this smoked risotto withCajun-Butter-Injected Turkey Breast._\n\n## Big Party Mac and Cheese\n\nMAKES: 40 to 48 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 35 minutes\n\nWe have a few big parties every year where, if I don't serve my mac and cheese, people complain. Loudly. For months. This recipe makes a huge batch of mac and cheese, but it's perfect for sharing and sending home with people after the party is over. (It's great hangover food.) Canned cheese sauce comes in a variety of blends; we buy ours from a big box chain.\n\n1 can (106 oz\/3.13 L) cheese sauce\n\n8 cups whole milk\n\n1 cup bacon fat\n\n\u00be cup dried chives\n\n3 lb cavatappi pasta\n\n4 to 5 cups shredded cheddar\n\n2 cups panko bread crumbs\n\n2 cups crumbled cooked bacon\n\n1. Preheat the oven to 350\u00b0F.\n\n2. Mix together the cheese sauce, milk, bacon fat and chives in a very large pot. Bring the cheese sauce mixture to a simmer over medium-high heat, stirring occasionally. Reduce the heat to medium-low and keep the sauce warm while you cook the pasta.\n\n3. In a very large pot of boiling salted water, cook the pasta until almost al dente. Drain well. Add the pasta to the cheese sauce mixture.\n\n4. Divide the pasta mixture among six 12- \u00d7 10-inch disposable aluminum pans. Top with (in order) shredded cheese, bread crumbs and bacon.\n\n5. Bake until the cheese melts, 10 to 15 minutes. Serve warm.\n\n## Stone-Ground Cheesy Grits\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 20 to 25 minutes\n\nFor years I never understood the attraction of grits. It wasn't until another contestant at a competition let me try a bowl of their homemade stone-ground grits that a lightbulb went on. The grits were all comforting cheesy, creamy goodness. So skip the instant grits and make this beautiful dish for a warm hug on a cold day.\n\n3 cups water\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n1 cup stone-ground grits, such as Old Mill\n\n1 cup shredded cold-smoked cheddar\n\n2 tbsp unsalted butter\n\n1. Bring the water to a boil in a medium saucepan. Add the salt.\n\n2. Stirring constantly, gradually add the grits. Cook over medium heat, stirring constantly, until thickened, 20 to 25 minutes.\n\n3. Add the cheddar and butter, stirring until the cheddar has melted. Serve immediately.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_I love to top thesecheesy grits with leftover pulled pork, shredded brisket or meat pulled from leftover pork ribs. You can change up the cheese, too. Try smoked provolone or friulano instead of cheddar._\n\n## The Ultimate Mac and Cheese\n\nMAKES: 16 servings \u2022 PREP: 45 minutes \u2022 COOK: 35 to 40 minutes\n\nWhen you call something the \"ultimate,\" it had better be awesome. This mac and cheese is beyond decadent and worth every penny you'll spend on cheese. You can add pulled pork, shredded smoked brisket or even buttery chunks of lobster to make this even more insanely good.\n\n\u00bd cup all-purpose flour\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, softened\n\n3 cups skim milk\n\n2 cups half-and-half cream\n\n8 oz chopped bacon\n\n1 small red onion, diced\n\n2 tbsp dried chives\n\n1 tbsp mustard powder\n\n2 tsp sweet smoked paprika\n\n1 tsp granulated garlic (see this page)\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n6 cups shredded cold-smoked cheddar\n\n1 cup shredded ash-covered goat cheese, such as Le Cendrillon\n\n1 lb cavatappi pasta, cooked and drained\n\nKosher salt to taste\n\nTopping\n\n1\u2153 cups panko bread crumbs\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n2 cups shredded cold-smoked cheddar\n\n1. Whisk together the flour and butter in a large pot over medium heat. Cook, stirring often, for 5 minutes.\n\n2. Whisk in the milk and cream until smooth. Cook, whisking constantly, until the sauce is bubbly and smooth, 10 to 15 minutes. Remove the pot from the heat and set aside.\n\n3. Fry the bacon in a small skillet over medium heat until crispy. With a slotted spoon, remove the bacon from the skillet and set aside.\n\n4. Add the onion to the bacon fat in the skillet and saut\u00e9 until softened but not browned.\n\n5. Return the pot of sauce to medium heat. Add the onion and bacon fat to the sauce and whisk to combine. Whisk in the chives, mustard powder, paprika, garlic and pepper.\n\n6. Add the cheddar and goat cheese to the sauce, a handful at a time, whisking until smooth before adding more.\n\n7. Remove the pot from the heat. Stir in the pasta. Season with salt to taste. Divide the pasta mixture among two 13- \u00d7 9-inch pans.\n\n8. Preheat the oven to 350\u00b0F.\n\n9. For the topping, mix together the bread crumbs and melted butter. Sprinkle the bread-crumb mixture over each pan of pasta, dividing evenly. Sprinkle each pan with cheddar and the reserved bacon.\n\n10. Bake until bubbly and golden brown, 10 minutes.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Sometimes, when I have a party, I make this mac and cheese in individual dishes, then bake them on the cool side of the grill while I'm cooking something else._\n\n## Portobello-Cheddar Burgers with Guacamole\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 15 minutes\n\nVeggie burgers aren't known for their big, bold flavors. But try this one, stuffed with portobellos\u2014the \"meat\" of the mushroom world\u2014plus guacamole and cold-smoked cheddar, and you may never go back to regular burgers again.\n\n12 medium portobello mushroom caps, brushed clean\n\n12 slices cold-smoked cheddar\n\n12 ciabatta buns, split\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, melted\n\nKiller Guacamole\n\nVinaigrette\n\n\u00be cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n\u00bc cup balsamic vinegar\n\n2 tsp minced garlic\n\n2 tbsp Worcestershire sauce\n\n2 tsp Dijon mustard\n\n2 tsp finely chopped fresh oregano\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\nOptional Toppings\n\n12 slices pepper Jack\n\n12 pieces roasted red pepper\n\nThinly sliced radishes\n\nCurly leaf lettuce\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Whisk together all the vinaigrette ingredients in a medium bowl. Brush the vinaigrette over the gill sides of the mushroom caps.\n\n3. Grill the mushroom caps, turning once, until tender, 12 to 14 minutes.\n\n4. Top each of the mushroom caps with a slice of cheddar. Grill until the cheese has melted, 1 to 2 minutes.\n\n5. Meanwhile, brush the cut sides of the buns with melted butter. Grill the buns, cut sides down, until lightly toasted.\n\n6. Assemble the burgers, spreading each with guacamole and adding the optional toppings of your choice.\n\n## Ubon's Bloody Mary\n\nMAKES: 5 servings \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes\n\nThis really rocks with the burgers. My favorite Bloody Mary mix is made by the owners of Ubon's Bar-B-Que in Yazoo City, MS (I've even used it straight from the bottle as a glaze for meatloaf), but you can substitute your preferred brand.\n\n1 bottle (36 oz) Ubons Bloody Mary Mix\n\n10 oz Tito's or your favorite vodka\n\n\u00bc cup Diva Q Pork and Chicken Rub\n\nIce\n\n5 drained pickled beans\n\n5 stalks celery\n\n1. Mix together the Bloody Mary mix and vodka in a large pitcher. Add plenty of ice and stir.\n\n2. Rim glasses with Diva Q rub.\n\n3. Pour the drink into the glasses over ice, and garnish each with a pickled bean and a stalk of celery.\n\n# SALADS, \nSLAWS AND \nBREADS\n\nWhat's a barbecue without a salad? These fresh-tasting sides, from both kitchen and grill, round out the perfect barbecue meal.\n\nGrilled Caesar Salad\n\nCowboy Caviar\n\nGrilled Panzanella Salad\n\nPerfectly Pink Potato Salad\n\nGrilled Potato and Chorizo Parsley Salad\n\nShrimp, Mango and Noodle Salad\n\n Strawberry-Rosemary Lemonade\n\nGrilled Vegetable Salad with Goat Cheese\n\nGrandma P's Sweet and Tangy Slaw\n\nCreamy Carrot Slaw\n\nThree-Cheese Smoked Garlic Monkey Bread\n\nBest-Ever Buttermilk Biscuits\n\nButtery Cornbread with Forty Creek Honey Butter\n\n## Grilled Caesar Salad\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 12 minutes\n\nWho knew grilling lettuce could change a salad so much? Lightly charred leaves and a rich, garlicky dressing take Caesar salad from everyday to extraordinary.\n\n3 romaine hearts\n\n1 cup croutons\n\n\u00bd cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\nDressing\n\n\u00bd cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\n2 tbsp freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\n1 tbsp Dijon mustard\n\n2 tsp anchovy paste\n\n2 tsp minced garlic\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n2 tbsp good-quality mayonnaise, such as Hellmann's or Duke's\n\n1 large egg yolk\n\n\u00be cup extra virgin olive oil\n\nKosher salt to taste\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Cut the romaine hearts lengthwise into quarters, leaving the root ends intact. Grill the romaine hearts, turning often, until lightly charred, about 12 minutes. Remove the romaine hearts from the grill and let cool slightly.\n\n3. For the dressing, combine the Parmesan, lemon juice, mustard, anchovy paste, garlic and pepper in a food processor. Pulse until thoroughly mixed. Add the mayonnaise and egg yolk. Process until thick and creamy. With the motor running, add the oil in a thin stream. Process for 1 minute. Scrape the dressing out into a medium bowl and season with salt to taste and additional pepper, if necessary.\n\n4. Chop the romaine into bite-size pieces. Place the lettuce in a large salad bowl. Add the dressing and toss to coat well. Sprinkle with croutons and Parmesan. Serve immediately.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Make this a main-course Caesar by adding cooked double-smoked bacon to the salad or serving grilled shrimp on the side._\n\n## Cowboy Caviar\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 20 minutes\n\nThis salad travels well, so it's perfect for a picnic. Best of all, you can prepare it a couple of days in advance to let all the flavors come together. One of my favorite barbecue joints, Pork Barrel BBQ in Alexandria, VA, serves a great version of this. In a pinch, you can substitute thawed frozen corn if you don't have fresh corn.\n\n4 ears corn, husked and silk removed\n\n2 limes, cut in half\n\n2 cups drained and rinsed canned black beans\n\n4 roma tomatoes, seeded and chopped\n\nHalf sweet red pepper, seeded and minced\n\n4 green onions, chopped\n\n2 tbsp seeded and minced jalape\u00f1os\n\n1 small bunch fresh cilantro, leaves picked and finely chopped\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\nDressing\n\n\u00bd cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n\u00bc cup apple cider vinegar\n\n2 tbsp granulated sugar\n\n2 tbsp honey mustard\n\n1 tbsp minced garlic\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n\u00bd tsp chipotle powder\n\n1. Bring a large pot of salted water to a boil. Add the corn and cook for 5 minutes. Drain well.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F). Grill the corn, turning often, until lightly charred, about 15 minutes.\n\n3. Add the limes to the grill, cut sides down. Grill until charred, 2 to 3 minutes. Remove the corn and limes from the grill and set aside.\n\n4. Whisk together all the dressing ingredients in a medium bowl. Set aside.\n\n5. When the corn is cool enough to handle, slice the kernels from the ears. Place the corn kernels in a large bowl. Squeeze the lime halves over the corn.\n\n6. Add the black beans, tomatoes, sweet pepper, green onions, jalape\u00f1os and cilantro to the corn.\n\n7. Whisk the dressing to combine. Pour over the vegetables and toss to coat. Season with salt and pepper to taste.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Cowboy Caviar goes really well with tri-tip steak or seafood. It's also a great healthy snack._\n\n## Grilled Panzanella Salad\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 to 15 minutes\n\nGrilled bread plus tomato, olive oil, pesto and cheese. It sounds really simple, but what you end up with is truly spectacular and bursting with flavor and freshness.\n\n2 French loaves, each cut into six 1-inch slices\n\n\u00bd cup extra virgin olive oil\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n2 lb cherry tomatoes\n\n4 metal skewers\n\n2 red onions, cut in half, leaving root ends intact\n\n\u00bc cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\n10 fresh basil leaves\n\nBasil Pesto\n\n1 bunch fresh basil, leaves picked\n\n\u00be cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n\u00bd cup pine nuts or slivered almonds\n\n\u00bd cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\n2 cloves Smoked Garlic\n\n\u00bd tsp kosher salt\n\n\u00bd tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. Brush the bread slices with olive oil and season with salt and pepper to taste. Thread the cherry tomatoes onto the skewers.\n\n3. Grill the bread slices and tomatoes, turning once, until lightly charred, 2 to 3 minutes for the bread slices, 4 to 6 minutes for the tomatoes. Remove the bread and tomatoes from the grill. Set aside.\n\n4. Grill the onions, turning often, until lightly charred, 6 to 7 minutes. Remove the onions from the grill.\n\n5. Cut the bread slices and onions into bite-size pieces and place in a large bowl. Remove the tomatoes from the skewers. Add to the bowl and mix gently.\n\n6. Place all of the pesto ingredients in a food processor. Pulse until smooth.\n\n7. Add the pesto to the bread mixture and toss well. Season the salad with salt and pepper to taste. Scatter with Parmesan and basil leaves.\n\n## Perfectly Pink Potato Salad\n\nMAKES: 10 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 20 minutes \u2022 CHILL: overnight\n\nEveryone has a favorite recipe for potato salad, and this is mine. My secret ingredient is sweet pimento paste, a Portuguese condiment that adds a hit of color and flavor. For best results, chill the salad in the fridge overnight before serving\u2014it's worth the wait.\n\n2\u00bd lb mini potatoes\n\n1 cup good-quality mayonnaise, such as Hellmann's or Duke's\n\n\u00bd cup sweet pimento paste\n\n1 tbsp dried dill weed\n\n1\u00bd tsp celery seed\n\n1 tsp kosher salt\n\n1 tsp finely ground black pepper\n\n\u00bd tsp granulated onion (see this page)\n\n1 medium red onion, minced\n\n\u00bc cup grated carrot\n\n\u00bc cup finely diced celery\n\n6 hard-cooked eggs, peeled and chopped (optional)\n\n6 slices bacon, cooked and crumbled (optional)\n\n2 tbsp finely chopped fresh chives\n\n1. Boil or steam the potatoes just until fork tender. When cool enough to handle, cut each potato in half and set aside.\n\n2. Whisk together the mayonnaise, pimento paste, dill weed, celery seed, salt, pepper and granulated onion in a large bowl. Stir in the red onion, carrot and celery.\n\n3. Add the potatoes and the hard-cooked eggs and bacon (if using) to the mayonnaise mixture and toss gently. Refrigerate, covered, overnight.\n\n4. Just before serving, sprinkle the salad evenly with chives.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Food poisoning wrecks a party, so make sure to keep mayonnaise-based salads cool on a warm day. Set the salad bowl in a larger bowl filled with ice._\n\n## Grilled Potato and Chorizo Parsley Salad\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 20 to 30 minutes\n\nMy friend Colleen would always bring a potato and chorizo salad to our potluck parties. It was so good, I'd try and put it out of reach at the back of the buffet table so there'd be leftovers. This is my grilled version of that salad that I'm now happy to share.\n\n1\u00bd lb mini potatoes, halved\n\n2 tbsp extra virgin olive oil\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n8 oz cured sweet Portuguese chorizo\n\n1 small bunch fresh flat-leaf parsley, leaves picked and finely chopped\n\n\u00be cup crumbled queso fresco (see sidebar)\n\nVinaigrette\n\n\u00bd cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n3 tbsp freshly squeezed lemon juice\n\n1 tbsp Dijon mustard\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Whisk together all the vinaigrette ingredients in a small glass bowl, seasoning generously with salt and pepper. Set aside.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n3. Meanwhile, put the potatoes in a microwave-safe bowl. Cover with plastic wrap and microwave on high until almost tender, about 8 minutes.\n\n4. Add the olive oil and a generous sprinkling of salt and pepper to the potatoes and toss well.\n\n5. Grill the potatoes and chorizo, turning often, until the potatoes are crisp on the outside and the chorizo is reheated, 10 to 20 minutes.\n\n6. Remove the potatoes and chorizo from the grill. Place the potatoes in a large bowl. Cut the chorizo into bite-size pieces and add to the bowl.\n\n7. Whisk the vinaigrette. Add to the potato mixture, along with the parsley, and toss well. Season with salt and pepper to taste and scatter with queso fresco.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Queso fresco is a soft, unripened cow's milk cheese from Mexico. Look for it in larger supermarkets or specialty cheese stores._\n\n## Shrimp, Mango and Noodle Salad\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 to 15 minutes\n\nSmoky sweet mango slices and spicy shrimp teamed with soba noodles make a satisfying salad that's super refreshing and perfect for school lunches. Out of mangos? Substitute a well-drained can of mandarin oranges and add directly to the salad without grilling.\n\n1 pkg (9\u00bd oz\/270 g) soba noodles\n\n1 lb medium shrimp, peeled and deveined\n\n4 metal skewers\n\n2 tbsp Moroccan Spice Rub\n\nCanola oil for oiling\n\n2 mangos, peeled, pitted and cut lengthwise into \u00bc-inch slices\n\n2 tbsp Piri Piri Hot Sauce\n\n1 English cucumber, thinly sliced\n\n1 bunch green onions, finely chopped\n\n\u00bc cup packed fresh flat-leaf parsley leaves\n\n1 cup drained, shredded beets (from a jar)\n\nDressing\n\n\u00be cup rice wine vinegar\n\n\u00bc cup granulated sugar\n\n1 tsp toasted sesame oil\n\n\u00bd tsp table salt\n\n1. Cook the soba noodles according to the instructions on the package until tender but not mushy. Drain well and set aside.\n\n2. Whisk together all the dressing ingredients in a small bowl until the sugar has dissolved. Set aside.\n\n3. Thread the shrimp onto the skewers. Season the shrimp with Moroccan rub. Set aside.\n\n4. Prepare the grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n5. Generously oil the grill grates. Grill the mango slices, turning often, until lightly charred and just tender, 3 to 4 minutes. Remove from the grill and set aside.\n\n6. Grill the shrimp, turning once, until just opaque, 2 to 3 minutes. Remove from the grill and glaze with the hot sauce. Set aside.\n\n7. Toss the soba noodles with the dressing, cucumber, green onions and parsley. Spread the noodle mixture out on a platter. Top with mango slices, shrimp and beets. Serve chilled.\n\n## Strawberry-Rosemary Lemonade\n\nMAKES: 4 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 2 minutes\n\nThis recipe comes from my friend Sara Lynn Cauchon, The Domestic Geek.\n\n2 sprigs fresh rosemary\n\n\u00be cup granulated sugar\n\n3\u00be cups water, divided\n\n1 cup hulled, sliced strawberries\n\n1 cup freshly squeezed lemon juice (about 6 lemons)\n\nLemon slices and additional rosemary sprigs for garnish\n\n1. Put the rosemary sprigs in a small saucepan. Using a pestle or the back of a spoon, bruise the sprigs so they release their aroma.\n\n2. Add the sugar and \u00be cup of the water to the saucepan. Bring to a boil, stirring to dissolve the sugar. Remove the saucepan from the heat and let the syrup cool completely. Strain, discarding the rosemary. Refrigerate until chilled.\n\n3. Combine the strawberries and syrup in a blender. Pur\u00e9e until smooth.\n\n4. Stir together the remaining water, strawberry pur\u00e9e and lemon juice in a large pitcher.\n\n5. Pour into glasses over ice, and garnish with lemon slices and rosemary.\n\n## Grilled Vegetable Salad with Goat Cheese\n\nMAKES: 12 to 14 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 15 minutes\n\nThere's nothing complicated about grilling vegetables, and I find that when I set out a large platter of this simple goat-cheese-topped salad, it always disappears fast.\n\n4 small green zucchini, cut into \u00bc-inch slices\n\n4 small yellow zucchini, cut into \u00bc-inch slices\n\n4 small Japanese purple eggplants, cut in half lengthwise\n\n4 bunches green onions, trimmed\n\n2 sweet yellow peppers, cut in half and seeded\n\n2 sweet red peppers, cut in half and seeded\n\n\u00bd cup extra virgin olive oil\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n\u00bd cup balsamic syrup\n\n\u00be cup crumbled goat cheese\n\n1. Place all the vegetables in a large bowl. Add the olive oil and toss well. Season generously with salt and pepper and toss again.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n3. Grill the vegetables, turning often, until just tender, 3 to 5 minutes for the zucchini and green onions, 10 to 15 minutes for the eggplants and peppers.\n\n4. Remove the vegetables from the grill. Slice the eggplant and pepper halves. Arrange all the vegetables on a large platter, alternating the colors.\n\n5. Drizzle balsamic syrup over the vegetables and sprinkle with goat cheese. Serve hot or at room temperature.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Buy the freshest, most colorful vegetables for the best impact and flavor. Any leftover grilled veggies are terrific on a pizza or flatbread or added to spaghetti sauce._\n\n## Grandma P's Sweet and Tangy Slaw\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 minutes\n\nGrandma P always had a garden. She grew onions, cabbages, potatoes, carrots and peas. A childhood memory is getting yelled at for eating all her peas and feeding spring onions to her dog, Brandy. Another memory is Grandma P's slaw. It was always in her fridge and it kept for weeks, becoming more intensely flavored each day. Tangy and sweet, it makes a simple summer side that's crunchy and delicious.\n\n1 green cabbage (about 3 lb), cored and shredded\n\n3 stalks celery, thinly sliced\n\n2 carrots, grated\n\n1 medium white onion, finely chopped\n\n1 small red cabbage (about 1\u00bd lb), cored and shredded\n\nDressing\n\n\u00be cup granulated sugar\n\n\u00bd cup canola oil\n\n\u00bd cup apple cider vinegar\n\n2 tsp celery seed\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper to taste\n\n1. Mix together the green cabbage, celery, carrots and onion in a large bowl.\n\n2. Whisk together all the dressing ingredients in a small saucepan. Bring to a boil, then boil, stirring occasionally, for 10 minutes. Remove the saucepan from the heat and let cool slightly.\n\n3. Pour the dressing over the cabbage mixture. Refrigerate until chilled.\n\n4. Just before serving, add the red cabbage and toss well. Serve chilled.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Don't add the red cabbage until just before serving or your slaw will turn bright pink._\n\n## Creamy Carrot Slaw\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes\n\nCarrots are the star of this sweet, crunchy slaw. It's great for entertaining because it holds up well even if prepared the day before (just make sure to toss it a few times just before serving). It's a perfect pairing for pulled pork sandwiches, hot dogs, hamburgers or steaks.\n\n\u00bd cup good-quality mayonnaise, such as Hellmann's or Duke's\n\n\u00bc cup extra virgin olive oil\n\n2 tbsp apple cider vinegar\n\n1 tbsp granulated sugar\n\n1 tbsp honey Dijon mustard\n\n1 tsp celery seed\n\n1\u00bd lb carrots, grated\n\n3 cups shredded cabbage\n\nKosher salt and finely ground black pepper\n\n1. Whisk together the mayonnaise, oil, vinegar, sugar, mustard and celery seed in a large bowl.\n\n2. Add the carrots and cabbage and toss well to coat with the dressing. Season with salt and pepper to taste.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Add some extra crunch to the slaw with slivered almonds or apple slices._\n\n## Three-Cheese Smoked Garlic Monkey Bread\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 35 to 45 minutes\n\nThis savory version of classic cinnamon monkey bread is ooey-gooey, garlicky greatness. I prefer to use a springform rather than a Bundt pan for this, as it's easier to remove the bread. This simple recipe is perfect for a last-minute get-together.\n\n2 cans (each 4.5 oz\/127 g) refrigerated biscuits (12 biscuits total)\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n1\u00bd cups shredded cold-smoked cheddar, divided\n\n\u00bd cup shredded mozzarella\n\n\u00bc cup freshly grated Parmesan\n\n12 cloves Smoked Garlic, finely chopped\n\n\u00bc cup finely chopped fresh chives\n\nButter-flavor cooking spray\n\n1. Open the cans and separate the biscuits. Cut each biscuit into quarters.\n\n2. Toss the biscuit pieces with the butter in a large bowl. Add 1 cup of the cheddar, the mozzarella, the Parmesan, the garlic and the chives. Toss well.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 350\u00b0F.\n\n4. Generously spray a 9-inch springform baking pan with cooking spray. Scrunch a sheet of foil to form a 2-inch ball. Spray the ball with cooking spray, then place it in the center of the pan.\n\n5. Carefully spoon the cheese-covered biscuit pieces into the pan surrounding the foil ball. Top with the remaining cheddar.\n\n6. Place the pan on the cool side of the grill and bake, rotating the pan regularly, until the bread is golden brown and well risen, 35 to 45 minutes.\n\n7. Let the bread stand in the pan for 10 minutes before removing it. Serve warm.\n\n## Best-Ever Buttermilk Biscuits\n\nMAKES: about 16 biscuits \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 CHILL: 20 minutes (bowl), 5 minutes (biscuits) \u2022 COOK: about 15 minutes\n\nTo say I am a fan of biscuits would be an understatement. When you elevate the biscuit, the rest of the meal comes along for the ride. This is my Grandma P's recipe, but I'm also grateful to the many Southern ladies and gents who helped me get my biscuits to where I wanted them to be.\n\n4\u00be cups all-purpose flour, sifted\n\n2 tsp good-quality baking powder, such as Clabber Girl\n\n3 tsp good-quality kosher salt\n\n1 tsp baking soda\n\n8 oz unsalted butter (about 1 cup\/2 sticks), frozen\n\n2\u00bd cups very cold, well-shaken buttermilk\n\n\u00be cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n1. Chill a large stainless steel bowl in the freezer for 20 minutes before preparing the biscuits.\n\n2. Adjust the oven racks to the center and upper positions and preheat the oven to 425\u00b0F.\n\n3. Whisk together all the dry ingredients in the chilled bowl. Using the large holes of a box grater, grate the frozen butter into the bowl. Combine the ingredients with a pastry cutter until the texture is coarse and crumbly (do not use your hands for this).\n\n4. Add the buttermilk and, with a rubber spatula, mix just until the dry ingredients are damp (do not overmix the dough).\n\n5. Turn the dough out onto a lightly floured surface. Working as quickly as you can, pat the dough out into a rectangle and then fold it in on itself a couple of times. Handle the dough as little as possible; the more you handle it, the tougher your biscuits will be.\n\n6. Pat out the dough again into a \u00bd-inch-thick rectangle. Cut into about 16 squares. (You can use a round biscuit cutter for this, but the trimmings make a much tougher biscuit.)\n\n7. Place 8 biscuits, \u00bc inch apart, on each of two baking sheets lined with parchment paper. Chill the biscuits in the fridge for 5 minutes.\n\n8. Brush the tops of the biscuits with melted butter. Place the baking sheets in the oven, one on the center rack, one on the upper rack. Bake for 5 minutes, then swap the positions of the baking sheets.\n\n9. Bake for another 5 minutes, then swap the positions of the baking sheets again.\n\n10. Bake until the biscuits are lightly browned and risen, about 5 minutes more. It is important to not overbake the biscuits.\n\n11. Remove the biscuits from the baking sheets and let cool on a wire rack.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_If you tend to have very warm hands, rinse them under cold water before patting out and shaping the biscuit dough._\n\n## Buttery Cornbread with Forty Creek Honey Butter\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 18 to 23 minutes\n\nCornbread is a Southern staple. Do it right and it's magic; do it wrong and you've made a hockey puck. For the best cornbread you'll ever taste, use a well-seasoned cast iron skillet.\n\n1 cup all-purpose flour\n\n\u00be cup cornmeal\n\n2 tbsp granulated sugar\n\n2\u00bd tsp baking powder\n\n\u00be tsp table salt\n\n\u00bd tsp chili powder (optional)\n\n2 tbsp unsalted butter or bacon fat\n\n1 cup whole milk\n\n1 cup shredded Monterey Jack\n\n2 eggs, beaten\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n2 jalape\u00f1os, seeded and minced (optional)\n\n\u00bd cup grilled corn kernels\n\nForty Creek Honey Butter\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, softened\n\n2 tbsp honey\n\n1 to 2 tbsp Forty Creek Canadian whisky (to taste)\n\n1. Preheat the oven to 400\u00b0F.\n\n2. Whisk together the flour, cornmeal, sugar, baking powder, salt and chili powder (if using) in a medium bowl. Set aside.\n\n3. Add the 2 tbsp butter to a 10-inch cast iron skillet or a 9-inch round baking pan. Place the skillet in the oven until the butter melts, about 3 minutes.\n\n4. Meanwhile, whisk together the milk, cheese, eggs, melted butter and jalape\u00f1os in a medium bowl.\n\n5. Remove the skillet from the oven and swirl the butter to coat the bottom and sides of the skillet.\n\n6. Add the milk mixture all at once to the flour mixture. Add the corn kernels. Stir just until moistened (don't overmix). Pour the batter into the hot skillet. Bake until a toothpick inserted near the center comes out clean, 15 to 20 minutes.\n\n7. For Forty Creek Honey Butter, whip the butter until light and creamy. Fold in the honey and whisky until well combined.\n\n8. Cut the cornbread into wedges. Serve warm slathered with honey butter.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Day-old cornbread makes a great stuffing for a chicken._\n\n# SWEET \nSMOKE\n\nYour barbecue adventure doesn't have to stop after the main course. There are lovely sweet endings here for your backyard bash. From the ultimate Death by Diva to a heartwarming fruit cobbler and a whole lot more, there are treats here to suit every taste and occasion.\n\nChocolate\u2013Pig Candy Pretzels\n\n Hawg Chocolate\n\nChocolate\u2013Pig Candy\u2013Whisky Truffles\n\nPig Candy Peanut Brittle\n\nS'more Better Dip\n\n The S'more\n\nElvis Grilled\n\n Happy Hollow Hot Chocolate\n\nDeath by Diva\n\nGrilled Angel\n\n Uncle Rich and Kenny's Chocolate Cake Shots\n\nMaple-Pumpkin Cheesecake\n\nAward-Winning Cherry Dump Cake\n\n Very Berry Cordial\n\nPort-Smoked Pears and Crumble\n\nBlueberry-Lemon Cobbler\n\nApple and Salted Caramel Galette\n\nDrunken Pineapple Lollipops\n\n## Chocolate\u2013Pig Candy Pretzels\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 20 minutes\n\nWhen I throw a party, I like to send my guests home with a gift bag containing some little nibble. This snack was born when I needed to fill fifty gift bags and had a large container of pretzel twists on hand. My kids loved helping me make these.\n\n16 slices Pig Candy, finely chopped\n\n1 pkg (10 oz\/284 g) honey pretzel twists\n\n8 oz milk chocolate, melted\n\n1. Spread the Pig Candy out on a plate.\n\n2. Dip one end of each pretzel twist in chocolate, then roll in Pig Candy to coat.\n\n3. Place the pretzel twists on a parchment-lined baking sheet until the chocolate has set. Store in an airtight container.\n\n## Hawg Chocolate\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 5 minutes\n\nDavid Marks, of the barbecue team Wilbur's Revenge, serves up these warming mugs of spiked hot chocolate at competitions. At home, I like to team it with the Chocolate\u2013Pig Candy Pretzels.\n\n1 slice Pig Candy\n\n1 oz semisweet chocolate, melted\n\n1\u00bd cups whole milk\n\n2 pkgs (each 1 oz\/28 g) hot chocolate mix\n\n1 oz bourbon\n\n1 oz Frangelico\n\nWhipped cream\n\n1. Dip the Pig Candy in melted chocolate. Place on a parchment-lined plate to set.\n\n2. Bring the milk to a simmer in a small saucepan. Whisk in the hot chocolate mix, bourbon and Frangelico.\n\n3. Pour the hot chocolate into a large mug. Top with a swirl of whipped cream and garnish with chocolate-dipped Pig Candy.\n\n## Chocolate\u2013Pig Candy\u2013Whisky Truffles\n\nMAKES: 40 to 50 truffles \u2022 PREP: 1 hour \u2022 COOK: 5 minutes \u2022 CHILL: at least 5 hours\n\nBacon, chocolate and whisky are all high on my list of favorites. Combined in a truffle, they are wickedly indulgent. This is an adult-only dessert, but it's a showstopper.\n\n20 oz best-quality semisweet chocolate, finely chopped\n\n1 cup heavy (whipping) cream\n\n2 oz Forty Creek or your favorite Canadian whisky\n\n1 tsp vanilla\n\nTopping\n\n4 oz dark or milk chocolate, melted\n\n8 to 12 slices Pig Candy, finely chopped\n\n1. Place the semisweet chocolate in a large heatproof bowl.\n\n2. Heat the cream to a simmer in a small saucepan. Pour the hot cream over the chocolate. Add the whisky and vanilla. Let the mixture stand for a couple of minutes.\n\n3. Using a rubber spatula, stir until the chocolate has melted and the mixture is smooth. Cover and refrigerate until firm, at least 4 hours or preferably overnight.\n\n4. Using a melon baller or a mini ice-cream scoop, portion out the truffles onto parchment-lined baking sheets. Refrigerate until firm, about 1 hour.\n\n5. Dip the truffles in the melted chocolate to coat them completely (I use a couple of fondue forks for this).\n\n6. Place the truffles on parchment-lined baking sheets. Top each truffle with pig candy. Chill before serving and store in the refrigerator or freezer.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Change up the flavor profile of these truffles by subbing rum for the whisky and other flavorings, such as orange or almond, for the vanilla._\n\n## Pig Candy Peanut Brittle\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: 10 to 12 minutes \u2022 COOL: 1 hour\n\nJennifer Hall, who gave me this peanut brittle recipe, is someone I met through Twitter. She lives by the motto \"Live, love and dream food.\" I took Jennifer's recipe and added my own spin with finely chopped Pig Candy, because bacon does a brittle good.\n\n1 cup granulated sugar\n\n\u00bd cup light corn syrup\n\n1 cup smoked Virginia peanuts (see sidebar)\n\n2 tbsp salted butter\n\n2 tsp vanilla\n\n\u00be cup finely chopped Pig Candy\n\n1 tsp baking soda\n\n1. Line a large baking sheet with parchment paper. Grease the paper. Set aside.\n\n2. Mix together the sugar and corn syrup in a large microwave-safe bowl. Microwave on high until bubbly, 4 to 5 minutes.\n\n3. Stir in the peanuts. Microwave on high until the peanuts are dark gold, 3 to 4 minutes.\n\n4. Stir in the butter and vanilla. Microwave on high for 2 minutes.\n\n5. Stir in the Pig Candy. Microwave on high for 1 minute.\n\n6. Stir in the baking soda until light, foamy and thoroughly mixed.\n\n7. Pour the mixture onto the prepared baking sheet and spread thinly. Let cool for 1 hour, then break into pieces.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Look for smoked Virginia peanuts in bulk-food stores or, if you prefer, substitute cashews, pecans or walnuts._\n\n## S'more Better Dip\n\nMAKES: 6 to 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 45 minutes\n\nEveryone loves toasting s'mores over a campfire. But for a big crowd, it's easier to make a tray of this s'more dip. You can dunk just about anything in the sweet treat, from fresh fruit, cake cubes and cookies to salty pretzel sticks. I love using Skor toffee bits in this recipe, but feel free to add anything\u2014chopped nuts, crushed cookies\u2014to make it uniquely your own.\n\n2 cups milk chocolate chips\n\n1\u00bd cups heavy (whipping) cream\n\n1 pkg (14\u00bd oz\/408 g) graham crackers\n\n15 jumbo marshmallows, halved\n\n\u00bd cup Skor toffee bits\n\n1. Mix together the chocolate chips and cream in a microwave-safe bowl. Cover with plastic wrap and microwave on high in 30-second increments, stirring after each one, until the chocolate chips are melted. Stir until smooth.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 300\u00b0F.\n\n3. Arrange some of the crackers in a single layer in a 12- \u00d7 10-inch disposable aluminum pan to cover the base of the pan completely. Pour the chocolate mixture evenly over the crackers. Top with marshmallow halves. Sprinkle with Skor bits.\n\n4. Place the pan on the cool side of the grill. Cook until bubbling, 35 to 45 minutes.\n\n5. Serve immediately with the remaining graham crackers.\n\n## The S'more\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 5 minutes\n\nThis warming drink, from award-winning pitmaster David Marks of Wilbur's Revenge, a barbecue team from Skippack, PA, is like a kick-ass dessert in a mug. It's a natural with the dip.\n\n1\u00bd cups whole milk\n\n2 pkgs (each 1 oz\/28 g) hot chocolate mix\n\n2 oz vanilla vodka\n\nHot fudge sauce and graham cracker crumbs for rimming\n\nMini marshmallows for garnish\n\n1. Bring the milk to a simmer in a small saucepan. Whisk in the hot chocolate mix and vodka.\n\n2. Rim a large mug with hot fudge sauce, then with cracker crumbs.\n\n3. Pour the hot chocolate into the mug and float mini marshmallows on the surface. Serve immediately.\n\n## Elvis Grilled\n\nMAKES: 2 pizzas (12 slices) \u2022 PREP: 25 minutes \u2022 REST: 1 \u00bd hours \u2022 COOK: 10 to 15 minutes\n\nGet all shook up with this Elvis-inspired dessert pizza, topped with the King's favorite combo of peanut butter, bacon and banana. I add chocolate to take it completely over the top. Take care when eating this\u2014you don't want to drip on your blue suede shoes.\n\n26 oz pizza dough, fresh or frozen and completely thawed (see this page)\n\n\u00bc cup cornmeal for dusting\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n2 tbsp granulated sugar\n\nCanola oil for oiling (optional)\n\n1 cup crunchy peanut butter\n\n1 cup semisweet chocolate chips\n\n1 cup chopped cooked bacon\n\n2 to 3 bananas, peeled and sliced\n\nIcing sugar for garnish\n\n1. One hour before grilling the pizzas, remove the dough from the refrigerator.\n\n2. Divide the dough in half and form into two 9-inch pizza crusts, crimping the edges of each as you would a pie. Prick the crusts all over with the tines of a fork. Let rest at room temperature for 30 minutes.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking. Place a pizza stone (if you have one) on the grill grate and preheat the grill to 550\u00b0F.\n\n4. Dust a pizza peel with cornmeal and place the pizza crusts on it. Brush each crust with half of the melted butter and sprinkle with the granulated sugar.\n\n5. Dust the pizza stone with cornmeal or oil the grill grates. Slide the crusts onto the stone or grill grates. Grill until lightly browned, 3 to 5 minutes.\n\n6. Remove the pizza crusts from the grill and flip them onto the pizza peel so the grilled sides face up.\n\n7. Prepare the grill for indirect cooking.\n\n8. Spread each pizza with peanut butter. Sprinkle with chocolate chips and bacon.\n\n9. Slide the pizzas onto the cool side of the grill. Cook until the chocolate has melted, 5 to 10 minutes.\n\n10. Slide the pizza peel under the pizzas and remove them from the grill.\n\n11. Top the pizzas with the sliced bananas. Let cool for 2 to 3 minutes, then cut into slices and dust each slice with icing sugar.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Out of pizza dough? Grill thick slices of buttered soft white bread, then add the sugar and the rest of the toppings._\n\n## Happy Hollow Hot Chocolate\n\nMAKES: 1 serving \u2022 PREP: 10 minutes \u2022 COOK: 5 minutes\n\nDavid Marks, of the barbecue team Wilbur's Revenge from Skippack, PA, brewed up this hot chocolate when I was trying to keep warm at the 2009 Jack Daniel's World Championship Invitational Barbecue. It certainly kept the cold out, and I'm sure the King would approve of serving it with his namesake pizza.\n\n1\u00bd cups whole milk\n\n2 pkgs (each 1 oz\/28 g) hot chocolate mix\n\n1 oz Jack Daniel's Whiskey\n\n\u00bd oz Kahl\u00faa\n\n\u00bd oz Baileys\n\nWhipped cream for garnish\n\n1. Bring the milk to a simmer in a small saucepan. Whisk in the hot chocolate mix, Jack Daniel's, Kahl\u00faa and Baileys.\n\n2. Pour the hot chocolate into a large mug. Top with a swirl of whipped cream.\n\n## Death by Diva\n\nMAKES: 12 servings \u2022 PREP: about 1 hour \u2022 COOK: 35 to 40 minutes\n\nDeath by Diva is my most requested recipe, but this is the first time I've shared it in its entirety. With this dessert I've garnered many perfect 180-point scores in competitions, often in contests where I've been competing against professional pastry chefs. Why is it so successful? It combines a little fruit, a little cheesecake, a little brownie and a whole lot of delicious.\n\n36 strawberries (preferably organic)\n\n2 pkgs (each 18 oz\/510 g) Ghirardelli Double Chocolate Brownie Mix\n\n1 (20 oz\/600 g) plain New York\u2013style cheesecake\n\n2 cups semisweet chocolate chips, melted\n\n\u00bc cup white chocolate chips, melted\n\n3 cups whipping cream, whipped to stiff peaks\n\nRaspberry syrup, such as Smucker's PlateScapers\n\nChocolate syrup, such as Smucker's PlateScapers\n\n12 sprigs fresh mint\n\n1. Using a melon baller, scoop out the stem end of each strawberry to make a hole. Place the strawberries, hollowed-out sides down, on paper towels to absorb their juices. Refrigerate the strawberries until needed.\n\n2. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 375\u00b0F.\n\n3. Prepare the brownie mixes according to the package instructions, combining both batters in one bowl. Pour the batter into a parchment-lined 12- \u00d7 10-inch disposable aluminum pan.\n\n4. Place the pan on the cool side of the grill. Bake until set, 35 to 40 minutes. Remove the pan from the grill and let the brownies cool completely in the pan.\n\n5. Fill the cavity of each hollowed-out strawberry with cheesecake (do not use the crust). Reserve any leftover cheesecake.\n\n6. Dip each strawberry into melted semisweet chocolate to half-coat them. Place the strawberries on a parchment-lined baking sheet. Chill until the chocolate is firm.\n\n7. Drizzle the strawberries with melted white chocolate. Chill again until ready to serve.\n\n8. Spoon the whipped cream into a piping bag fitted with a large tip. Set aside.\n\n9. Pour a couple of tablespoons of raspberry syrup in the bottom of each of 12 martini glasses.\n\n10. Crumble the remaining cheesecake (do not use the crust) and divide among the martini glasses, filling each half full. Top the cheesecake with a drizzle each of chocolate and raspberry syrup.\n\n11. Crumble the brownies and divide among the glasses, filling them three-quarters full. Drizzle more chocolate and raspberry syrup over the brownies.\n\n12. Top with another layer of crumbled brownies (you may have some brownies left over) and more chocolate and raspberry syrup.\n\n13. Pipe whipped cream on top of each dessert. Garnish each with a cheesecake-filled strawberry and a sprig of mint. Serve the desserts with the remaining strawberries.\n\n## Grilled Angel\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 20 minutes \u2022 COOK: about 10 minutes\n\nI have an obsession with grilling cake, and it's all because of Jacy and Rob Reinhardt of the amazing Prairie Smoke & Spice barbecue team in Saskatchewan. Jacy made grilled cake piled high with whipped cream and Saskatoon berries for a contest there, and I've been addicted ever since.\n\nChipotle-Chocolate Sauce\n\n1\u00bd cups heavy (whipping) cream\n\n2 cups dark chocolate chips\n\n1 tbsp unsalted butter\n\n\u00bd tsp chipotle powder\n\n\u00bd tsp vanilla\n\nCake\n\n1 Bundt-shaped angel food cake (9 inches)\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, melted\n\n2 cups whipping cream, whipped to soft peaks\n\n2 cups raspberries\n\nMint sprigs for garnish\n\n1. Make the Chipotle-Chocolate Sauce by bringing the cream to a simmer in a small saucepan.\n\n2. Add the chocolate chips, butter, chipotle powder and vanilla. Stir until well combined. Remove the saucepan from the heat and set aside, stirring occasionally until the chocolate is melted and the sauce is smooth.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Using a large serrated knife, slice the angel food cake into 8 even-size pieces. Brush the cut sides of the cake slices with melted butter.\n\n5. Grill the cake slices, turning once, until golden and just crisp, 4 to 6 minutes.\n\n6. Place a slice of cake on each of 8 dessert plates. Drizzle with Chipotle-Chocolate Sauce. Top with whipped cream and raspberries. Garnish with mint. Serve immediately.\n\n## Uncle Rich and Kenny's Chocolate Cake Shots\n\nMAKES: 32 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes\n\nWhen I was still a barbecue greenhorn, Rich Decker and Kenny Baker taught me a very important lesson. One evening at a competition, they brought over these shots that taste just like chocolate cake. I had a few too many and found out it's really difficult to focus on a barbecue competition with a hangover. Lesson learned. Stick to just a couple\u2014and serve with the Grilled Angel\u2014and you'll be fine.\n\n4 lemons, thinly sliced\n\n\u00bd cup granulated sugar\n\n1 bottle (26 oz\/750 mL) Frangelico\n\n1 bottle (26 oz\/750 mL) vodka\n\nIce\n\n1. Place the lemon slices in a resealable freezer bag. Pour in the sugar. Seal the bag and toss well. Set aside.\n\n2. Mix together the Frangelico and vodka in a large bowl. Add the ice and stir until chilled. Strain the mixture into a pitcher.\n\n3. Pour the drink into shot glasses and serve each shot with a sugared lemon slice. (Drinkers should suck the lemon slice before drinking the shot.)\n\n## Maple-Pumpkin Cheesecake\n\nMAKES: 8 to 10 servings \u2022 PREP: 45 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1\u00bc hours \u2022 CHILL: at least 3 hours\n\nJennifer Carreiro Gardiner is one of the most talented bakers I know. Lucky for me, she is also one of my dearest friends. Jennifer has a knack for creating mind-blowing desserts, like this cheesecake. It's rich but not overwhelming, with a great maple flavor.\n\nCrust\n\n1\u00bd cups ginger snap cookie crumbs (16 to 18 cookies)\n\n\u00bc cup maple sugar or packed light brown sugar\n\n\u00bc cup unsalted butter, melted\n\nButter-flavor cooking spray\n\nFilling\n\n3 pkgs (each 8 oz\/250 g) cream cheese, softened\n\n1 can (10 oz\/300 mL) sweetened condensed milk\n\n1 can (19 oz\/540 mL) pumpkin pur\u00e9e\n\n\u00bc cup maple syrup\n\n1\u00bd tsp cinnamon\n\n1 tsp grated nutmeg\n\n\u00be tsp pumpkin pie spice\n\n\u00bd tsp table salt\n\n3 large eggs, at room temperature\n\nTopping\n\n2 cups heavy (whipping) cream\n\n\u00bc cup icing sugar\n\n\u00bc cup salted pumpkin seeds\n\n\u00bc cup maple syrup\n\n6 slices Pig Candy, finely chopped (optional)\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 325\u00b0F. Wrap the outside of the bottom and sides of an 8-inch springform pan in a double layer of foil.\n\n2. For the crust, mix together the ginger snap crumbs, maple sugar and butter in a medium bowl until crumbly.\n\n3. Spray the inside of the springform pan with cooking spray. Press the cookie mixture over the bottom of the pan. Set aside.\n\n4. For the filling, using an electric mixer, beat the cream cheese in a large bowl until fluffy. Gradually add the condensed milk and beat until smooth.\n\n5. Beat in the pumpkin, maple syrup, cinnamon, nutmeg, pumpkin pie spice and salt.\n\n6. Add the eggs, one at a time, mixing only until just blended. Pour the filling mixture into the springform pan.\n\n7. Bring a kettle of water to a boil. Place the springform pan in a large roasting pan. Place the roasting pan on the cool side of the grill. Pour boiling water into the roasting pan to come halfway up the sides of the springform pan.\n\n8. Bake until the edges of the cheesecake are set but a 3-inch circle in the center is still slightly jiggly, about 1 hour and 15 minutes.\n\n9. Remove the springform pan to a wire rack and let the cheesecake cool. Refrigerate for at least 3 hours or overnight.\n\n10. To serve, whip the cream until it holds soft peaks. Sprinkle in the sugar and continue to whip until stiff peaks form.\n\n11. Cut the cheesecake into slices. Top each slice with whipped cream, sprinkle with pumpkin seeds and drizzle with maple syrup. Sprinkle with Pig Candy (if using).\n\n## Award-Winning Cherry Dump Cake\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 45 to 60 minutes\n\nThis recipe comes from Kim and Andy Groneman and their daughters, Lauren and Kaylin, who together make up the Smoke on Wheels Competition BBQ Team in Kansas City, KS. It's such a simple dessert, but it packs a big punch and has won numerous prizes for Lauren and Kaylin on the kids' barbecue circuit. Way to go, girls!\n\n1 can (20 oz\/567 mL) crushed pineapple, undrained\n\n1 can (19 oz\/540 mL) cherry pie filling\n\n1 pkg (18 oz\/517 g) yellow cake mix\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, cut into small pieces\n\nRaspberry sauce and whipped cream to serve\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 375\u00b0F.\n\n2. Mix together the pineapple, with its juice, and cherry pie filling in a 10-cup round baking dish.\n\n3. Spread the dry cake mix evenly over the fruit mixture. Dot the butter evenly over the cake mix.\n\n4. Place the dish on the cool side of the grill. Cook until the top is golden brown, 45 to 60 minutes.\n\n5. Serve with raspberry sauce and whipped cream.\n\n## Very Berry Cordial\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 15 minutes\n\nFor an alcohol-free version, swap out the vodka for ginger ale or berry-flavored sparkling water.\n\n6 cups frozen mixed berries\n\n4 cups water\n\n2 cups granulated sugar\n\n12 oz Tito's or your favorite vodka\n\n\u00bd cup fresh raspberries\n\n\u00bd cup fresh blueberries\n\n1 lemon, zested into large strips\n\nCrushed ice\n\n1. Mix together the frozen berries, water and sugar in a large saucepan. Bring to a boil. Boil until the berries are completely softened, about 10 minutes.\n\n2. Strain the berry mixture through a fine-mesh sieve into a medium saucepan, pressing on the berries to extract as much juice as possible. Discard the cooked berries.\n\n3. Bring the juice to a boil, then let bubble, stirring occasionally, until it has reduced by half, about 5 minutes. Remove the saucepan from the heat and let the juice cool. Refrigerate until chilled.\n\n4. Stir together the reduced juice, vodka, fresh berries and lemon zest in a large pitcher.\n\n5. Pour into glasses over crushed ice.\n\n## Port-Smoked Pears and Crumble\n\nMAKES: 6 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 2\u00bc hours\n\nHere's an elegant dessert for a dinner party. The classic combo of port and pears takes on cherry smoke so well, and the ginger, star anise and cinnamon add pops of flavor.\n\n3 cups ruby port\n\n1 cup granulated sugar\n\n2 cinnamon sticks\n\n2 pieces (each 1 inch) candied ginger\n\n1 whole star anise\n\n3 firm but ripe pears\n\nCherry wood chips\n\nTopping\n\n1 cup packed light brown sugar\n\n1 cup old-fashioned rolled oats\n\n\u00bd cup all-purpose flour\n\n\u00bd cup unsalted butter, cut into small pieces\n\n\u00bd tsp table salt\n\n1. Combine the port, sugar, cinnamon, ginger and star anise in a small saucepan. Bring to a boil over high heat. Reduce the heat and simmer for 15 minutes. Remove the saucepan from the heat.\n\n2. Meanwhile, peel the pears, leaving their stalks intact. Cut the pears in half lengthwise.\n\n3. Arrange the pears in a large cast iron skillet. Pour the port mixture over the pears. Set aside.\n\n4. Mix together all the topping ingredients in a small bowl. Set aside.\n\n5. Prepare your smoker or grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to 275\u00b0F. Add a handful of cherry chips, following the instructions on this page for your type of smoker or grill.\n\n6. When the chips start to smoke, place the skillet on the cool side of the grill. Smoke for 1\u00bd hours, basting the pears every 15 minutes.\n\n7. Spread the topping over the pears. Smoke until the pears are tender and dark brown and the topping is golden brown, about 30 minutes.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_You can use any type of pears for this recipe, just adjust the cooking time slightly based on the size of the pears you choose._\n\n## Blueberry-Lemon Cobbler\n\nMAKES: 8 to 10 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 1\u00bc hours\n\nCobblers are heartwarming to me, and they're such a simple dessert to make. A bit of dough and some berries, peaches or other fruit. Let it bubble away 'til golden and sumptuous. That's it. Perfectly easy for anyone to do. Over the years I have had countless varieties of cobblers at picnics, backyard bashes and BBQ competitions. Play with different types of fruit\u2014fresh or frozen\u2014and make something you love.\n\nSugared Lemon Slices\n\n2 lemons, sliced\n\n\u00bc cup granulated sugar\n\nFilling\n\n6 cups fresh or frozen wild blueberries\n\n\u00be cup granulated sugar\n\n1 lemon, zested and juiced\n\n\u00bc cup water\n\n3 tbsp cornstarch\n\nTopping\n\n\u00bc cup granulated sugar\n\n1 tsp cinnamon\n\n1 can (12 oz\/340 g) Texas-style or regular refrigerated biscuits (10 biscuits)\n\n2 tbsp whole milk\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n2. For the Sugared Lemon Slices, sprinkle the lemon slices with sugar. Place on the cool side of the grill. Cook until the lemon slices are dried out and caramelized on top, about 45 minutes. Remove the lemon slices from the grill and set aside. Leave the grill on.\n\n3. For the filling, mix together the blueberries, sugar and lemon zest and juice in a 9-inch cast iron skillet.\n\n4. Whisk together the water and cornstarch in a small bowl until smooth. Add the cornstarch mixture to the blueberry mixture and stir well.\n\n5. Place the skillet on the hot side of the grill. Watching closely and stirring often, cook until the mixture is bubbling and the juices have thickened, about 10 minutes. Move the skillet to the cool side of the grill.\n\n6. For the topping, mix together the sugar and cinnamon in a small bowl. Arrange the biscuits on top of the blueberry mixture. Brush the biscuits with milk. Sprinkle evenly with the cinnamon sugar.\n\n7. Bake on the cool side of the grill until the biscuits are thoroughly cooked and browned on top, about 20 minutes.\n\n8. Remove the skillet from the grill. Let stand for 15 minutes before serving.\n\n9. Garnish the cobbler with the Sugared Lemon Slices.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_Canned peach slices also work well with this recipe. Drain them well before using and omit the sugar in the filling._\n\n## Apple and Salted Caramel Galette\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 30 minutes \u2022 COOK: 40 minutes\n\nI hate making pie crusts, but free-form galettes, like this one, are easy and stress-free. Galettes are randomly shaped, and if one edge is a little thicker than the other, it's no big deal. I use apple pie filling for mine, but feel free to substitute cherry or blueberry if you prefer.\n\n1 can (19 oz\/540 mL) apple pie filling\n\n\u00bd tsp cinnamon\n\n1 pkg (8 oz\/250 g) cream cheese, softened\n\n\u2153 cup granulated sugar\n\n2 eggs, divided\n\n2 tbsp cornstarch\n\n2 tbsp heavy (whipping) cream\n\n\u00bd tsp vanilla\n\n1 refrigerated pie crust for a 9-inch pie\n\n2 tsp all-purpose flour for dusting\n\n\u00bd cup caramel topping\n\n\u00bd tsp sea salt\n\n2 tbsp water\n\n2 tbsp turbinado sugar\n\nAdditional sea salt (optional)\n\n1. Prepare your grill for indirect cooking. Place a pizza stone or baking sheet on the cool side of the grill and preheat the grill to high (450\u00b0F-plus).\n\n2. Toss the apple pie filling with the cinnamon in a medium bowl. Set aside.\n\n3. Using an electric mixer, beat the cream cheese and the sugar in a medium bowl until fluffy. Add 1 egg and the cornstarch, cream and vanilla. Beat until smooth. Set aside.\n\n4. Unroll the pie crust on a sheet of floured parchment paper. Using a spatula, spread the cream cheese mixture over the pie crust, leaving a 2-inch border around the edge.\n\n5. Stir together the caramel topping and sea salt in a small bowl. Drizzle half of the caramel mixture over the cream cheese layer.\n\n6. Top the caramel layer with the apple pie filling. Fold over the edge of the crust all around the pie.\n\n7. Whisk the remaining egg with the water to make an egg wash. Brush the edge of the pie with the egg wash. Sprinkle the edge with turbinado sugar.\n\n8. Using the parchment to lift the galette, place it on the pizza stone or baking sheet, leaving the galette on the parchment paper. Bake for 15 minutes.\n\n9. Rotate the galette. Bake for another 15 minutes. Rotate the galette again (rotating the galette ensures a nicely browned crust all round the edges).\n\n10. Bake until the apples are bubbling and the crust is nicely browned, about 10 minutes. Remove the galette from the grill and let it cool slightly.\n\n11. Drizzle with the remaining caramel mixture. Sprinkle with additional sea salt, if desired.\n\n## Drunken Pineapple Lollipops\n\nMAKES: 8 servings \u2022 PREP: 15 minutes \u2022 COOK: 6 to 8 minutes\n\nArrr! There's something about the combo of rum and pineapple that always makes me want to talk like a pirate. Dress up these lollipops by serving them on a fancy plate with whipped cream and a sprinkling of toasted nuts, or keep things simple and just stack 'em in a pile.\n\n16 peeled, cored fresh pineapple spears\n\n16 metal or soaked bamboo skewers\n\n\u00bd cup salted butter, melted\n\n\u00bc cup dark rum\n\n1 cup dulce de leche or caramel sauce, warmed\n\n1. Thread each pineapple spear lengthwise onto a skewer.\n\n2. Mix together the butter and rum in a small bowl. Brush the pineapple lollipops with the butter mixture.\n\n3. Prepare your grill for direct cooking and preheat it to medium-high (375\u00b0F to 450\u00b0F).\n\n4. Grill the lollipops, turning often, until lightly charred, 6 to 8 minutes.\n\n5. Serve warm drizzled with dulce de leche.\n\nQ SAVVY\n\n_These lollipops are a great way to dress up vanilla ice cream._\n\n# WHAT YOU NEED \nTO GET YOUR \nGRILL ON\n\nWith the right grill and the correct tools, your barbecue experience can be exceptional. Here's the stuff I love to use.\n\n## CHOOSING YOUR GRILL\n\nI don't believe there is one perfect grill\u2014in fact, I own forty smokers and grills. While I don't suggest you invest in as many as I have, owning a variety of grills gives you different barbecue options. Here are some of my favorites:\n\n| I use the versatile Big Green Egg ceramic charcoal grill for everything from grilling to making pizzas. It's easy to use and maintains temperatures well (biggreenegg\u200b.com). \n---|---\n\n| The Char-Broil TRU-Infrared Commercial 4-Burner grill is the only gas grill I own. I love the infrared technology, which results in fewer flare-ups than traditional gas grills (charbroil.\u200bcom).\n\n| The insulated Fast Eddy's by Cookshack Pellet Smoker Oven Model FEC100 provides consistent results, keeps food moist and is perfect for smoking large quantities of food. I use it for catering and competitions. Just set it and forget it (cookshack.\u200bcom).\n\n| The Ole Hickory Pits ACE BP wood-burning barbecue pit is a convection-fan-system charcoal smoker that's easy to use and has a maximum temperature of 275\u00b0F (olehic\u200bkorypits.\u200bcom).\n\n| The Onyx Oven is an insulated cabinet, charcoal-fired water smoker. I like it because it's a convenient size and, since it weighs in at less than 100 pounds, I can tote it anywhere (bbqguru.\u200bcom).\n\n| Stump's Smokers Gravity Feed Vertical Smoker Baby XL is an insulated smoker that's built tough (stumps\u200bsmokers.\u200bcom).\n\n| Traeger Lil' Pig pellet grill offers the ease of a regular pellet grill in a cuter format (traeger\u200bgrills.\u200bcom).\n\n| Traeger Lil' Tex Pro pellet grill is excellent for making barbecue in the winter when you don't want to babysit the grill. It keeps food moist and is the easiest grill\/smoker you'll ever own (traeger\u200bgrills.\u200bcom).\n\n| The Weber Original Kettle Premium 22-inch charcoal grill has been around forever. And for good reason. The grills last and are extremely versatile (weber.\u200bcom).\n\n| The Weber Performer Deluxe 22-inch charcoal grill is an easy-to-light classic kettle grill with a built-in table (weber.\u200bcom).\n\n| For the most versatile smoker right out of the box, it's hard to beat the Weber Smoky Mountain Cooker 18-inch charcoal grill. This one's great for learning fire control (weber.\u200bcom).\n\n## THE GEAR YOU NEED\n\nHaving the right grilling gear makes barbecuing so much easier. These are the utensils I can't live without.\n\nTEMPERATURE CONTROL\n\n| DigiQ DX2 from BBQ Guru uses power draft technology to make it easy to control the temperature of your fire (bbqguru.\u200bcom). \n---|---\n\n| The Thermapen thermometer is my number one grilling tool. It's accurate, it's easy to use and it comes in an array of colors (thermoworks.\u200bcom).\n\n| ThermoWorks' ChefAlarm comes with a high-temperature cooking probe and features large digits and a backlight (thermoworks.\u200bcom).\n\nCUTTING BOARDS\n\n| Smoky Mountain Smokers' disposable cutting boards are handy for alfresco barbecues and their fold-up sides retain meat juices (smokymoun\u200btainsmokers.\u200bcom). \n---|---\n\nHAND TOOLS\n\n| Silicone basting brushes are a hygienic choice, since they can be tossed in the dishwasher after using (grillpro.\u200bcom). \n---|---\n\n| Big Green Egg's Premium Three-Piece BBQ Tool Set is a sturdy trio with rosewood handles (biggre\u200benegg.\u200bcom).\n\n| I use GrillPro's injection needles exclusively. They're inexpensive and easy to use (grillpro.\u200bcom).\n\n| Char-Broil's Premium Nylon Grill Brush makes cleaning up a snap, and I love the ergonomically designed handle (charbroil.\u200bcom).\n\nBRIQUETTES AND OTHER FIRE STARTERS\n\n| Nature's Own Sugar Maple Hardwood Lump Charcoal produces a sweeter-smelling smoke and higher temperatures than briquettes (basquescharcoal.\u200bcom). \n---|---\n\n| Kingsford Competition Briquets are easy to measure so you get exactly the amount of charcoal you need (kingsford.\u200bcom).\n\n| The Weber Rapidfire Chimney Starter has outlasted every other one I have owned. It's a good design, but be cautious with the plastic handle (weber.\u200bcom).\n\n| Weber's Lighter Cubes are odorless, nontoxic and easy to light\u2014even when wet (weber.\u200bcom).\n\nGRILLING SURFACES AND CONTAINERS\n\n| GrillGrate grilling grates are great for obtaining perfect grill marks and speeding up any cooking process (grillgrate.\u200bcom). \n---|---\n\n| Frogmats smoking mats are handy when smoking small items that might otherwise slip through the grill grates (frogmats.\u200bcom).\n\n| Hands down, the best pizza stone I have ever used comes from Big Green Egg (biggre\u200benegg.\u200bcom).\n\n| I love any utensil that serves several purposes. The GrillPro Non-Stick Multi Roaster and Steamer is one of my faves (grillpro.\u200bcom).\n\n| GrillPro's Non-Stick Rib Rack can be used to hold a roast, too, which makes it a must-have in my barbecue world (grillpro.\u200bcom).\n\nSKEWERS\n\n| GrillPro's metal skewers heat up on the grill and help cook food more quickly (grillpro.\u200bcom). \n---|---\n\n| GrillPro's 7-inch bamboo appetizer skewers are a handy size, and their flat shape makes them easy to turn (grillpro.\u200bcom).\n\nWOOD PLANKS\n\n| Montana Grills' Cross Cut Grilling Planks offer superior flavor from the heartwood of a tree (montana\u200bgrills.\u200bcom). \n---|---\n\nWOOD CHIPS AND SMOKER BOXES\n\n| If you have access to a source of wood for wood chips, lucky you. I buy mine at Ontario Gas BBQ (bbqs.\u200bcom) and big box retailers that carry GrillPro products. \n---|---\n\n| GrillPro's Cast Iron Smoker Box is easy to use and works with any type of grill (grillpro.\u200bcom).\n\n## OTHER TOOLS I CAN'T LIVE WITHOUT\n\n\u2022 Restaurant-grade **heavy-duty tongs**. I have lots, and keep one set for raw meat, another for cooked.\n\n\u2022 Heavy-duty, nonporous USDA- and NSF-approved **cutting boards** from a restaurant supply store.\n\n\u2022 Inexpensive, dollar-store **spray bottles**. I use them for spritzing and for flare-ups.\n\n\u2022 **Bar cloths** for easy cleanup and removing grease quickly; these are essential to have on hand.\n\n\u2022 Plastic, lidded **shakers** are perfect for storing and administering homemade rubs.\n\n\u2022 A stainless steel **pizza peel** from a restaurant supply store lasts much longer than a wooden peel. As well as wrangling pizzas, you can use it for moving briskets, butts and large cuts of meat around on the grill.\n\n\u2022 Stainless steel **mesh grill baskets** come in all shapes and sizes. I use these for grilling delicate foods like whole fish or small items that might slip through the grill grates.\n\n\u2022 **Kitchen twine** is an excellent multi-purpose tool to have on hand for securing roasts and porchetta, or for tying basting herbs together.\n\n## RUBS, SAUCES AND INJECTIONS I LIKE TO BUY\n\nI don't always make everything from scratch. These great-quality products are good to have on hand because sometimes you just don't have to reinvent the wheel.\n\n> Buster Rhino's rubs (bbqs.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Butcher BBQ rubs and injections (butcherbbq.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Caplansky's mustard (caplanskys.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Colins Creek Barbecue Pecan Rub (colinscre\u200bekbarbecue.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Granny's BBQ Sauce (grannys\u200bsauce.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Hav'n a BBQ sauces and rubs (havenabbq.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Hot Wachula's sauces and salsas (hotwachulas.\u200bcom)\n> \n> House of Q sauces (houseofq.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Plowboys Barbecue rubs (plowboysbbq.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Prairie Smoke and Spice BBQ sauces and rubs (prairiebbq.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Simply Marvelous rubs (bigpoppa\u200bsmokers.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Smoke on Wheels marinade and injection (thebbqsu\u200bperstore.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Smoky Mountain Smokers sauces and rubs (smokymoun\u200btainsmokers.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Swamp Boys sauces (swampboys.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Sweet Smoke Q Pork Juice injection (sweetsmokeq.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Texas Pepper Jelly and Craig's Sauce (texaspepperjelly.\u200bcom)\n> \n> Whiskey Bent BBQ Supply (whiskeyb\u200bentbbq.\u200bnet) is my go-to place for ordering all barbecue sauces and rubs\n\n## CONVERSION CHART\n\nVOLUME | WEIGHT | TEMPERATURE \n---|---|--- \n\u00bc tsp | 1 mL | 1 oz | 30 g | 90\u00b0F | 32\u00b0C \n\u00bd tsp | 2 mL | 4 oz | 125 g | 115\u00b0F | 46\u00b0C \n\u00be tsp | 4 mL | 8 oz | 250 g | 120\u00b0F | 49\u00b0C \n1 tsp | 5 mL | 1 lb | 500 g | 125\u00b0F | 52\u00b0C \n2 tsp | 10 mL | 1\u00bc lb | 625 g | 130\u00b0F | 54\u00b0C \n1 tbsp | 15 mL | 1\u00bd lb | 750 g | 135\u00b0F | 57\u00b0C \n4 tsp | 20 mL | 2 lb | 1 kg | 140\u00b0F | 60\u00b0C \n1\u00bd tbsp | 22 mL | 2\u00bd lb | 1.2 kg | 145\u00b0F | 63\u00b0C \n2 tbsp | 30 mL | 3 lb | 1.5 kg | 150\u00b0F | 65\u00b0C \n3 tbsp | 45 mL | 4 lb | 1.8 kg | 155\u00b0F | 68\u00b0C \n4 tbsp | 60 mL | 5 lb | 2.2 kg | 160\u00b0F | 71\u00b0C \n\u00bc cup | 60 mL | 6 lb | 2.7 kg | 165\u00b0F | 74\u00b0C \n\u2153 cup | 80 mL | 7 lb | 3.1 kg | 170\u00b0F | 77\u00b0C \n\u00bd cup | 125 mL | 8 lb | 3.5 kg | 175\u00b0F | 80\u00b0C \n\u00be cup | 185 mL | 10 lb | 4.5 kg | 180\u00b0F | 82\u00b0C \n1 cup | 250 mL | 12 lb | 5.5 kg | 200\u00b0F | 95\u00b0C \n1\u00bc cups | 310 mL | | | 205\u00b0F | 96\u00b0C \n1\u2153 cups | 330 mL | | | 225\u00b0F | 105\u00b0C \n1\u00bd cups | 375 mL | | | 250\u00b0F | 120\u00b0C \n1\u00be cups | 435 mL | | | 275\u00b0F | 140\u00b0C \n2 cups | 500 mL | | | 300\u00b0F | 150\u00b0C \n2\u00bd cups | 625 mL | | | 350\u00b0F | 180\u00b0C \n3 cups | 750 mL | | | 375\u00b0F | 190\u00b0C \n3\u00bd cups | 875 mL | | | 400\u00b0F | 200\u00b0C \n4 cups | 1 L | | | 425\u00b0F | 220\u00b0C \n1 pint (2 cups) | 500 mL | | | 450\u00b0F | 230\u00b0C \n1 quart | 1 L | | | 500\u00b0F | 260\u00b0C \n1 gallon | 4 L | | | 550\u00b0F | 288\u00b0C \n\u00bd oz (fluid) | 15 mL | | | 600\u00b0F | 315\u00b0C \n1 oz (fluid) | 30 mL | | | | \n8 oz (fluid) | 250 mL | | | | \nLENGTH | PAN AND DISH SIZES \n---|--- \n\u00bc inch | 6 mm | 8-inch round pan | 1.2 L \n\u00bd inch | 1 cm | 9-inch round pan | 1.5 L \n1 inch | 2.5 cm | 8-inch springform | 2 L \n1 \u00bd inches | 4 cm | 9- \u00d7 5-inch loaf pan | 2 L \n2 inches | 5 cm | 9-inch springform | 2.5 L \n3 inches | 8 cm | 12- \u00d7 10-inch pan | 3 L \n4 inches | 10 cm | 13- \u00d7 9-inch pan | 3 L \n5 inches | 12 cm | | \n6 inches | 15 cm | | \n7 inches | 18 cm | | \n8 inches | 20 cm | | \n9 inches | 23 cm | | \n10 inches | 25 cm | | \n14 inches | 35 cm | |\n\n# AND FINALLY...\n\nTHE GOOD LUCK SHOT\n\nThis has become a Diva Q tradition at every barbecue competition our team enters. We serve each of our friends a 1-ounce shot of chilled Forty Creek Canadian whisky (if there are children present, we pour them apple juice), then we recite the Diva Q Barbecue Competition Toast:\n\n_To family, to friends, to fire:_\n\n_May your fires always burn clean,_\n\n_May you always be surrounded by your true friends and barbecue family,_\n\n_And may you all have the best damn barbecue cook of your life!_\n\nThen we bow our heads and recite together the Pitmaster's Prayer:\n\n_Our Pitmaster, Who art in heavenly smoke,_\n\n_Hallowed be Thy bark;_\n\n_Thy smoke ring come,_\n\n_Thy meat be done,_\n\n_on competition day as it is in barbecue heaven._\n\n_Give us this day our judging scores,_\n\n_and forgive us for over or under cooking our meat,_\n\n_as we forgive those who shigg* against us;_\n\n_and lead us not into temptation,_\n\n_to change our recipes on competition day. Amen_\n\nWritten by The Blue Bloods, award-winning barbecue team\n\n* **Shigg:** To enter a person's barbecue site with the intent of stealing barbecue secrets, in an effort to improve one's own barbecue score\n\n# INDEX\n\nA\n\naioli\n\nchipotle\n\nsmoked\n\nappetizers. _See also_ snacks; soup\n\ncherry peppers, bacon wrapped and stuffed\n\nchevaps\n\nOrange-Shrimp Lollipops\n\nsausage-stuffed poblanos\n\nSmoked Brisket Bombs\n\napple\n\nand beer barbecue sauce\n\njuice spritz\n\nand salted caramel galette\n\nartichokes, grilled\n\navocado: guacamole\n\nB\n\nbacon\n\nand Cadbury Creme Eggs\n\nChocolate Pig Candy Pretzels\n\nChocolate-Pig Candy-Whisky Truffles\n\nwith collard greens\n\ncooking tips\n\nand grilled Brussels sprouts\n\nHawg Chocolate (beverage)\n\nmac and cheese\n\nMeat Cake\n\nand meatloaf\n\nPig Candy\n\nPig Candy Peanut Brittle\n\npizza dessert\n\npoutine and\n\nSmoked Brisket Bombs\n\nand smoked paprika butter\n\nwrapped hot dogs, cheddar stuffed\n\nwrapped jalape\u00f1os\n\nwrapped sausage fatty\n\nwrapped stuffed cherry peppers\n\nwrapped turkey breasts\n\nbananas: pizza dessert\n\nbarbecuing tips\n\nbasil pesto\n\nbeef\n\nbasic burger\n\nbologna sandwich\n\nbone marrow, smoked\n\nbrisket\n\nburgers, stuffed\n\nchevaps\n\nchuck roast, shiitake\n\nflank steak, marinated\n\nflap steak sandwich\n\nKorean ribs, marinated\n\nMeat Cake\n\nmeatloaf\n\nprime rib, herb-crusted\n\nrib eye tacos\n\nribs\n\nrubs for, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3\n\nsauces for, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3\n\nSmoked Brisket Bombs\n\nsteaks, reverse-seared\n\ntenderloin\n\nbeets, smoked, with goat cheese\n\nbeverages\n\nBear's Smokehouse Old-Fashioned\n\nBoucherie Pimm's Cup\n\nBuckner Brothers' Kentucky Brown Mouthwash\n\nCaesar\n\nChocolate Cake Shots\n\ncitrus ginger ale\n\nGail-a-Rita\n\nHappy Hollow Hot Chocolate, 12.1\n\nHawg Chocolate\n\nKrunkarita\n\nmint limeade\n\nMulled Jack Daniel's\n\nMutha Chicken's Slaughterhouse Slammer\n\nPeachy Jack\n\nQ'n Canucks Take-Out-the-Competition Punch\n\nsangria\n\nThe S'more\n\nStrawberry-Rosemary Lemonade\n\nSummertime Sangria\n\nUbon's Bloody Mary\n\nVery Berry Cordial\n\nWatermelon Mayhem\n\nWorld-Famous Pink Drink\n\nbiscuits\n\nbuttermilk\n\nsmoked sausage and gravy\n\nblack beans: Cowboy Caviar (salad)\n\nblackberries: sauce\n\nblueberry: lemon cobbler\n\nblue cheese butter\n\nbone marrow, smoked\n\nbourbon butter\n\nbread\n\nbuttermilk biscuits\n\ncornbread\n\npanzanella salad\n\nthree-cheese smoked garlic monkey\n\nbrine\n\nbasic\n\nfor pork chops\n\nrosemary-pepper\n\nBrussels sprouts, grilled with bacon\n\nburgers\n\nbasic\n\nbeef, stuffed\n\nGreek\n\nMexican\n\nportobello-cheddar\n\nsalmon\n\nturkey, Greek\n\nbutters\n\nbourbon\n\nflavored\n\nherbed garlic\n\nhoney\n\nC\n\ncabbage\n\ncarrot slaw\n\nsweet and tangy slaw\n\nCaesar salad\n\ncakes. _See also_ cheesecake\n\ncherry dump\n\nGrilled Angel (dessert)\n\nmaple pumpkin cheesecake\n\ncalamari, shrimp and lobster stuffed\n\ncarrots\n\ncandied smoked\n\ncreamy slaw\n\ncheese\n\nblue, butter\n\ncheddar jalape\u00f1o cornbread bites\n\ncold-smoked\n\ncold-smoked cheddar-pimento\n\nfilling for Atomic Buffalo Turds\n\ngoat cheese, chicken and pepper pizza\n\ngrits\n\nmac and\n\nmozzarella, prosciutto and olive pizza\n\nprovolone, sausage and garlic pizza\n\nsmoked garlic monkey bread\n\ncheesecake\n\nDeath by Diva\n\nmaple-pumpkin\n\ncherry\n\nand chipotle barbecue sauce\n\ndump cake\n\nchicken\n\nbreasts, stuffed with brie and spinach\n\ncompetition thighs\n\ncurry skewers\n\nherbed bricked\n\njerk\n\nlollipops\n\nand pepper and goat cheese pizza\n\npineapple stand\n\nRoadside\n\nrubs for, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4\n\nsauces for, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4\n\nshredded Buffalo sandwich\n\nwings\n\nchive and garlic butter\n\nchocolate\n\nchipotle sauce\n\nDeath by Diva (dessert)\n\nHappy Hollow Hot (beverage)\n\nHawg (beverage)\n\nPig Candy Pretzels\n\nPig Candy Whisky Truffles\n\nshots (beverage)\n\nSmoked Bacon-Wrapped Crispy Crunch\n\nS'more (beverage)\n\ns'mores dip\n\nUltimate Bacon and Eggs\n\ncilantro and lime butter\n\nclams: seafood pizza\n\ncollard greens and bacon\n\ncorn\n\nchipotle-lime\n\nCowboy Caviar (salad)\n\ncreamed grilled\n\nMexican, 10.1\n\ntraditional\n\ncornmeal\n\ncheddar-jalape\u00f1o cornbread bites\n\ncornbread\n\ncrayfish\n\nabout\n\nand oysters\n\ncucumber and yogurt dip\n\nD\n\ndesserts. _See also_ cakes\n\napple and caramel galette\n\nBlueberry-Lemon Cobbler\n\nDeath by Diva\n\nElvis Grilled\n\nGrilled Angel\n\npears and crumble\n\nPig Candy\n\npineapple lollipops\n\nUltimate Bacon and Eggs\n\ndips and spreads. _See also_ salsa\n\nchipotle aioli\n\ncucumber yogurt\n\nguacamole\n\nroasted red pepper and eggplant\n\nsmoked aioli\n\ns'mores dip\n\ntzatziki\n\nduck, smoked crispy\n\nE\n\neggplant\n\ngrilled vegetable salad\n\nand roasted red pepper spread\n\neggs\n\nchipotle devilled\n\nsmoked Scotch\n\nElvis Grilled (pizza dessert)\n\nequipment for grilling\n\nespresso rub\n\nF\n\nfish\n\nhalibut skewers\n\nhalibut steaks\n\nmahi mahi sliders\n\nsalmon, blackened Cajun\n\nsalmon burgers\n\nseafood chowder\n\ntrout, orange-glazed\n\ntuna steak tacos\n\nG\n\ngame: sauces for, 3.1, 3.2\n\ngarlic\n\nabout granulated\n\nand chive butter\n\nherbed butter\n\nand sausage and provolone pizza\n\nsmoked\n\nglazes\n\napricot\n\nfor chicken wings\n\nmango\n\nmaple-mustard\n\norange, for trout\n\nfor pork loin\n\ntamarind\n\ngrill types\n\ngrits, cheesy\n\nguacamole\n\nH\n\nhalibut\n\nseafood chowder\n\nskewers\n\nsteaks\n\nham\n\nmaple mustard\n\nsauces for\n\nhoney butter\n\nhot dogs: bacon-wrapped cheddar-stuffed\n\nI\n\ninjections\n\nfor brisket\n\nfor Cajun turkey breast\n\nfor Peach Nectar Pulled Pork\n\nfor world championship pulled pork\n\nJ\n\njalape\u00f1os: Atomic Buffalo Turds\n\nK\n\nkale: smoked chips\n\nketchup, smoked\n\nL\n\nlamb\n\ngrilled chops\n\nsauces for\n\nlemon\n\nand blueberry cobbler\n\nstrawberry and rosemary lemonade\n\nlime\n\nand cilantro butter\n\nmint limeade\n\nlobster\n\ngrilled feast\n\nseafood chowder\n\nseafood pizza\n\nand shrimp-stuffed calamari\n\nM\n\nmac and cheese\n\nBig Party\n\nUltimate\n\nmahi mahi sliders\n\nmango\n\nglaze\n\npoblano salsa\n\nshrimp and noodle salad\n\nmarinades\n\nfor Chinese barbecued pork\n\nfor flank steak, 7.1\n\nfor flap steak sandwich\n\nfor halibut skewers\n\nfor jerk chicken\n\nfor Korean beef ribs\n\nfor pork loin\n\nfor pork tenderloin\n\nrosemary-garlic\n\nfor shiitake chuck roast\n\nmarshmallows: s'mores dip\n\nmint limeade\n\nmushrooms\n\nand grilled polenta\n\nportobello-cheddar burgers\n\nrisotto\n\nshiitake chuck roast\n\nshrimp-stuffed\n\nmussels\n\ngarlic-lemon\n\nseafood chowder\n\nmustard barbecue sauce\n\nN\n\nnachos, pulled pork\n\nnoodles, and shrimp and mango salad\n\nnuts, smoked savory\n\nO\n\nonions\n\ngranulated, about\n\nSriracha-butter blossoms\n\norange(s)\n\nand ginger pork kebabs\n\nand shrimp lollipops\n\noysters and crayfish\n\nP\n\npaneer and charred rapini\n\npanzanella salad\n\npasta\n\nBig Party Mac and Cheese\n\nUltimate Mac and Cheese\n\npeach nectar injection\n\npeanut brittle\n\npeanut butter: dessert pizza\n\npeanut sauce\n\npears and crumble\n\npeppers\n\ncherry, bacon wrapped and stuffed\n\njalape\u00f1os: Atomic Buffalo Turds\n\npesto, basil\n\npies: Apple and Salted Caramel Galette\n\npimentos and cold-smoked cheddar cheese\n\npineapple\n\ncherry dump cake\n\njuice, pork injection\n\nlollipops\n\nsalsa\n\nstand chicken\n\npizza\n\nchicken, pepper and goat cheese\n\ndessert\n\nprosciutto, olive and mozzarella\n\nseafood\n\nsmoked sausage, garlic and provolone\n\nplanks: cooking tips\n\npoblanos\n\nsausage stuffed\n\npolenta, grilled\n\npork. _See also_ bacon\n\nbelly\n\nbelly, jelly and biscuits\n\nbelly, stuffed Filipino-style\n\nchevaps\n\nChinese barbecued (char siu)\n\nchops, brine for\n\nchops, grilled\n\nchops, rosemary-garlic\n\nchops, with mango glaze\n\nham, maple-mustard\n\nhock bean soup\n\ninjection for, 5.1, 5.2\n\nkebabs\n\nloin, stuffed\n\nporchetta, easy\n\npulled, double-stuffed potatoes\n\npulled, nachos\n\npulled, peach nectar\n\npulled, world championship\n\nribs, dry or wet\n\nrubs for, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6\n\nsauces for, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5\n\nsausage biscuits and gravy\n\nsteaks\n\ntenderloin\n\npotatoes\n\nand chorizo parsley salad\n\ndouble-stuffed, pulled pork\n\nMeat Cake\n\npink salad\n\npoutine and bacon\n\nsmoked slashed\n\npoultry. _See also_ chicken; duck; turkey\n\nrubs for, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4\n\npoutine and bacon\n\nprawns. _See_ shrimp\n\npretzels: Chocolate-Pig Candy\n\nprosciutto, olive and mozzarella pizza\n\npumpkin\n\nmaple cheesecake\n\nsmoked, soup\n\nR\n\nrapini\n\nand grilled paneer\n\nraspberries: Grilled Angel (dessert)\n\nred peppers\n\nand chicken and goat cheese pizza\n\ngrilled vegetable salad\n\nroasted, and eggplant spread\n\nribs\n\nrub for\n\nsauces for\n\nrice: mushroom risotto\n\nrolled oats: pears and crumble\n\nromaine lettuce: Caesar salad\n\nrubs\n\nCajun\n\nCanadian\n\nfor chicken wings\n\nespresso\n\nGreek\n\njerk wet rum slather\n\nKansas City\n\nMemphis rib\n\nMontreal Steak Spice\n\nMoroccan spice\n\npork and chicken\n\nfor pulled pork, world championship\n\nrosemary-garlic slather\n\nspicy Thai\n\nS\n\nsalad dressings\n\nbasil pesto\n\nfor Caesar salad\n\nfor Cowboy Caviar salad\n\nfor sweet and tangy slaw\n\nvinaigrette, 10.1, 11.1\n\nsalmon\n\nblackened Cajun\n\nburgers\n\nrubs for\n\nsalsa\n\nmango-poblano\n\npineapple\n\ntomato\n\nsalts\n\ngreen herbed\n\nsmoked\n\nsandwiches\n\nbeef bologna\n\nmarinated flap steak\n\nshredded Buffalo chicken\n\nsauces (savory)\n\nAlabama white\n\napple-beer barbecue\n\nbasil pesto\n\nbasting for Roadside Chicken\n\nblackberry\n\ncherry-chipotle barbecue\n\nchipotle aioli\n\ncompetition\n\nKen's green\n\nKentucky mop\n\nmustard barbecue\n\norange marmalade baste\n\npeanut\n\npiri piri hot\n\nsmoked aioli\n\nsmoked ketchup\n\nspicy vinegar\n\nsteak\n\nsweet barbecue\n\ntartar\n\nTexas mop\n\nwhite\n\nsauces (sweet): chipotle chocolate\n\nsausage\n\nbiscuits and gravy\n\nchevaps\n\nchorizo and potato parsley salad\n\nfatty, bacon-wrapped\n\nMeat Cake\n\npoblanos stuffed with\n\nScotch eggs\n\nsmoked, and garlic and provolone pizza\n\nscallops, planked\n\nseafood\n\ncalamari, shrimp and lobster stuffed\n\nchowder\n\nDiva Oysters\n\nFirecracker Prawns\n\ngarlic-lemon mussels\n\nlobster feast\n\npizza\n\nrubs for, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4\n\nsauces for\n\nscallops, planked\n\nshrimp, mango and noodle salad\n\nshrimp and orange lollipops\n\nshrimp-stuffed mushrooms\n\nshrimp\n\nFirecracker Prawns\n\nand lobster-stuffed calamari\n\nmango and noodle salad\n\nmushrooms stuffed with\n\nand orange lollipops\n\nseafood chowder\n\nseafood pizza\n\nslathers. _See_ rubs\n\nsmoked paprika butter\n\nsnacks. _See also_ appetizers\n\nbrisket bombs\n\ncheddar-jalape\u00f1o cornbread bites\n\nkale chips\n\nparty mix\n\npulled pork nachos\n\nsausage-stuffed poblanos\n\nsavory nuts\n\nUltimate Bacon and Eggs\n\nsoup\n\nseafood chowder\n\nsmoked pork hock bean\n\nsmoked pumpkin\n\nspritz\n\napple juice\n\nfor beef ribs\n\nfor brisket\n\nsquash, spaghetti, smoked\n\nsquid: seafood chowder\n\nsteaks\n\nreverse seared\n\nrubs for\n\nsauces for\n\nstrawberry\n\nDeath by Diva (dessert)\n\nand rosemary lemonade\n\nstuffing\n\nfor beef burgers\n\nfor pork loin\n\nsweet potatoes, smoked\n\nT\n\ntacos\n\nrib eye\n\ntuna steak\n\ntamarind glaze\n\ntofu, grilled with tamarind glaze\n\ntomatoes\n\nsalsa\n\nsmoked ketchup\n\ntortillas\n\npulled pork nachos\n\nrib eye tacos\n\ntrout, orange-glazed\n\ntuna steak tacos\n\nturkey\n\nbreast, Cajun-butter-injected\n\nbreasts, bacon-wrapped\n\nburgers, Greek\n\nU\n\numami\n\nV\n\nvegetables\n\ngrilled, salad\n\nrubs for, 3.1, 3.2\n\nvinaigrette, 10.1, 11.1\n\nW\n\nwieners. _See_ hot dogs\n\nwraps\n\nfor brisket\n\nfor pulled pork, 5.1, 5.2\n\nY\n\nyellow peppers\n\nand chicken and goat cheese pizza\n\ngrilled vegetable salad\n\nyogurt\n\nand cucumber dip\n\ntzatziki\n\nZ\n\nzucchini: grilled vegetable salad\n\n# ACKNOWLEDGMENTS\n\nSo many people have helped me, guided me and taught me invaluable life lessons. I could not have become who I am without my family and friends. It takes a village to help a person live their passion, and my village is awesome.\n\nVlad, I am and always will be the lucky one. Thank you from the bottom of my heart for believing in me. Thank you for your support. You are such an incredible man. I am blessed to have shared a part of your life. With much love. XXOO\n\nLexi, Ella and Gabe, you inspire me to live fully and show you that any obstacle can be overcome. You are my everything, and I love you to infinity. XXOO\n\nMike Miller, Patrick Weir and Jessie Sweeney, your support and encouragement have been no less than extraordinary. Many more adventures to come. XXOO\n\nPaula Coulter and Rita Bishop, you are my extended family, my BFFs and all that. My home and heart belong to you both. Here's to our next adventure! I'll bring the whiskey. XXOO\n\nMy brother, Matt Bonawitz, I love you so much. Here's to us solving all of the world's problems. XXOO\n\nNick and Fanjia Dimovski and the rest of the Dimovski family\u2014Mary, Johnny, Joseph and Nicholas\u2014I am blessed to have had you all in my life. You are the most selfless people I have ever known. XXOO\n\nLisa and Harvey White, I could not have traveled anywhere without your help. Your support has been incredible, and I am indebted to you both for life. Love you so much. XXOO\n\nTed Reader, you're my big brother in barbecue. I can't even begin to thank you for helping me navigate my crazy life. Have I told you how great you are? Seriously, dude, you rock. XXOO\n\nJen and Jeff Gardiner, a girl could not ask for more in a friendship. You're a top-shelf duo. Thank you both from the bottom of my heart. XXOO\n\nBilly Durney and Laurence La Pianta, you are two of the best sounding boards and voices of wisdom a girl could ever have. Thank you. Much love. XXOO\n\nJoAnne and Tim, you never stop encouraging me. You always bring me up when I need it the most. No matter how many miles divide us, you inspire me always. Thank you for our never-ending friendship\u2014it means the world to me. XXOO\n\nMy sisters-in-smoke, you know who you are and that you're some of the most BA women I know. I am inspired by your strengths and impressed by your resilience. You're among the toughest people on the planet and can grill like no others. XXOO\n\nTo my friends on bbq-\u200bbrethren.\u200bcom, you are some of the most outstanding people I have met anywhere. Ever. XXOO\n\nThe incomparable, absolutely kick-ass Ken Goodman, I am so honored you took the pictures for this book. It was a thrill to work with you. XXOO\n\nDave Raymond, you are the voice of wisdom I need. You are an extraordinary human being who makes the world a better place. XXOO\n\nGary Trotter and Brian Witteveen, you both believed in me right from the beginning. I am blessed and forever thankful for our friendship. XXOO\n\nThe awesome Robert McCullough of Appetite by Random House and Jennifer Bain, you both convinced me to do this book. Thank you for making me. XXOO\n\nMany thanks also go to Basques Hardwood Charcoal, BBQ Guru, Butcher BBQ, Capital Appliance & BBQ, Char-Broil, Cookshack, Dickson Barbeque Centre, Granny's BBQ Sauce, Ole Hickory Pits, Ontario Gas BBQ, Smoke on Wheels Competition BBQ, Smoky Mountain Smokers, Stump's Smokers, Swamp Boys BBQ, Texas Pepper Jelly, The\u200bBBQ\u200bSuper\u200bStore.\u200bcom, ThermoWorks, Traeger Canada, Traeger US and Whiskey Bent BBQ Supply.\n\nMuch, much love goes to my barbecue family. To be included in your company has been one of the greatest joys of my life. You are inspiring, engaging and thoughtful, and I am in awe of your kindness. There are so many to whom I am indebted. Thank you for believing in me. XXOO\n\nFinally, thanks go to my fans. I am the luckiest woman in barbecue. I may not win most often, but I have the best fans on the planet. You are all awesome. Thank you for sharing your stories, emailing me, leaving great comments on my website and always asking for more. XXOO #unstoppable\n\n# APPENDIX\n\nClick here to return to the text.\n\n## Contents\n\n 1. Cover\n 2. Title Page\n 3. Copyright\n 4. Dedication\n 5. Contents\n 6. Foreword\n 7. For the Love of All Things Barbecue\n 8. Barbecue Basics\n 9. Six Recipes You Need to Know\n 10. Rubs, Sauces, Slathers and Spices\n 11. Fired-Up Appetizers and Shareables\n 12. Praise the Pig!\n 13. Bacon Bonanza\n 14. Beef It Up\n 15. Fowl Play\n 16. Gone Fishin'\n 17. Sizzling Sides (and a Meatless Burger)\n 18. Salads, Slaws and Breads\n 19. Sweet Smoke\n 20. What You Need to Get Your Grill On\n 21. Conversion Chart\n 22. And Finally...\n 23. Index\n 24. Acknowledgments\n\n 1. \n 2. \n 3. \n 4. \n 5. \n 6. \n 7. \n 8. \n 9. \n 10. \n 11. \n 12. \n 13. \n 14. \n 15. \n 16. \n 17. \n 18. \n 19. \n 20. \n 21. \n 22. \n 23. \n 24. \n 25. \n 26. \n 27. \n 28. \n 29. \n 30. \n 31. \n 32. \n 33. \n 34. \n 35. \n 36. \n 37. \n 38. \n 39. \n 40. \n 41. \n 42. \n 43. \n 44. \n 45. \n 46. \n 47. \n 48. \n 49. \n 50. \n 51. \n 52. \n 53. \n 54. \n 55. \n 56. \n 57. \n 58. \n 59. \n 60. \n 61. \n 62. \n 63. \n 64. \n 65. \n 66. \n 67. \n 68. \n 69. \n 70. \n 71. \n 72. \n 73. \n 74. \n 75. \n 76. \n 77. \n 78. \n 79. \n 80. \n 81. \n 82. \n 83. \n 84. \n 85. \n 86. \n 87. \n 88. \n 89. \n 90. \n 91. \n 92. \n 93. \n 94. \n 95. \n 96. \n 97. \n 98. \n 99. \n 100. \n 101. \n 102. \n 103. \n 104. \n 105. \n 106. \n 107. \n 108. \n 109. \n 110. \n 111. \n 112. \n 113. \n 114. \n 115. \n 116. \n 117. \n 118. \n 119. \n 120. \n 121. \n 122. \n 123. \n 124. \n 125. \n 126. \n 127. \n 128. \n 129. \n 130. \n 131. \n 132. \n 133. \n 134. \n 135. \n 136. \n 137. \n 138. \n 139. \n 140. \n 141. \n 142. \n 143. \n 144. \n 145. \n 146. \n 147. \n 148. \n 149. \n 150. \n 151. \n 152. \n 153. \n 154. \n 155. \n 156. \n 157. \n 158. \n 159. \n 160. \n 161. \n 162. \n 163. \n 164. \n 165. \n 166. \n 167. \n 168. \n 169. \n 170. \n 171. \n 172. \n 173. \n 174. \n 175. \n 176. \n 177. \n 178. \n 179. \n 180. \n 181. \n 182. \n 183. \n 184. \n 185. \n 186. \n 187. \n 188. \n 189. \n 190. \n 191. \n 192. \n 193. \n 194. \n 195. \n 196. \n 197. \n 198. \n 199. \n 200. \n 201. \n 202. \n 203. \n 204. \n 205. \n 206. \n 207. \n 208. \n 209. \n 210. \n 211. \n 212. \n 213. \n 214. \n 215. \n 216. \n 217. \n 218. \n 219. \n 220. \n 221. \n 222. \n 223. \n 224. \n 225. \n 226. \n 227. \n 228. \n 229. \n 230. \n 231. \n 232. \n 233. \n 234. \n 235. \n 236. \n 237. \n 238. \n 239. \n 240. \n 241. \n 242. \n 243. \n 244. \n 245. \n 246. \n 247. \n 248. \n 249. \n 250. \n 251. \n 252. \n 253. \n 254. \n 255. \n 256. \n 257. \n 258. \n 259. \n 260. \n 261. \n 262. \n 263. \n 264. \n 265. \n 266. \n 267. \n 268. \n 269. \n 270. \n 271. \n 272. \n 273. \n 274.\n\n 1. Cover\n 2. Cover\n 3. Title Page\n 4. Table of Contents\n 5. Start\n\n","meta":{"redpajama_set_name":"RedPajamaBook"}} +{"text":"\n\nCopyright \u00a9 2011 by Myron Mixon\n\nForeword copyright \u00a9 2011 by Paula H. Deen\n\nAll rights reserved.\n\nPublished in the United States by Ballantine Books, an imprint of The Random House Publishing Group, a division of Random House, Inc., New York.\n\nBALLANTINE and colophon are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc.\n\nPhotographs on 1.1, 1.2, 3.1, and 4.1 are by Tom Rankin, copyright \u00a9 by Tom Rankin. Used by permission.\n\nPhotographs fm.1, fm.2, fm.3, 7.1, and 7.2 are from the author's collection and are reprinted here courtesy of Myron Mixon. All remaining photographs are by Alex Martinez, copyright \u00a9 2011 by Alex Martinez. Used by permission.\n\neISBN: 978-0-345-52854-4\n\nwww.ballantinebooks.com\n\nv3.1_r2\n\nI dedicate this book to my dad, Jack Mixon, for teaching me how to do a lot of things, including barbecuing; and to Pat Burke, for showing me how to be a champion.\n\n# CONTENTS\n\n**Foreword**\n\nby Paula Deen\n\n**Introduction**\n\n[1 \nBarbecue Basics](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c01_r1.htm#c01)\n\n[2 \nRubs, Sauces, Marinades, Injections, and Glazes](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c02_r1.htm#c02)\n\nBasic Chicken Rub\n\nBeef Rub\n\nBasic Barbecue Rub\n\nHog Injection\n\nBeef Injection and Marinade\n\nRib Marinade\n\nBasic Hickory Sauce\n\nBasic Vinegar Sauce\n\nChicken Sauce and Glaze\n\nHog Glaze\n\nTangy Sweet Sauce\n\n[3 \nChicken](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c03_r1.htm#c03)\n\nMyron Mixon's World-Famous Cupcake Chicken\n\nOld-fashioned Barbecue Chicken\n\nChicken Wings\u2014Two Ways\n\n_Buffalo Wings_\n\n_Barbecue Wings_\n\nWishbone Chicken\n\nBacon-Wrapped Coca-Cola Chicken Breasts\n\nWhole Chicken\n\nApple and Bacon\u2013Stuffed Chicken Breasts\n\nSmoked Turkey\n\nMyron's Signature Buttermilk Fried Chicken\n\n[4 \nHog](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c04_r1.htm#c04)\n\nWhole Hog\n\nPork Shoulder\n\nCracklin' Skins\n\nSmoked Jack Bologna\n\nSausage\u2014Two Ways\n\n_Grilled Sausage_\n\n_Redneck Sausage Hors d'Oeuvres_\n\nPork Burgers\n\nPork Loin\n\nStuffed Pork Tenderloin\n\n[5 \nRibs and Chops](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c05_r1.htm#c05)\n\nRib Spritz\n\nSt. Louis Ribs\n\nBaby Back Ribs\n\nBeef Ribs\n\nSausage-Stuffed Pork Chops\n\nRack of Lamb\n\n[6 \nBeef](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c06_r1.htm#c06)\n\nPerfect Brisket\n\nPerfect Porterhouse Steak\n\nPrime Rib\n\nBeef Tenderloin\n\nMyron Mixon's Prize-Winning Whistler Burger\n\n[7 \nFish](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c07_r1.htm#c07)\n\nMullet\n\nLobster\n\nSalmon\n\nPrawns\n\nTrout\n\n[8 \nSide Dishes](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c08_r1.htm#c08)\n\nMyron's Peach Baked Beans\n\nZesty Potato Salad\n\nMama's Slaw\n\nCracklin' Cornbread\n\nLayered Salad with Potato Sticks\n\nBrunswick Stew\n\nStuffed Pear Salad\n\nBarbecue Deviled Eggs\n\n[9 \nMyron at Home](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c09_r1.htm#c09)\n\nBacon-Wrapped Chicken Livers\n\nLamb Shoulder\n\nFried Catfish\n\nLowcountry Boil\n\nCatfish-Shrimp Alfredo\n\nMeat Loaf\n\nBarbecue Nachos\n\nBarbecue-Stuffed Baked Potatoes\n\nChicken Salad\n\nBarbecue Chef Salad\n\nPimiento Cheese\n\n[10 \nDrinks and Desserts](Mixo_9780345528544_epub_c10_r1.htm#c10)\n\nReal Southern Sweet Tea\n\nPeachtree Crown Royal Cocktail\n\nJenkins Punch\n\nBanana Pudding\n\nApple Crunch\n\nGrilled Peaches with Apricot Glaze\n\nAcknowledgments\n\nIndex\n\n# Foreword\n\nDo y'all recall what it's like to meet a kindred spirit? I'm talking about someone you feel an instant connection to even though you don't really know each other\u2014someone who has walked down the same path you have and lived to tell the tale, so to speak.\n\nThat's sorta how I feel about Myron Mixon. Now, I like a man who has the guts to call himself \"the winningest son-of-a-bitch in barbecue,\" but there's more to Myron than his bad-boy attitude. Yes, Myron and I both make a living in the culinary arts, and we both laugh a lot, that's true, too.\n\nWhen it comes to Myron Mixon, what really pulls at me is the fact that he's pure Georgia-born and Georgia-bred, through and through, just like me. He and I both know what it's like to breathe in that sweet Georgia air, scented with magnolias on a perfect springtime day. I grew up in Albany, Georgia, due southwest from Myron's birthplace of Vienna. My best times growing up were at River Bend, my grandmother and granddaddy's little motel. It was there that I learned about food, where I fell in love with it and came to understand that \"food\" means something beyond the eating of it\u2014it's an expression of friendship and comfort. People from Georgia like me and Myron get that.\n\nIn the South, we're all about traditions, and our traditions have their origins in the cooking pots and the recipes we pass down from generation to generation, like a good cast-iron skillet. I hold these recipes close to my heart. And that's what I like best about Myron Mixon: He learned how to barbecue at his own daddy's knee. He is steeped in these Southern food traditions as thoroughly as I am, and they mean everything to him. There isn't a recipe in this book that isn't a part of his life, a part of his heart, and that's the mark of a truly good cook.\n\nSo, what I'm telling y'all is that if you like good barbecue, and I mean the kind of barbecue that you can learn how to make only if you know how to live it, you've come to the right place. And you know the thing about Myron that I like best of all? Like me, he knows that life ain't all about cookin'. It's about enjoying good food with good friends and having a good time. So fire up your smoker, grab a glass of sweet tea, and go make you some of Myron's 'cue.\n\n\u2014PAULA DEEN\n\n#\n\nWHO IS MYRON MIXON?\n\nHere's what you need to know: I am Myron Mixon, from Unadilla, Georgia, and I am the baddest barbecuing bastard there has ever been. As a three-time world barbecue champion, I've been dubbed \"The King,\" \"The Best Hog Cooker in the World,\" \"The Man in Black,\" and more nicknames than I can count\u2014some nice and some downright vicious. No matter what you call me, there's no denying the fact that I'm a fierce competitor and the winningest man in barbecue.\n\n_Jack Mixon at his fire pits. In the football jersey is my best friend from school, John Evans, and that's me on the left._ (photo credit fm.1)\n\nI wasn't always top dog. Not by a long shot. I started out as a small-town operator working at my dad's sawmill and moving from one hard-ass job to another. But I had been raised by Jack Mixon, which, if you're from one of the ten counties that make up middle Georgia, means one thing: barbecue. Folks who knew my dad when he was young remember his shiny black hair and his take-no-prisoners attitude; he got noticed when he went places because he was tall and tough and he always drove the fastest cars (which I later found out was to stay ahead of the revenuers, but that's a story for another book). Primarily, what my dad did was own a barbecue take-out business in my hometown, Vienna (pronounced VI-anna). Now, my ancestors may have come to this country in the 1600s, but my dad was about as salt-of-the-earth, as honest, and as hardworking a man as you're ever likely to meet.\n\nI'm just a simple country boy: \none mama, one daddy.\n\nHe was also tough as nails. When I was about ten years old, he had me doing grunt work around his barbecue pits: toting wood, firing up pits, loading fire barrels, and so on. I did stuff that most young'uns never got asked to do. Jack worked me and my brother Tracy like the free labor we were. I once asked to get paid for my work and Daddy said, \"You do, you put your feet under my dinner table and sleep under my roof.\" When other kids were going swimming and having fun, I was stoking fire pits.\n\n_This is the building that actually housed the pits for Jack's Old South. It was built around 1986._ (photo credit fm.3)\n\nHere's one day I'll never forget: I was just about twelve or so, and my dad had me and my brother Tracy in the yard with him. He had these two big old fire barrels that had to be kept filled with coals, which would be used to heat the barbecue pit. It was as much a job to keep those fire barrels filled as it was to shovel the coals into the pit. Every so often, my father would get off of the five-gallon bucket he was sitting on and he would walk up to the sheets of tin that we had placed across the top of the pits. He would run his hand\u2014no probes or thermometers, just his bare hand\u2014across the tin and then he would tell us to get off our asses and fire those pits. There were three big sections and we had to tend to them about every twenty minutes, or less. The shovels we used were about ten feet long and had steel handles. When they slid into the fire barrel, they'd get so damn hot. The heat was something fierce. My brother and I were trying to do our job, but we were mostly trying to keep ourselves from burning up. It sure wasn't pleasant work, and we did it over and over, all day.\n\n_That's me and Tony Woodard, one of my first assistants, competing on the circuit around 1997\u201398._ (photo credit fm.2)\n\n* * *\n\n**How Much Have I Won?**\n\nHere's why you ought to pay attention to what I say: Since 1996, I've won more than 180 grand championships, 30 state championships (including wins in Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Virginia, Arkansas, Mississippi, Kentucky, Illinois, South Carolina, and Tennessee), and 11 national championships, and I've earned more than 1,800 total trophies. My team has also taken three first-place whole-hog awards at the Jack Daniel's World Championship Invitational Barbecue competition, and we have been crowned the grand champion at the World Championship in Memphis three times (2001, 2004, and 2007). We have also taken first place in the whole-hog category at the World Championship four times (2001, 2003, 2004, and 2007). Jack's Old South has been the Memphis in May Team of the Year with the highest number of points for eight years (from 1999 through 2004 and also in 2007 and 2009). We are also the only team to win grand championships in the Memphis in May, Kansas City BBQ Society, and Florida BBQ Association contests in the same year.\n\n* * *\n\nThe Jack's Old South team collecting our paychecks at the 2001 Memphis in May Word BBQ Championship\u2014my first of three world titles.\n\nMy dad was pretty damn tough on us. People think I'm hard, but they don't have a clue. Sometimes folks who knew my dad because of his barbecue still come up to me and ask if Jack is around. I tell them no, he ain't, and you better be damn glad he ain't. He was just a hard man, and a strict father. But he made me who I am; he was someone who could do anything he set his mind to. Without a doubt, the raising he gave me is what drove me to be able to do what I've done.\n\nWhat I do best is beat \neverybody else's ass.\n\nHe schooled me on discipline, determination, and hard work, but what he really taught me was how to win. Even when I was a kid trying to keep from burning my hands off, I couldn't help but pay attention to what my dad told me\u2014mostly because I didn't want to have to do anything twice. I learned about the whys and wherefores of barbecue the way the sons of farmers learn to grow crops. It became a part of me, a part of my way of thinking, and I didn't even know it was happening. I didn't realize it for a long time, actually\u2014not until my father had a stroke and passed away unexpectedly in January of 1996. Until then, I didn't want anything to do with barbecue.\n\n_2010 MIM World Championship on-site judging at the Jack's Old South rig._\n\nIt surprises people when they find out that my first feelings about barbecue were so bad. So how did things turn around? I'll tell you. By the mid-1990s, I had two boys of my own and was living a life that had nothing to do with barbecue. At the same time, my parents had started making and selling their own barbecue sauce from a recipe that came from my mother's side of the family.\n\nIt's good to be the king.\n\n* * *\n\n**Myron's Rules to Live By**\n\nNow that you know a thing or two about me, let me give you some advice before you strike that match.\n\n**It May Be Called Barbecue, but It's Hard Work**. This is something I learned in competition that you can apply at home right now: If you don't take cooking seriously, you're not going to make anything tasty. A barbecue might seem like the best place to just sit back and enjoy some good food and drinks, but if you don't respect the fact that there's a right way to do this, your food is never going to come out right.\n\n**It's Not About Making Friends**. I understand the camaraderie at the barbecue events, and the fact that folks are looking forward to driving up in their motor homes and getting into their little circles and having their little cocktails. There is nothing in the world wrong with that. But that is not what I'm about. If I want to get drunk and have my friends over, I do it on my patio beside my pool. I don't have to spend two grand on ingredients and travel costs and all the rest of the contest expenses to do it. You know what I'm saying? Now, I've been as messed up as a football bat, but that's been after a competition is over and I'm chilling out. Because you can't win the party on Friday night and win the contest on Saturday: It does not work like that. So when you're cooking, pay attention to what you're doing.\n\n**Stay Cool**. Some people get all in a tizzy over all their stuff, the dishes they're making, all of it coming together at the same time. Well, guess what? That's what cooking's about. You've got to figure out a timetable for yourself. And you've got to keep a level head. You can get everything ready to go on time if you keep it calm and organized, and I'll show you how.\n\n**Never a Dull Moment**. When you present your barbecue to the judges at a Memphis in May event, you have to put on a show. You don't want a lot of quiet time because you don't want the judge thinking; you want his happy ass eating. My food is what wins. The presentation is just a floor show that you enjoy your meal by. That said, when people come to Jack's Old South, they expect and they want the dog and pony show. When people come over to your house, don't just sling the food at them. Let them see you work. Let them see that you know what you're doing. Then go have some drinks around the pool and relax.\n\n* * *\n\nThey were fairly successful with it and it was a nice side business for them, but it didn't much concern me. When my father died, though, I started thinking about how I could help my family and continue my father's legacy. At that point, I was focused on the sauce. It was a great sauce, but for it to sell, I knew that I needed to find a way to publicize it.\n\nThere is an important barbecue contest in Vienna, Georgia, called the Big Pig Jig. It began small in 1982, but it became an enormous event, with on-site professional barbecue judging and more than $20,000 in prize money. That event got me to thinking of entering some barbecue competitions to promote our family's barbecue sauce. So just six months after my father passed away and with absolutely no professional barbecue experience (but plenty of confidence), I entered my first contest, the Lock-&-Dam BBQ Contest in Augusta, Georgia. To everyone's surprise but my own, I took first place in the whole-hog category, first place in the ribs category, and third place in the pork shoulder category. Did I mention it was my very first contest?\n\n_Big Pig Jig in Vienna, Georgia, 2010._ (photo credit fm.3)\n\nAfter that, the sauce became a sideline for me, too. Once I got a taste of how successful I could be at competitive barbecue, I became single-minded in my devotion to it. I was going to become the champion of this universe, or die trying. I just kept pushing myself to create the best barbecue I could, and I kept winning and winning. Since then, I've won more barbecue competitions than anyone else and have earned more than $1,000,000 in prize money. I've got rooms in my house just for the trophies.\n\nMy professional life is on the competitive barbecue circuit and I have no intention of ever giving it up. I want to continue to win because I never want to give up the title of the winningest man in barbecue, and if someone wants to take my throne, they're going to have to work their ass off to snag it from me. But some interesting things have happened along the way. As a result of all of my success at the various contests, I attracted the attention of a serious barbecue enthusiast who happened to also be a multi\u2013Emmy award-winning television producer named John Markus. He wanted to work with me on some sort of barbecue show because he knew there was no one better to approach. So he taped me in my element, both at home and at contests, and pitched his ten-minute barbecue documentary to television studios. And that's how the TLC network show that I'm on, _BBQ Pitmasters_ , got its start.\n\n_That's me at home with my big white bulldog, Jack._\n\nWell, let me tell you: The success of the show is nice and I get a kick out of doing those appearances, but I don't for a second think it means I can stop tending the smoker and sit around the pool sipping daiquiris. In fact, nowadays I have to work twice as hard because my competitors have seen my recipes and techniques on television. But from the response to the show and my experience teaching a barbecue school (ten weekends a year in what I like to call the \"House That 'Cue Built,\" a brick-and-mortar temple to barbecue erected at my home), I've come to realize how much home cooks would like to learn about how to make good barbecue, and I've realized how the things I do in competition can easily be adapted to what you do when you're cooking in your backyard.\n\nWhen it comes to Myron Mixon cooking whole hog... well, that's just like spitting off a damn train, that's just how easy it is for me.\n\nNo disrespect to my fellow barbecue professionals, but I don't think the world needs another barbecue book that home cooks can't and won't use. I'm going to give you lessons on how to cook barbecue that will win, whether you plan to compete at a contest or just want to impress your friends and neighbors on the Fourth of July. I'm sharing my best stories from the front lines of the barbecue circuit, and I'm going to provide barbecue recipes, tips, and advice that you'll really be able to use. Once I show you exactly how to make my barbecue, you won't ever need to try any other way again. And I'm not just blowing smoke.\n\n# 1\n\n#\n\n_Men like to barbecue. Men will cook if danger is involved._ \n\u2014Rita Rudner\n\nA **FUNNY THING HAPPENS when I get to competitions: I find myself surrounded by lots of \"friends\" who show up at opportune times, like when I'm prepping my meat. These are people who want to watch me cook, see what I do, and figure out what techniques they can steal for their own food. I'm not ugly to them. In fact, I'm fine with their prying eyes because I know that no matter what they see me doing, they're probably not going to be able to replicate the magic themselves. That's not because I think I'm so divine\u2014although of course I do think that\u2014but it's because there's just no substitute for the amount of practice I've had. I've spent a lifetime growing up around barbecue, and I'm closing in on twenty years of competing on the professional barbecue circuit. So watch all you like, I say: You won't be able to do what I do unless you put in the time.**\n\nNow, that said, I do appreciate the fact that people admire my food and want to learn some of my tricks. It's flattering. And I like to help teams, especially the young ones just getting started who really want to learn, and so I figured out something I could do besides watch them all turn into eavesdropping fools. For a few years now I've been running a barbecue cooking school in my backyard barbecue pavilion, where I've set up an outdoor classroom. My students come for a weekend and learn how to do what I do in competition; they watch as I demonstrate how to cook all the major categories of barbecue meats, and they get the opportunity to work in teams and make their own. I attract a wide variety of students, from people who just want to learn how to make their barbecues better, to those who are interested in learning to cook on the circuit, to barbecue restaurant owners hoping to shoot some extra energy into their menu offerings.\n\nYou better step it up, son. \nThis ain't no Backyard Barbecue!\n\nI have a lot of fun teaching, and to be honest with you, I wish my students would have a little more fun. I notice a whole lot of worriation among my pupils. They stress over cooking times and temperatures. If I say \"Sprinkle some rub on the brisket,\" they want to know _exactly_ how much to sprinkle on; if I say \"Let the chicken rest a few minutes,\" they want to know _exactly_ how many minutes. I think you have to be very mindful of times and temperatures when you're cooking, and you have to set a timeline and be vigilant about sticking to it. Lord knows I'm sometimes a slave to my timelines, which I spend a lot of time devising, during competitions. But I also believe that it's just as important to use your other senses when you're cooking, too. For instance, I often go by appearance when I'm cooking: Does my meat have the color on it that I want it to? Is it that just-right shade of burnished yet shiny? I want my food to look great, and getting the color I want on it lets me know when it's ready. My philosophy: It's done when it's done, and when it's done, get it off the grill.\n\nAgain, that kind of judgment comes with a lot of practice. You'll get there, but you have to start somewhere. So I figure that this is a good place to tackle your most worrisome questions about barbecue. Without further ado, here are the top questions that people ask me about how to cook barbecue\u2014with my answers.\n\n## What is barbecue supposed to taste like?\n\nIf we're talking about championship barbecue here, the first thing you have to remember is that all barbecue contests are meat contests. And so no matter what, the essential flavor of the meat should come through. This rule is equally true for what you cook up in your own backyard. Beyond that, good barbecue should obviously be moist and tender, but it should also have layers of flavor that are balanced and that cooperate with one another in your mouth. So the first layer of this is the natural flavor of the meat you're cooking. On top of that are the flavors it picks up from the marinade and rub you apply and the sauce you finish the meat with. Finally, and just as important, is the flavor of the smoke that enters the meat. Because at the end of the day, smoke is what makes barbecue.\n\n(photo credit 1.1)\n\n## What is the difference between grilling and barbecuing?\n\nThe fact that there's confusion over the exact differences between grilling and barbecuing shows me that people really like to cook outside, but they sure need a little more knowledge\u2014because anything you cook on a grill is not necessarily \"barbecue.\" Grilling is cooking food fast and at high heat: 350\u00b0 to 400\u00b0F and up. Think of it this way: It's the perfect way to sear a steak, because grilling is great for meat that is already relatively tender. Barbecuing is an altogether different process: It's cooking over a low (or indirect) fire with a heat that's 350\u00b0F or lower, and it involves smoking. When you barbecue, you want to not only cook the meat but also infuse and tenderize it with the smoke and the flavors coming from the wood. A little tip to remember: You can barbecue anything that you can grill, but you can't grill everything that you can barbecue. You can barbecue and grill chicken breasts, for instance, but you wouldn't want to grill a big tough cut of meat like a beef brisket.\n\n* * *\n\n**Myron's Tip**\n\n**DON'T OPEN YOUR SMOKER IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO**. Why? Because every time you open it, you lower the temperature inside it by about 5 degrees or so. It'll take several additional minutes of cooking time to make up for that loss of heat. And when you're cooking barbecue, it's very important to maintain a consistent temperature in the smoker.\n\n* * *\n\n## What's the best barbecue cooker?\n\nLet me demystify this for you: To make delicious barbecue, there is no requirement that you must have high-end equipment like I use in competitions. Barbecue came about because there was a need for people to be able to feed themselves simply and cheaply. With the right recipes and an understanding of time, temperature, and flavor, you can achieve tasty food on any type of smoker, whether store-bought or homemade. The best barbecue cooker for you is the one that you feel most comfortable using. When choosing a cooker, there are a few things to consider: price range, what size meats you'll want to cook and what quantities you'll want to use, and, most important, your level of expertise. It is easier to learn on simple equipment and then move on to more advanced types of cookers than it is to jump headfirst into top-tier smokers and try to figure it out from there.\n\nNow, most American households own a grill or smoker. The majority of these are grills fueled by propane gas\u2014they're by far the most popular choice. On their own, gas grills don't give off that smoky flavor we who love barbecue crave, but they can be adapted so that they do. Regular kettle grills, like the much-loved Webers, also have capability for smoking. As far as smokers go, there's an incredible range, from the charcoal \"bullet\" smokers to rigs like the ones that I have custom-built. There are also Asian-inspired ceramic cookers, like the Big Green Egg, which have an army of enthusiasts. To my way of thinking, your cooker is your cooker; I can help you adapt any of them to properly smoke food. The most important thing, far more important than what style of cooker you use, is the mastery of proper barbecue cooking techniques.\n\nOne of my many smokers, this one is called the \"Little Jack.\"\n\n## Can I smoke food on a gas grill?\n\nYou bet your ass you can. Most of the models of gas grills have either two or three burners that can be controlled individually. Here's what to do: Take your favorite wood chips and soak them in water overnight. Drain them, wrap them in foil, and then poke several holes in the top of the packet. Set the packet of chips aside. On a two-burner gas grill, light only one side; on a three-burner unit, light the two outside burners and leave the middle one cold. Place your packet of wood chips on the lit section (or sections). The flame will smolder the wet chips, producing smoke for your meat. To smoke on a gas grill, place your meat on the unlit section. That's it. (Don't worry about the side vents and making them closed airtight; do the best you can to shut them, but none of my smokers are airtight, either. All my methods are simple, so let's not worry so much and make them complicated, all right?)\n\n## Can I smoke on a kettle grill?\n\nYou bet your ass you can. Soak your wood chips or chunks in water overnight. Drain them. Set them aside. On a regular kettle grill, you need to bank your charcoal to one side, leaving a cold area for the meat to be placed. Put the wood chips directly on your coals. Place the lid on the kettle and control the heat with the dampers (vents). Now you're really barbecuing.\n\n* * *\n\n**How Smoking Got Started**\n\nYou have to remember that smoking meat is a very old process. It began in the days long before refrigeration, when farmers and butchers had to take extra or unsold meat and figure out how to not let it go to waste. Meat markets and farmers would smoke the meat. Along the way, they figured out how to make it taste good by placing emphasis on the quality of the meat, the seasoning, and the wood. Barbecue is a really humble food, and it drives me crazy when people forget that. It takes time and attention and care, but it is surely not something beyond anyone's imagination. It's as down-to-earth as it can be.\n\n* * *\n\n## What kind of wood should I use?\n\nI like fruit woods because they're mild in flavor, high in sap, and have fewer impurities in them. When you cook with hickory and oak, which have more impurities in them, the impurities get on the grill, and if they get on the grill, then where else are they? That's right: in your food. This doesn't happen with milder and purer fruit woods. And note that when I say \"mild,\" I'm meaning it as a compliment: There are a lot of flavor components on my meat, from rubs to marinades to glazes, and I look to the wood to add the most important base coat of smoke and subtle flavor but not to dominate the entire piece of meat. Make sense? Good. Now, if you have any access to dry fruit woods, take advantage of it. Because I live in Georgia, I have great access to peach wood, and that's what I've used since I started competitive barbecue cooking. But if you can get your hands on apple wood, pear wood, apricot wood, grapevine wood, or cherry wood, I say have at it\u2014any and all of these are my top choices for the best barbecue.\n\n## What are the essential items to have in your barbecue pantry?\n\nSince I started competing in 1996, all my ingredients have been items that can be picked up at the local supermarket. I am not into fancy ingredients; I'm into things that are tried-and-true, items that I know will taste good. That said, you can buy whichever brand, from the fanciest gourmet version to the house brand at any supermarket, and if you follow my recipes and combine them the way I tell you to, your barbecue will turn out delicious. So these are the things I always have on hand:\n\n**Ketchup**\n\n**Light brown sugar**\n\n**Dark brown sugar**\n\n**Maple syrup**\n\n**Light corn syrup**\n\n**Apple juice**\n\n**Distilled white vinegar**\n\n**Salt**\n\n**Sugar**\n\n**Hot sauce** (I've experimented a lot and prefer the Cajun Louisiana brand, chiefly because it's thin enough to fit through the injection syringe)\n\n**Apple jelly**\n\n**Blackberry preserves**\n\n**Peach preserves**\n\n**Ac'cent flavor enhancer** (also known as MSG, or monosodium glutamate; if you're philosophically opposed to this, try out some of those \"Cajun spice blends\" in the spice department of your supermarket)\n\n**Imitation butter flavoring**\n\n**Chicken broth**\n\n**Beef broth concentrate** (I like Minor's brand, which is available via mail order from soupbase.com; if you can't find it, you can substitute some very strong beef stock)\n\n**Jack's Old South Vinegar Sauce** (this comes from me\u2014it's my own brand of barbecue sauce and is available at jacksoldsouth.com; if you must, substitute a favorite brand)\n\n**Jack's Old South Hickory Sauce** (this is my own brand, too, so sue me)\n\n* * *\n\n**A Note onAluminum Foil and Pans**\n\nSome folks in the world of barbecue look down their noses at cooks like me who use aluminum foil to wrap meats and who put meat in aluminum pans. The reason is because they don't feel it's authentic; because, you know, cavemen at the beginning of time didn't do it this way. So what is my answer? The reason I use aluminum pans is because they present the easiest way to handle meat. They keep the meat from falling apart, which you risk when you transfer it from a prep station to a smoker, and using an aluminum pan makes cleanup a whole lot easier. Bottom line: You don't want your meat falling apart, and you don't want to have to spend your days constantly scraping down your grill.\n\n* * *\n\n## Why do you put a pan of water in your smoker?\n\nI get so many questions about this, and honestly I wish I didn't. What I preach about barbecue is that it's simple and easy, and so I tell folks to stop trying to make it complicated. Besides, the issue of my water pan really seems to confuse people. They just don't get why I use it. But if you insist, here's the deal: A water pan is not a requirement to cook barbecue. However, it does have a significant benefit. What it does is create a water bath system inside the smoker that helps maintain the meat's moisture content, which is found naturally in the fat, or marbling, of the meat. So the water pan doesn't so much infuse the meat with moisture as it helps maintain what's already in there. It tenderizes the meat while you're barbecuing it, and that's a good thing. If you'd like to try the method, simply fill a heavy-bottomed medium-size pan (no bigger than a simple 13 \u00d7 9-inch lasagna pan) about halfway with water and place it in the bottom of your smoker and see how it works for you.\n\n## Why do you let meat rest after you cook it?\n\nWhen I take my meat off the smoker\u2014no matter what kind of meat\u2014I make sure I let it rest, gently covered with some aluminum foil, either in the pan I've cooked it in or on a cutting board for at least 20 minutes and sometimes more (in each recipe I give specific rest times; don't worry). Let me tell you: If you do not let the meat rest, it is not going to be worth a damn. It has to rest after you cook it so that the flavor can come back into it. You've got to let it rest sitting right down in its own juices. It allows the flavors to concentrate, it allows the texture to solidify, and it regulates the temperature throughout the piece of meat. Never skip this step, no matter how much of a hurry you may be in to get your food on the table.\n\n(photo credit 1.2)\n\n## How should I start my fire?\n\nI am a stick-burning competitor. Nothing flavors the meat like whole sticks of wood, which is what barbecue is about\u2014the flavor of natural smoke combined with the right seasonings and sauce. That said, I do start my fire with charcoal just to get a blaze going to burn the wood. And I start the charcoal with lighter fluid under protest and scrutiny from fellow competitors. They imply that the meat will taste like the fluid. Well, that's true if you don't read the damn directions on the bottle and after applying the fluid, let the coals burn white. In other words, all you have to do is burn the fluid off before you put your meat on. Then you've started your fire as easily as possible while still getting the benefit of cooking over real wood.\n\n## How do I get my food to look like yours?\n\nWhen I am in competition, the appearance of my food is serious business. Not only is it a major component of my overall score (and thus how much money I'll make), but it's also very strictly governed by the sanctioning bodies. For instance, at Kansas City Barbecue Society (KCBS) events, entries for judging must be placed in 9 \u00d7 9-inch Styrofoam containers that may be garnished with green leaves of lettuce, parsley, or cilantro only. At Memphis in May (MIM) events, the same size Styrofoam box is used, but entries may not be garnished with anything at all\u2014although the boxes may include up to two small cups of sauces, rubs, or marinades alongside the food. I think a lot about making my food so attractive that one Styrofoam box full of it will look so much better than the dozens and sometimes hundreds of similar boxes that the judges are seeing. I mean, I wake up in the middle of the night and make sketches of how I'm going to build a box.\n\nLate one night before a Memphis in May contest, I couldn't stop thinking about the presentation I would offer up to the judges the next day, so I went to the all-night Denny's across the street from my hotel and stayed up until dawn sketching out my plans for my hog box, and I ended up winning the grand championship that year.\n\nSo that shows you how seriously I take the subject of food's appearance. Do you have to take it that seriously? Well, maybe you should. I'm not saying you ought to lose sleep over what the food's going to look like at your kid's family birthday barbecue, but you'll please a whole lot more people if your food looks delicious. Applying some of the lessons I've learned the hard way on the barbecue circuit is good for that. I give tips throughout this book on how to help you get your food looking good\u2014from spritzing ribs to getting bark on brisket\u2014and if you follow my advice, your food will look damn good, too.\n\n# 2\n\n#\n\n_A well-made sauce will make even an elephant or a grandfather palatable._ \n\u2014Alexandre Balthazar Laurent Grimod de la Reyni\u00e8re\n\n**S INCE MAN LIT the first fire for cooking, he has constantly strived for more flavor in his food. It began with seasonings such as salt, sugars, and pepper. How you choose to season your meat is a highly personal decision. That's because we all have different preferences and we all use enhancements, like sauces and rubs and marinades, for one reason: to get great flavor. And by that I mean harmonious flavors, things that seem to belong together. To do this, you have to be willing to experiment. I am always tinkering with my rubs, injections, and glazes to try to make them better and more delicious, and I don't know a competitive barbecue cook out there who isn't.**\n\nA rub's job is to season the meat, help seal in moisture, and ensure that you get a nice crust (or \"bark,\" if you will) on your smoked meats. A marinade's or injection's job is to infuse the meat with flavor, tenderize the meat by breaking down the meat's muscle fibers, and keep the meat moist as it cooks. Glazes contain sugar and are best thought of as finishing sauces; they're the final step when the meat is all but fully cooked, and they help lock in a nice moist and tender texture. Sauce is what you put on your meat after it's been cooked. That's a whole layering process right there, and you'll notice that there's plenty of overlap in the functions of these things. Hey, I never said cooking wasn't a repetitive process.\n\nWhen you're making something like barbecue, understanding and mastering these processes is the difference between having enough gas money to drive your rig home and not. The trend in barbecue cooking these days is injections. I like injections because they shoot flavors deep into the meat. When a judge comes by at an MIM event, he or she wants to taste the meat that's right next to the bone, deep on the inside of the piece of meat. A dry rub isn't going to touch that area. I'll be honest with you: When people started cooking barbecue, back at the dawn of time when the first fires were lit, they weren't using syringe-like injections to flavor their meats. And so there's an idea that some people have about injections that they're not \"pure\" or they're not \"authentic,\" because folks haven't been doing it that way since the beginning of time.\n\nWell, I'll tell you something. I know \"authentic\" like the best of them. I know about how in ancient times men barbecued out of necessity more than out of desire. Those were the days when barbecuing was a way of life; it wasn't done because of competitions or to be the next food trend\u2014they did it to feed their families, and to do it cheaply. My daddy, Jack Mixon, first taught me barbecuing on an open pit. He lit fires with lightered knots (country boys know that these are knots of wood from old-growth pine trees, one hundred years or older, which are dead and have been dead for ages and thus are almost petrified; these trees had very close growth rings and grew very slowly and were a lot hardier and had more sap and tar than today's varieties, and as a result are highly flammable to the point that some explosives are still made from them). He loaded fire barrels and shoveled coals all night, and when my brother Tracy and I were old enough, we did that, too. We'd stay awake all night, listening to grease sizzling on the embers and inhaling the powerful aromas that filled the air.\n\nI believe there's value in preserving tradition. I believe that it's important to try to revive this method of cooking that's almost forgotten. I even teach a class called \"Barbecue Memories\" that's devoted to this time-honored cooking style. I take only fifteen students, and it's an intimate experience; we stay up together, sharing knowledge and fellowship, and taking in the scents of my childhood. We cook on the identical replica of my dad's original masonry pits that I had painstakingly reconstructed in my own backyard. On those occasions, I'm all about open-pit cooking.\n\nBut let me tell you something else: That has very little to do with the world of competitive barbecue cooking, and times change. Our concern is still the same\u2014turning out the most delicious meat possible\u2014but staying up all night over an open pit is just completely impractical, whether you're at a competition or in your own backyard. It's also all but impossible because when we cook in competitions, we have to show up with our meat totally untouched for inspection by judges, so that no one gets an advantage. We can't apply the rubs or marinades to our meat, or inject them, before the contest officially begins. And we have fixed windows of time in which to get everything ready. If you want to stay up all night and stoke a fire pit, you're probably going to lose and you definitely won't have enough time to enter all the categories required for a grand championship title. If you're throwing a backyard barbecue, pit cooking might sound nice, but doing it my way is far more practical, and that includes using injections.\n\nI can beat their ass cooking on a trash can.\n\nI don't mind the fact that cooking barbecue has evolved over the centuries. Hell, I embrace it. I'm all about doing whatever it takes to get the desired result to win. In my view, to have the best barbecue you should use whatever you need to in order to produce it. Injections are just the flavor of the week, if you will, and they're mighty effective at getting flavor into the meat. And until something even better comes along, I'm going to stick with my winning techniques. Flavoring food is and will always be a never-ending journey. Let's start yours right here, right now.\n\n### Basic Chicken Rub\n\nMakes 2 cups\n\n\u2154 cup chili powder\n\n\u00bd cup sugar\n\n4 tablespoons kosher salt\n\n4 tablespoons onion powder\n\n4 tablespoons garlic powder\n\n1 teaspoon cayenne pepper\n\nIn a large bowl, combine all the ingredients thoroughly. You can store this rub in an airtight container indefinitely.\n\n### Beef Rub\n\nMakes about \u00be cup\n\n1 teaspoon kosher salt\n\n2 tablespoons coarsely ground black pepper\n\n1 teaspoon sugar\n\n\u00bd teaspoon chipotle pepper powder\n\n\u00bd teaspoon chili powder\n\n1 teaspoon garlic powder\n\n1 teaspoon granulated dried onion\n\nIn a large bowl, combine all the ingredients thoroughly. You can store this rub in an airtight container indefinitely.\n\n### Basic Barbecue Rub\n\nMakes 3 cups\n\n1 cup (packed) light brown sugar\n\n2 tablespoons chili powder\n\n2 tablespoons dry mustard\n\n2 tablespoons onion powder\n\n2 tablespoons garlic powder\n\n2 tablespoons cayenne pepper\n\n2 tablespoons kosher salt\n\n2 tablespoons coarsely ground black pepper\n\nIn a large bowl, combine all the ingredients thoroughly. You can store this rub in an airtight container indefinitely.\n\n### Hog Injection\n\nMakes 5 quarts\n\n4 quarts apple juice\n\n1 quart distilled white vinegar\n\n5 pounds sugar\n\n2 cups salt\n\n1 cup monosodium glutamate, such as Ac'cent brand flavor enhancer\n\nIn a large stockpot, combine the apple juice and vinegar over medium heat. Stirring continuously, pour in the sugar, salt, and monosodium glutamate. Stir until the seasonings are completely dissolved. Do not boil. Remove from the heat.\n\nIf reserving for a later use, let the liquid cool; then pour it into a large bottle or container. Store refrigerated for up to 1 year.\n\n### Beef Injection and Marinade\n\nMakes 1 quart\n\n1 quart water\n\n3 tablespoons Minor's brand beef base (see Note) or beef bouillon powder\n\n3 tablespoons Minor's brand beef au jus concentrate (see Note), or 1 15-ounce can strong beef broth\n\nIn a large stockpot over high heat, bring the water to a boil. Add the beef base and the beef au jus to the water, and stir until dissolved. Remove from the heat.\n\nIf reserving for a later use, let the liquid cool; then pour it into a jug or bottle. This can be stored in the refrigerator for up to 2 weeks. _Note:Minor's products are available for mail order via soupbase.com_.\n\n### Rib Marinade\n\nMakes about 9 cups\n\n1 liter ginger ale\n\n1 quart orange juice\n\n1\u00bc cups soy sauce\n\n\u00bd cups salt\n\n2 1-ounce packets dry ranch dressing mix\n\nIn a large bowl, combine all the ingredients. Stir well to thoroughly incorporate. Pour into a large bottle or other container and store, refrigerated, for up to 2 weeks.\n\n### Basic Hickory Sauce\n\nMakes 3\u00bd cups\n\n2 tablespoons onion powder\n\n2 tablespoons garlic powder\n\n2 cups ketchup\n\n2 tablespoons smoked sweet paprika\n\n\u2154 cup cider vinegar\n\n2 tablespoons Worcestershire sauce\n\n\u00bc cup (packed) dark brown sugar\n\n2 tablespoons honey\n\n2 tablespoons maple syrup\n\n2 tablespoons kosher salt\n\n2 tablespoons freshly ground black pepper\n\nCombine all the ingredients in a blender and pulse until thoroughly combined. Pour into a medium pot, and stir continuously over medium heat until heated through. Do not allow it to boil. Remove and use while hot.\n\nIf reserving for a later use, allow the mixture to cool; then pour it into a large bottle or container and store, refrigerated, for up to 1 year.\n\n### Basic Vinegar Sauce\n\nMakes about 3\u00bd cups\n\n2 cups cider vinegar\n\n1 cup ketchup\n\n\u00bd cup hot sauce\n\n2 tablespoons salt\n\n2 tablespoons coarsely ground black pepper\n\n1 tablespoon red pepper flakes\n\n\u00bd cup sugar\n\nIn a stockpot over medium heat, combine the vinegar, ketchup, and hot sauce. Stir together. Pour in all the remaining ingredients and stir to dissolve. Do not boil. When the spices are thoroughly dissolved, take the pot off the heat, and funnel the sauce into a bottle. The sauce will keep, refrigerated, for up to 1 year.\n\n### Chicken Sauce and Glaze\n\nMakes about 6 cups\n\n1 cup ketchup\n\n1 cup Jack's Old South Vinegar Sauce or Basic Vinegar Sauce\n\n1 cup Jack's Old South Hickory Sauce or Basic Hickory Sauce\n\n1 cup honey\n\n1 cup maple syrup\n\n1 cup (packed) dark brown sugar\n\n8 tablespoons (1 stick) unsalted butter, melted\n\nPour all the ingredients into a large blender. Combine thoroughly, blending for at least 3 minutes. Pour the mixture into a medium pot and stir constantly over medium heat until the sauce is hot. Do not allow it to boil. Remove from the stove and use while hot.\n\nIf you're reserving it for a later use, pour the sauce into a large bottle or other container. Store, refrigerated, for up to 2 months. Always reheat this sauce before using.\n\n### Hog Glaze\n\nMakes 8 cups\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Vinegar Sauce or Basic Vinegar Sauce\n\n2 18-ounce jars apple jelly 2 cups light corn syrup\n\nCombine all the ingredients in a blender, and blend until thoroughly combined, about 3 minutes. Pour out into a clean bowl, using a plastic spatula to scrape it all. Store, refrigerated, for up to 2 weeks.\n\n### Tangy Sweet Sauce\n\nMakes about 4\u00bd cups\n\n1 cup Jack's Old South Vinegar Sauce or Basic Vinegar Sauce\n\n1 cup light corn syrup\n\n1 18-ounce jar peach preserves\n\nCombine all the ingredients in a blender, and blend until thoroughly combined. Scrape into a large container or bottle. Store, refrigerated, for up to 1 year.\n\n(photo credit 3.1)\n\n# 3\n\n#\n\n_Left wing, chicken wing, it don't make no difference to me._ \n\u2014Woody Guthrie\n\n**H OW DO I FEEL about cooking chicken at a barbecue competition? I can sum it up pretty easily: I hate it. It has nothing to do with the way it tastes\u2014I love to eat it. But it's the toughest damn category in competitive barbecue. Comparatively, chicken takes a lot of preparation time and it's just the most tedious work. I can prep all of my other categories, including a whole hog, in less time than it takes me to prep chicken.**\n\nNow, the reason it takes so long to prep chicken is primarily because of the way the judging works. In professional competitions, the judges dictate what the teams turn in by the way the scoring is done. For each category, there is an appearance rating for your entry, determined by its visual appeal. So before the judges even taste the food, they've decided if it looks good enough to eat. And their definition of \"good enough to eat\" is probably not the same as yours or mine. The food can't just look tasty; the judges favor chicken pieces that are absolutely uniform in shape and color. Have you ever tried to get chicken pieces to look identical?\n\nOne of the most important things I've learned during the past fifteen years on the circuit is that competitors come and go pretty frequently. That's because it's hard to consistently make great barbecue over a long period of time. On the road, I see a lot of barbecue teams that come into a contest and win for that moment. They do very well, but then they vanish. You see them go away because they keep trying to do what they already did, what won it for them the first time, and that just won't work. To succeed, you can't keep cooking the same food, no matter how good it is. So you have to find a way to keep things fresh. Why? Because too many other people are taking the time and spending the money to improve\u2014whether it be with new equipment, with cooking classes, by reading cookbooks, or by watching cooking videos. You can't be complacent and hope that what you did five years ago will work today. It ain't going to happen. Keeping this in mind was one of the most important factors in overcoming the challenge of chicken at a contest.\n\nThe chicken category, more than any other, illustrates how hard I've had to work on my own food and how I keep evolving my techniques. Nowadays I'm famous for my \"cupcake chicken,\" which is a recipe I came up with after years of trying to figure out exactly how to get my chicken not only to taste delicious but also to look perfect. In my backyard I love to cook chicken breasts\u2014wait until you try the ones I roll up in bacon\u2014and I love wings, which are fun to make and delicious. But in competition, I go with what most competitors do: thighs. The reason is simple: Compared to other parts of the chicken, thighs are easier to trim into similar sizes. There I was, trying to figure out how to get my chicken to look right: How could I get the thighs all the same size? A mold, I thought. So I bought a silicone cupcake mold, just like the kind you'd bake blueberry muffins in, and trimmed my thighs as close to the same dimensions as I could, sizing them up and butchering each piece. And then I placed those thighs in that mold. When they were cooked on the smoker and then unmolded, they looked like they were clones. Mission accomplished.\n\nMy cupcake chicken technique solved a lot of problems for me in competition, and made it so that the chicken category has become a much more consistent win for me. I like the method so much that these days I just tinker with my formula: I may change the rub, or the glaze, but I stick with my technique. And at competition I see more and more teams unpack their muffin tins when they set up, and I just laugh. Hell, some local stores near me stock muffin tins in the outdoor cooking department now.\n\nThe recipe is useful for home cooks, too: Even when you're cooking out in your backyard for friends, you're going to want your food to look appealing. And besides looking good, my cupcake chicken is easy to make, and damn tasty. Between the smoking process with which it's cooked and the blackberry-spiked glaze I apply to it, it's moist, deeply flavored, and loaded up with the tastes of smoke and spice and sweetness. I get a mouthwatering dark red, deep mahogany, shiny, lacquered color on each piece every time. And so will you.\n\nTo be sure, the chicken recipes in this chapter will not give you the worriation that the competition barbecue chicken category gave me. That's because the plain fact is that chicken is a natural to cook on a smoker or a grill, and it's one of the easiest things to cook. Oftentimes at a barbecue it's everyone's favorite thing to eat, so you really need to have a handful of proven chicken recipes. What I am giving you here is the benefit of all the trial-and-error attempts that I've undertaken in order to figure out how to cook chicken. All my favorite recipes are here, and you should try them all. I guarantee you'll find winning recipes whether you're into wings or breasts or, like me, you go for the whole bird.\n\n## Myron Mixon's World-Famous Cupcake Chicken\n\nMakes 12 appetizer or 6 main-course servings\n\n12 medium skin-on, bone-in chicken thighs\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Huney Muney Cluck Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Chicken Rub\n\n3\u00bc cups chicken broth\n\nSalt, to taste\n\nFreshly ground black pepper, to taste\n\n**For the sauce:**\n\n1 cup Jack's Old South Vinegar Sauce or Basic Vinegar Sauce\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Hickory Sauce or Basic Hickory Sauce\n\n1 cup ketchup\n\n1 cup honey\n\n1 cup maple syrup\n\n1\u00bc cups seedless blackberry preserves\n\n8 tablespoons (1 stick) unsalted butter, at room temperature\n\n**What you'll need:**\n\nPoultry shears\n\n1 silicone cupcake mold, with holes punched through each cup (or an aluminum cupcake pan, also with holes punched through each cup)\n\n1 13 \u00d7 9-inch aluminum baking pan 1 aluminum baking sheet\n\nHeat a smoker to 300\u00b0F.\n\nUsing poultry shears, remove the knuckle on each end of each chicken thigh bone. Then trim the excess fat off the skin and meat of each thigh until the pieces are 3 to 4 inches wide, leaving about \u00bc inch of excess skin at the edges of the meat. Apply the chicken rub evenly to both sides of the thighs.\n\nIn the cupcake mold, place each thigh, skin side down, in an individual cup. Sit the mold in the baking pan, and pour the chicken broth into the pan, being careful not to pour it directly on top of the chicken. Place the pan in the smoker and cook, uncovered, for \u00bd hours.\n\nRemove the baking pan from the smoker. Gently flip the thighs onto the baking sheet. Season the tops of the thighs with salt and pepper. Return the thighs to the mold cups, skin side up, and put the baking pan back in the smoker. Cook for 45 minutes.\n\nMeanwhile, make the sauce: Put all the sauce ingredients into a blender and blend until thoroughly combined. In a medium pan over medium heat, warm the sauce until it is hot but not boiling. Set aside.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker, and unmold the chicken thighs onto the baking sheet, skin side up. Brush the thighs lightly with the warm sauce. Place the baking sheet in the smoker and cook for 30 minutes to allow the sauce to caramelize into the chicken skin.\n\nRemove the baking sheet from the smoker, and serve the cupcake chicken immediately.\n\n## Old-fashioned Barbecue Chicken\n\nSome folks hear \"barbecue chicken\" and think of seriously sauced-up pieces that are slick and slippery and sweet. I like that kind of chicken just fine and have my own recipe for it, which I call \"Wishbone Chicken\". However, in the traditional barbecue world, \"barbecue chicken\" is dry-rubbed, without sauce. This is my personal favorite way to prepare barbecue chicken. If you like, you can serve it with some sauce on the side. Sometimes, if we're not doing a Lowcountry Boil, I make this at our cooking school's Friday night dinner. It's simple to make and a great way to test out a new smoker and get your feet wet. I like to use eight-piece cut-up chickens instead of halves or quarters; this way you get more pieces with options for white and dark meat, and it's better for those who want only one piece. Notice this recipe calls for just chicken and rub\u2014that's it.\n\nServes 4\n\n1 small whole chicken, cut into 8 pieces (2 legs, 2 thighs, 2 wings, 2 breasts)\n\n1 recipe Basic Chicken Rub\n\nHeat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nWash the chicken pieces thoroughly and pat them dry with paper towels. Apply the chicken rub all over the exposed areas of the chicken pieces. Place the seasoned chicken pieces in a deep aluminum baking pan, and place the pan in the smoker. Cook for 1\u00bd hours.\n\nRemove the wings, wrap them in aluminum foil, and keep them warm in an oven on the lowest setting. Return the rest of the chicken to the smoker and cook for an additional 1\u00bd hours, or until the internal temperature of the white meat reaches 165\u00b0F and the dark meat reaches 180\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker. Allow the chicken to rest, uncovered, for 15 minutes. Then serve immediately.\n\n## Chicken Wings\u2014Two Ways\n\nTo me, chicken wings are a delicacy. That's not because they're rare\u2014believe me when I tell you that I eat them often\u2014but because they're probably my favorite part of the yard bird. Wings are unique because you get two experiences in one: a drumette and what I call the \"flat.\" That's two handles on one piece of meat for you to hold on to and enjoy. Wings also take very little time to prepare and cook. All you have to know is that before you cook them you have to cut off the tip, which is attached to the outer flat part of the joint. Using kitchen shears is an easy way to just lop it off\u2014or use a sharp knife\u2014and if you don't feel like throwing them away, put the tips in your freezer for the next time someone's making stock or soup.\n\n### Buffalo Wings\n\nMakes 1 dozen\n\n1\u00bd tablespoons Chicken Sauce and Glaze tablespoons hot sauce\n\n2 teaspoons unsalted butter, melted\n\n6 chicken wings\n\nVegetable oil, for deep-frying\n\nIn a large stainless steel bowl, combine the chicken sauce, hot sauce, and melted butter. Set aside.\n\nUsing a very sharp knife, cut each wing in half to separate the flat from the drumette. Wash the pieces well and pat them dry.\n\nHeat a heavy, deep skillet, preferably cast-iron, over high heat. Pour enough oil into the hot skillet to come halfway up the sides. Heat the oil until it is hot and shimmering but not smoking (if using an electric skillet, heat it to 350\u00b0F).\n\nUsing tongs, carefully place the chicken wings in the hot oil. Fry the wings, turning them over halfway through, until golden brown, about 10 minutes.\n\nTransfer the wings to paper towels to drain. Then quickly place them in the bowl of sauce and toss until they are coated evenly. Get your favorite condiment (mine is ranch dressing) and a good cold beer (mine is Stella), and enjoy immediately.\n\n### Barbecue Wings\n\nMakes 1 dozen\n\n6 chicken wings\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Huney Muney Cluck Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Chicken Rub\n\n1 recipe Chicken Sauce and Glaze\n\nHeat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nUsing a very sharp knife, cut each wing in half to separate the flat from the drumette.\n\nWash the pieces well and pat them dry. Apply the rub liberally to each piece. Place the chicken pieces in an aluminum baking pan and place the pan in the smoker. Cook, uncovered, for 2 hours.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker, brush the chicken sauce over the wings, and return the pan to the smoker. Cook for 15 minutes. Remove. Eat the hell out of 'em.\n\n## Wishbone Chicken\n\nNowadays chicken is cut into eight pieces: two legs, two thighs, two breasts, and two wings. Traditionally, though, when I was growing up, butchers used an eleven-piece cut: two legs, two thighs, two breasts, two wings, the neck, the back, and the wishbone. I created this recipe with the old-style cuts in mind because I like the way it gives you more pieces to enjoy and because it's an homage to an old-fashioned way of doing things. It's a recipe that relies on the flavors of smoke, of course, mingled with brown sugar, which caramelizes the skin. It's a wonderful take on classic saucy-style so-called barbecue chicken.\n\nThe easiest way to do this is to ask your butcher to cut up a whole chicken into eleven pieces. Then you're done. However, if you'd like to try it yourself, I've included instructions opposite.\n\nServes 4\n\n2 cups chicken broth\n\n1 cup (packed) dark brown sugar\n\n1 small chicken (about 3 pounds), cut into 11 pieces\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Huney Muney Cluck Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Chicken Rub\n\n1\u00bd cups (3 sticks) unsalted butter, at room temperature\n\n1 recipe Chicken Sauce and Glaze\n\nIn a large shallow dish, combine the chicken broth and brown sugar; stir well to dissolve the sugar. Marinate the chicken in this mixture, covered, in the refrigerator overnight.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the chicken, heat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nTake the chicken out of the marinade and apply the rub liberally to all the pieces, being sure to season both sides of the wishbone. Place the pieces, skin side up, in a deep aluminum baking pan. Rub the chicken with some of the butter, and place the remaining butter in the pan. Place the pan in the smoker and cook for 30 minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker, flip the chicken pieces so they are skin side down, and return the pan to the smoker. Cook for 1 hour or until the internal temperature of the chicken reaches 155\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and sprinkle a little more rub over the chicken. Return it to the smoker and cook for 15 minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and brush the chicken sauce over the pieces. Return it to the smoker for another 15 minutes to let the sauce soak into the chicken.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and let the chicken rest, uncovered, for 15 minutes. Then serve immediately. Don't forget to make a wish.\n\n* * *\n\n**How to Cut Up a Chicken**\n\nRemove the giblets and neck from the chicken and either set them aside for stock or discard them. Rinse the chicken inside and out, and pat it dry thoroughly.\n\nOrient the chicken so that its breast is facing up. Scrape at the shoulder to expose the wishbone. Once it is exposed, cut through the cartilage to loosen the prongs of the wishbone. Use your fingers to loosen the wishbone from the breast meat. Feel your way to the top, where it connects to the breastbone; then grab the top of the wishbone, give it a twist, and pull so it detaches. Remove the wishbone.\n\nPull a leg away from the body, and with a sharp knife, cut through the connecting skin and tissue to find the leg bone. Once the bone is reached, use the tip of your knife to find the joint where the thigh meets the body. Pressing the knife through the joint, cut through the cartilage and separate the leg from the body. Use your fingers to feel where the thigh bone meets the drumstick and cut through that joint with your knife. Once you've separated the drumstick from the thigh, look to see where you started your cut. On the other leg, look at the same region. You'll notice a line of fat. Cutting straight down through this line will yield a clean separation of drumstick and thigh. Next, separate the wing from the body. Repeat the leg and wing steps for the other side.\n\nRotate the carcass so it is breast side down. Using kitchen shears, cut through the ribs down both sides of the backbone. (If you don't have kitchen shears, you can stand the bird up and cut down with your knife to remove the backbone.) Split the breast by cutting through it, straight down the middle. Separate into two breasts.\n\n* * *\n\n## Bacon-Wrapped Coca-Cola Chicken Breasts\n\nCoca-Cola was born in Atlanta in 1886, when pharmacist Dr. John Stith Pemberton took his new creation to Jacobs' Pharmacy\u2014where minutes after it was first sampled, it became a sensation. I love the stuff, in no small part because it's a fantastic global brand from Georgia... just like me. What a lot of people outside of the South don't realize is that Coke can be more than a \"delicious and refreshing\" drink; it's a great ingredient to use in a marinade because it's sweet and because the carbonation can be useful in tenderizing meat. It needs some balance, though, which is what the bacon does here: it adds a salty flavor and a crisp texture to the chicken. This dish is great for afternoon barbecues when you're chilling by the pool. Serve it with your favorite potato salad.\n\nServes 2 to 4\n\n4 small boneless, skinless chicken breasts (preferably from small chickens, about 1 pound total)\n\n1 12-ounce can Coca-Cola\n\n1 medium white onion, diced\n\n2 cloves garlic, crushed\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Huney Muney Cluck Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Chicken Rub\n\n8 thin slices smoked bacon\n\nPlace the chicken breasts in a shallow dish, and add the Coca-Cola, onion, and garlic. Cover, and refrigerate overnight.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the chicken, preheat a smoker to 325\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the chicken from the marinade and apply the rub liberally. Wrap each breast in 2 slices of the bacon, securing the slices with toothpicks. Place the breasts in an aluminum baking pan. Place the pan in the smoker and cook the breasts for 1 hour, or until their internal temperature reaches 165\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and let the breasts rest, uncovered, in the pan for 15 minutes. Then slice the breasts and garnish them with any bacon that fell aside. My motto with this dish: Have a Coke and a breast, then smile.\n\n## Whole Chicken\n\nCooking a whole chicken in the smoker is probably the easiest thing you can master. I say that a whole hog isn't for beginners, but a whole chicken sure is.\n\nWhenever you cook anything in a smoker, you risk drying it out. My chickens are never dry because the pan of apple juice underneath keeps the meat tender and circulates moisture and sweetness throughout the smoker. So the chicken is smoky in flavor and melt-in-your-mouth in texture. If you are a real \"skin person,\" meaning the skin is your favorite part of the bird, you should know that the skin on this chicken becomes soft enough to bite through and is delicious (that said, if you prefer crunchy skin, see my fried chicken recipe).\n\nIf you like to make pulled chicken sandwiches, this is the recipe you need to start with. Simply cook this chicken and then, wearing food-handling gloves, pull the chicken meat from the bones and place it on a platter. Let your guests assemble their own sandwiches with buns and your favorite garnishes, such as Basic Hickory Sauce, Mama's Slaw, and pickles.\n\nServes 4 (or 8 for pulled chicken sandwiches)\n\n1 small chicken (about 3 pounds), giblets removed\n\n4 cups chicken broth\n\n1 2-ounce packet dry onion soup mix\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Huney Muney Cluck Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Chicken Rub\n\n2 cups apple juice\n\nRinse the chicken inside and out, and pat it dry thoroughly. Place the chicken in a deep pan, add the broth and soup mix, and marinate, covered, in the refrigerator overnight.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the chicken, preheat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the refrigerator and discard the marinade. Apply the rub liberally to the chicken. Place the chicken, breast side up, on a meat rack with the handles down so the bird will be raised above the surface of the pans. Set the rack inside a deep aluminum pan. Pour the apple juice into the pan underneath the meat rack. Place the pan in the smoker and cook for 3 hours or until the breast meat reaches 165\u00b0F. Remove the chicken from the smoker and allow it to rest on the rack in its pan for 15 minutes. To serve, carve the chicken into individual pieces.\n\n## Apple and Bacon\u2013Stuffed Chicken Breasts\n\nServes 4\n\n1 yellow apple, such as Golden Delicious, peeled, cored, and chopped\n\n6 slices bacon, fried and crumbled\n\n4 large boneless, skinless chicken breasts (at least 12 ounces each)\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Huney Muney Cluck Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Chicken Rub\n\n1 cup apple juice\n\nHeat a smoker to 300\u00b0F.\n\nIn a small bowl, combine the chopped apple and bacon.\n\nUsing a sharp paring knife, cut a pocket about 3 inches deep in the thickest side of each chicken breast. Spoon the apple mixture into the pockets and secure the openings with toothpicks.\n\nApply the rub to the outside of the chicken breasts. Put the breasts in a large aluminum baking pan, and place the pan in the smoker. Cook, spritzing the chicken with apple juice every 15 minutes, for 1 hour or until the internal temperature of each breast reaches 165\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and allow the chicken to rest, loosely covered, for 10 minutes. Serve.\n\n## Smoked Turkey\n\nWe go to my wife's family's Thanksgiving dinner every year and it's one of my rare days off from cooking, but the truth is that I love to smoke turkey and I don't believe in waiting for Thanksgiving to enjoy it. It's an excellent way to feed a crowd at any celebration. And I believe dark meat and white meat are equally delicious, so I make sure I get some of both. Encourage your guests to do the same. And if you've never considered it before, you might try pulling the meat off the bird the same way you would when making pulled chicken to have pulled turkey sandwiches. They're good, too.\n\nServes 10 to 12\n\n1 12-to 15-pound turkey, neck and giblets removed\n\n8 cups chicken broth\n\n3 medium white onions, diced\n\n4 cloves garlic, crushed\n\n1 cup (packed) dark brown sugar\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Huney Muney Cluck Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Chicken Rub\n\nRinse the turkey inside and out, and pat it dry thoroughly. Place the turkey in a large roasting bag, and add the chicken broth, onions, garlic, and brown sugar. Tie the bag to seal it and place it in a large roasting pan. Allow the turkey to marinate this way in the refrigerator overnight.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the turkey, heat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the turkey from the bag, and discard the marinade. Apply the rub all over the bird. Put the turkey on a rack in a large, deep aluminum pan, place the pan in the smoker, and cook for 5 hours or until the breast meat reaches an internal temperature of 165\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker. Allow the turkey to rest, loosely covered with foil, for 30 minutes. Then carve the turkey, and serve immediately.\n\n## Myron's Signature Buttermilk Fried Chicken\n\nFried chicken is a Southern staple, and to be a good Southern cook you better know how to make it. I do. I like to use small fresh chickens for frying because the flavor of the meat is better. And speaking of flavor, I like to fry my chicken in pure pork lard, which gives it a richness and down-home essence that vegetable oil just can't replicate. You can buy good high-quality lard\u2014and I'm not talking about the soapy-looking white blocks sold in some supermarkets\u2014from any reputable butcher. What makes my fried chicken special is the mixture of spices I use\u2014note that both chili powder and sugar are involved\u2014and the tangy richness that buttermilk lends.\n\nServes 4\n\n2 cups all-purpose flour\n\n1 tablespoon salt\n\n2 tablespoons finely ground black pepper\n\n1 teaspoon garlic powder\n\n1 teaspoon onion powder\n\n1 teaspoon chili powder\n\n1 teaspoon sugar\n\n1 teaspoon smoked sweet paprika\n\n2 eggs\n\n4 cups buttermilk\n\n1 small chicken (about 3 pounds), cut into 8 pieces (2 legs, 2 thighs, 2 breasts, 2 wings)\n\n1 to 1\u00bd cups pork lard, vegetable oil, or peanut oil\n\nIn a large bowl, combine all the dry ingredients. Mix together with a fork until thoroughly combined. Set aside.\n\nIn another large bowl, beat the eggs into the buttermilk. Coat the chicken pieces in the egg-and-buttermilk mixture, and then dredge them in the seasoned flour. Repeat, coating the chicken again with the egg-and-buttermilk mixture and then dredging them again in the seasoned flour mixture, to create a double layer of batter. Set the pieces on a clean platter.\n\nPour the lard or oil to a depth of 1 inch in a large cast-iron skillet, and heat it over medium heat until the temperature reaches 325\u00b0F on a deep-frying thermometer. Add the chicken pieces, in batches, and cook for about 20 minutes, turning them over halfway through cooking. The wings will be done after 10 minutes. Drain the chicken thoroughly on paper towels, and serve immediately.\n\n# 4\n\n#\n\n_I am fond of pigs. Dogs look up to us. \nCats look down on us. Pigs treat us as equals._ \n\u2014Sir Winston Churchill\n\n**I 'M NOT BRAGGING when I say that pork has been a stellar category for me at barbecue competitions. I mean it only makes sense since it's the meat I grew up cooking, and so everything that has to do with it is second nature for me. It's also a damn near perfect match in terms of the way I like to cook, because pork's generally mild flavor pairs perfectly with the sweetness of most fruits and by now y'all know that I prefer to cook with fruit woods. If I wasn't good at cooking hogs, I'd have to learn it, because it's damn near impossible to create grand championship\u2013winning barbecue without knowing your way around a hog. I'm not saying you have to have worked in an abattoir; what I'm saying is that you can't master barbecue and skip over hog cooking. It's an essential skill of the trade. It's also very rewarding, of course, because after you're done cooking a hog or even just its shoulder, you get to eat something that's as close to heaven as you're ever likely to put in your mouth.**\n\nCooking hogs makes me think about growing up, and that makes me think about my dad. My dad died so unexpectedly: One minute he was Jack Mixon, larger than life, kicking ass and talking names as usual, talking about the last big fish he caught (my dad loved to fish). The next minute, he had a stroke. It shook up my life like you wouldn't believe. I wasn't counting on not having him around to advise me, as he had always done.\n\nSo I found myself in a predicament: I lost my dad, I'd been recently divorced, and I had to figure out how to make the payments on my truck. (People ask me about what motivates me to win contests. It's easy: You ever not know where your next truck payment was going to come from? That's some powerful motivation.) I had the legacy of my parents' hickory barbecue sauce. I had a town that knew my name meant \"barbecue.\" So I looked around at what was going on in the world of competitive barbecue cooking. With a few notable exceptions\u2014like Mike Mills and his Apple City Barbecue Team from Murphysboro, Illinois, who were the top dogs in those days\u2014a lot of folks on the circuit were hobbyists who were there for the fun and camaraderie. I understood that, but I also understood that there was serious money to be made, and I'd be damned if I wasn't going to try to get at it.\n\nNow, cooking a hog wasn't a problem for me\u2014I'd seen my daddy do it countless times in his homemade pits, whose near-constant stoking was my boyhood job. What I had to learn, though, was what the judges were looking for and how I could create it. At Memphis in May events, whole hog is the key category. You are visited in person by a judge who actually comes to your cooking camp, sits down, and eats while you answer questions about how you prepared your meat. The judge is considering the taste and tenderness of your hog as well as its appearance. The appearance score is about the eye appeal of the meat on the grill, and garnish can be used to enhance this. That right there was new to me.\n\nThe deal is that when an MIM judge comes to your cook site, the rules state that you must present your hog on the smoker. At my first contest, which I entered in June 1996, I had a very dim idea of how to deal with the presentation part of things\u2014I was a lone wolf at that contest, and I had nobody to advise me on the best way to handle my show. Common sense told me that I needed garnishes that could withstand some heat without withering and shriveling up, and that they needed to be things that would look natural next to a gigantic cooked pig. I thought: I've got to use hardy fruits and vegetables that can withstand the heat of the smoker. I figured on kale as the best choice for a base because it doesn't dry out like lettuce. Then I placed a pineapple, some oranges, and some lemons around the hog in an attractive pattern. I did the best I could, and when I stood back to take a look at the results I thought I'd done a damn good job. And when the results were announced, sure enough I came in first place on whole hog. \"This ain't nothing,\" I said to myself, thinking as a first-timer that I'd pulled one over on everybody in the contest. Taking that first in whole hog was so easy, it seemed like spitting off a train.\n\nWell, I was thirty-four years old then and I didn't know any better. I can tell you now that what happened to me was beginner's luck. I can also tell you that I haven't changed a whole lot about the way I cook and present hogs since, either. My main idea, then and now and probably always, is that hog should taste full-flavored, tangy, rich (there's an awful lot of fat on a pig, after all), and complex\u2014in other words, it should taste like meat, because a barbecue contest is a meat contest. So the pork shouldn't taste like maple syrup or cherries or grape jelly, even if you use those ingredients in your marinade or glaze. What should come through is the deliciously mild flavor of pork kissed with smoke.\n\nMy hogs taste the same way every time I cook them. People don't believe me when I say that, but trust me when I tell you that it's true. Why? First of all there's consistency: I've been cooking hogs for a long time, and I can predictably tell you how one's going to turn out provided that I take care to follow all my trusted steps. Second, I've got a method I can depend on. For instance, I never turn my hogs once they're in the smoker. I know that a lot of people like to, and that a lot of barbecue cookbooks are full of information about how to organize the turning of the beast and things like that. Well, I cook my hogs on their backs without ever turning them because I want to keep all the flavors I've added to them contained in one place. In my way of doing things, the skin of the hog acts like a bowl to hold the flavors and juices in, and turning it would spoil the effect. It works like a charm, so why would you make hog cooking any harder than it needs to be?\n\nThe other thing I had to figure out when it comes to pork is how to \"build my box.\" What this means is that in both MIM and KCBS competitions, we have to turn in a plain white Styrofoam box filled with meat. In addition to the judging process that places the judges right in front of you, they also do blind judging. We all spend a lot of time worrying over how to keep the meat nice and moist and tender in that box because the second you cut it up and it gets exposed to air, it starts drying out. I don't mind telling you that I'm known for making some of the most attractive boxes on the circuit. I'm not going to lie to you, either: I spend a lot of time thinking about how to set up my hog boxes. I have a whole philosophy about it: You want the box to look like you just reached into the pig and set the meat out. You want it to look fresh and appealing. And that can be tricky, because if you follow all the requirements and include the right kinds of meat, you're dealing with a two-pound box of food by the time you're finished. What does this have to do with you? Well, I reckon that when you feed your own crowd, you want your food to look pretty good, too.\n\nIt's a great event to cook a whole hog: you can feed your entire neighborhood, your church congregation, your local political caucus, or whoever it is you like to impress. But you don't have to make it hard for yourself if you don't feel like it. You can make a shoulder instead and have the best barbecue sandwiches you ever tasted. You can make kick-ass pork chops. You can use my hog-cooking recipes as tools, learn how to apply my formulas, and then you can do your own damn delicious thing.\n\n## Whole Hog\n\nA whole hog can weigh anywhere from 75 to 180 pounds. I like to cook the big ones the best, because they've got the most meat on them and can serve a huge crowd. Now, some 'cue cookers may tell you that smaller is better because it's easier to handle, but I don't truck with that. The quality of the meat on a smaller hog is no different than a bigger one, and if you're going to go to all the trouble to smoke a whole hog, then you might as well get as much as you can for your efforts. For more than eight years now, I've been buying my hogs from Elmer Yoder at his business, Yoder's Butcher Block. He is located in a rural Mennonite community about fourteen miles from my home in Unadilla, Georgia. I get my hogs from Yoder's not just because he's close to where I live but also because the quality of Yoder's meat is very high. His heritage demands it. I know I can count on Yoder to supply me hormone-and drug-free meats that are as naturally raised as possible. Raising animals this way is a skill that has been overshadowed by the large meat processors, but Yoder has found his niche here, processing deer and hogs and everything in between, and he has dedicated customers. The quality of his pork is top-tier. End of day, he helps me be a champion.\n\nNow, in other parts of the country it is hard to find whole hogs. My best suggestion is to order one from a good, reputable butcher. A few things to know when ordering a hog: First, determine what size will fit in your smoker. Measure the inside length of your cooking chamber. It needs to be at least four feet to be able to cook a 50-to 80-pound hog, and five to six feet if you want to cook a bigger one (up to about 200 pounds). Tell the butcher that you want the hog to be \"round,\" which means split and gutted but not butterflied (you'll do that yourself and then you can be sure to lay it out like you want it). Getting a hog this way saves a whole lot of time and energy. I like the head left on but the feet removed for presentation purposes, but that part is up to you.\n\nIf you want to cook a whole hog, this recipe will take you through every step. But if you really want to know how to cook whole hog like a professional, I suggest that you attend my barbecue class (or a good local barbecue class) to familiarize yourself with the process. Cooking a whole hog is not for the faint of heart, and it sure ain't for first-timers.\n\nServes 125\n\n1 180-pound hog, gutted and split\n\n3 recipes Hog Injection\n\n9 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 3 recipes Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n3 recipes Hog Glaze\n\n2 boneless pork shoulders (Boston butt only) or 2 brisket flats (about 6 pounds each)\n\n**What you'll need:**\n\nMeat saw\n\n1 heavy-duty injector\n\nBrush (a kitchen basting brush could be used, but a larger unused paintbrush will save you time)\n\nAt least one helper (as you'll need someone to help you carry the whole hog)\n\nOn a long table covered with clean butcher paper or other sanitary covering, lay long strips of aluminum foil. Place the hog flat on its back on top of the foil. With a very sharp butcher knife, score (i.e., make shallow cuts in the meat) along each side of the spine of the hog, where the ribs connect. Then crack and pull down each side of the hog, starting from the spine. You want the hog to be lying semi-flat so that you can easily reach inside.\n\nFollowing the instructions, remove the membrane (or \"silver\") from the backs of the ribs on each side. Trim away any excess fat on the hams, shoulders, and along the rib cage.\n\nUsing a meat saw, split and saw down between the ribs and down each side of the hog: You're going to cut the ribs on both sides three inches off the spine. This is basically making baby back ribs out of the full spares. Saw only the bone, trying not to pierce the skin on the bottom of the hog. (This makes it easier, after cooking, to serve ribs from the hog.)\n\nSeparate the picnic ham of the shoulder from the Boston butt. Again, trim both hams of any excess fat. When prepping the shoulder, there is a membrane that you can feel with a knife that separates the Boston butt end, which is next to the spine, from the picnic ham (or shank). Cut through the membrane, making sure not to cut through the skin. This lays the shoulder so it can crust over and have a good bark.\n\nLoad the hog injection into your injector. Out of habit, I always start by injecting the hams first and then I work my way to the head. I inject in seven locations all over the ham, making sure the ham is full to the point of popping. It doesn't matter where exactly you inject so long as it's all over the hog. A word of caution: Don't make more injection holes than necessary, because more holes means more places for the marinade to leak out. Move to the sides of the cavity where the bacon is. It will be covered by the ribs. Inject all along both sides. There are two tenderloins at the end of the spine near the hams. Inject them carefully and do not over-inject (or shoot too much fluid in); if the fluid begins leaking out, you'll know that you've done more than enough. Then move to the shortened ribs that have been cut and inject straight down between the ribs directly against the spine into the loin. Remember not to push the needle through the skin on the bottom of the hog's back. Now inject the shoulder, butt, and shank (picnic ham). Last, inject the cheek meat (or jowl) along the hog's jawbone.\n\nSprinkle the rub throughout the cavity and on the surface of any exposed meat. (Some people think you have to actually \"rub\" the rub into the meat, but I don't think that does anything to the taste.) Gather up the foil you've laid the hog on and use it to wrap the entire hog loosely.\n\nLet the hog sit for 1 hour to soak up all the injection. During this time, light the smoker and bring it to 250\u00b0F.\n\nPlace the 2 shoulders or brisket flats in the smoker, and then carefully place the hog on top of the shoulders\/brisket, so that the extra meat runs the length of the hog directly under the center. Close the smoker and let the hog smoke for about 20 hours, or until the internal temperature of the meatiest part of the shoulder is 205\u00b0F. (I often set my hog on the smoker at noon the day before I want to eat it; then I remove it at 8 a.m. the next morning.)\n\nUnwrap the foil, and using a brush, apply the hog glaze throughout the inside of the cavity and on the hams. Rewrap the hog loosely in the foil. Leaving the hog on the smoker, let the temperature fall (no more wood is needed at this point). The glaze will caramelize and set while the hog begins to rest and cool down enough so that folks can start pulling the meat. (Unless you're a professional caterer or otherwise need to present the whole hog, the hog is left in the smoker while it is picked and pulled and, best of all, eaten.)\n\nIn true Southern tradition, a whole hog is never \"carved\" per se. Wearing clean heavy-duty gloves and using either large tongs or your hands, gently pull the meat out of the hog in chunks and pile it onto large trays or straight onto plates.\n\n* * *\n\n**A Word on CookingHog Loins**\n\nNow, the most difficult part of cooking the whole hog properly is the loin, which tends to cook faster than the tougher, bigger, and denser hams and shoulders. I solve this problem by placing a cheaper cut of meat, such as a boneless butt or brisket flat, underneath the hog down the length of the backbone. This will add another barrier between the loin and the heat from the smoker, helping to keep it moist and not overcooked. That's why this recipe calls for adding two shoulders or brisket flats: it will keep your loin from overcooking. And the type of meat you choose won't matter, as it won't be fit for a buzzard when you're through cooking the hog.\n\n* * *\n\n(photo credit 4.1)\n\n## Pork Shoulder\n\nPork shoulder is what they call the top of the front leg of the hog; it's not exactly a shoulder, but if you think about it, it kind of is. It is comprised of two parts: The lower (or \"arm\") portion of the shoulder is most commonly called the \"picnic\" or \"picnic ham.\" True ham comes only from the hind legs; the picnic of the shoulder, though, is often smoked like ham, and some historians speculate that it got its nickname because it's inexpensive and thus a good cut for casual dining, not for a formal affair when a \"real\" ham is traditionally served, like at Easter, Thanksgiving, or Christmas. The upper part of the shoulder, often called the \"Boston butt,\" also known as a \"Boston blade roast,\" comes from the area near the loin and contains the shoulder blade bone. It is an inexpensive cut that's packed with muscle, and so without proper tenderizing and cooking it can be unmanageably tough. However, it is well marbled and full of flavorful fat, and thus is ideal for smoking over low temperature; it is the classic meat used for all \"pulled pork\" in barbecue throughout the South.\n\nAt Memphis in May contests, which are the first ones I learned to cook for, the whole pork shoulder is always used. At KCBS contests, you can use either a whole shoulder or the Boston butt by itself. I'm used to cooking the whole thing, so that's what I usually do. History and contest rules aside, here's the best way in the world to cook a pork shoulder.\n\nServes 30 to 40\n\n1 18- to 20-pound pork shoulder, including the Boston butt and picnic ham in one cut (this may have to be ordered from a butcher; in many supermarkets the cuts are preseparated)\n\n1 recipe Hog Injection\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n1 cup apple juice\n\n1 recipe Hog Glaze\n\nTrim away any bone slivers from the exposed meat. Remove any visible excess fat. Square up the long sides of the shoulder to make it neat and uniform.\n\nPlace the pork shoulder in a large aluminum pan. (There's no skin to hold the liquid in, as there is on a whole hog, so the pan is necessary to catch the excess liquid.) Inject the shoulder with 2 to 3 quarts of the hog injection, all over the shoulder in about 1-inch squares. Let the injected shoulder sit, loosely covered, in the refrigerator for 2 hours.\n\nTurn the shoulder upside-down in the pan, so that any excess injection that might remain infuses the meat. Let it sit upside-down for 15 to 20 minutes.\n\nIn the meantime, heat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nTake the shoulder out of the pan and sprinkle the rub all over it, making sure to get the area by the shank. Place the shoulder, in its aluminum pan, in the smoker and cook for 3 hours.\n\nRemove the shoulder from the smoker. Pour the apple juice into a clean aluminum pan, and transfer the shoulder to the pan. Cover the pan with aluminum foil and place it in the smoker. Cook for 6 hours or until the internal temperature reaches 205\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker. Discard the foil. Brush the hog glaze all over both sides of the shoulder. Return the shoulder to the pan, put the pan back in the smoker, and cook for 1 more hour while adding no more heat to the smoker and allowing the internal temperature of the smoker to drop. The shoulder will effectively rest in the smoker this way.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker, and serve. Where I'm from, a pork shoulder is not sliced\u2014it's pulled apart in chunks. There are a couple of different ways to do it, with knives and tongs and such, but the very best\u2014and easiest\u2014is with your hands. Wearing heavy-duty gloves, simply pull the meat apart gently and let your guests have at it. You can put it in a sandwich just like this, or you can chop it up after you've pulled it, if you like.\n\n* * *\n\n**Why Boston?**\n\nI used to wonder why this part of the shoulder was called \"Boston\" anything, since it's so associated with Southern barbecue. The folks from the National Pork Board say it plain: \"In pre-revolutionary New England and into the Revolutionary War, some pork cuts (not those highly valued, or 'high on the hog,' like loin and ham) were packed into casks or barrels (also known as 'butts') for storage and shipment.\" So, the way the hog shoulder was cut in the Boston area became known in other regions as \"Boston butt.\"\n\n* * *\n\n* * *\n\n**Half and Half**\n\nHere's a tip from my competitive barbecue cooking that you can use in your backyard. I make a little solution I call \"half and half.\" It's equal parts vinegar sauce and water, and I heat it up until it's hot but not boiling. Then I dip pieces of shoulder in it before I put them in the judging box. Why do I do this? Because it keeps the meat from drying out and getting cold. You always want your meat to stay moist and warm. You can do this at home, too. Before you serve any meat like brisket or pork shoulder, toss it with a little half and half and then put it on a platter. Better yet, apply the solution to the back side of slices of brisket and pork before you place them on a platter. This technique will keep your meat from drying out.\n\n* * *\n\n## Cracklin' Skins\n\nWhen you cook a whole hog, one thing you should never do is throw out the skin. It's the key ingredient for one of the tastiest by-products in the world. If you're not cooking a whole hog, I'm not going to fool you by saying it's easy to pick up some pig skin, but you might be able to get some from your local butcher or from someone who is cooking a whole hog, a ham, or a pork shoulder and is willing to part with it.\n\nServes 6 to 8\n\nHog skin from a whole hog, ham, or shoulder\n\nKosher salt\n\nPreheat the oven to 300\u00b0F.\n\nScrape any fat and meat off the skin, leaving only the skin. Using kitchen shears, cut the skin into cracker-size pieces. Place the skin pieces on top of a cooling rack in a large sheet pan, and sprinkle them with kosher salt. Cook in the oven until the fat is rendered in the bottom of the sheet pan and the skin is golden brown and crispy, usually about 3\u00bd hours.\n\nRemove the pan from the oven and place the skins on paper towels to drain and cool.\n\nDust the cracklings with your favorite rub or dip them into your favorite barbecue sauce.\n\n## Smoked Jack Bologna\n\nNo, this dish was not inspired by my father, Jack. It gets its name from the pepper jack cheese that you use to stuff the bologna. Many Memphis in May competition teams cook this dish at the annual World Championship and snack on it during the weeklong celebration.\n\nServes 10 to 12\n\n1 6\u00bd-pound good-quality bologna\n\n1 pound pepper jack cheese, cut into \u00bd-inch cubes\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Hickory Sauce, or 1 recipe Basic Hickory Sauce\n\n1 large loaf crusty sourdough bread, sliced\n\nPrepared mustard, to taste\n\nLouisiana hot sauce, to taste\n\n1 Vidalia or other sweet onion, sliced\n\nHeat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the bulb end of a turkey baster. Use the wide end of the baster to core through the middle of the log of bologna and remove a long tube of the meat; reserve two 2-inch-long pieces. Fill the open core with the pepper jack cubes, and then plug the ends with the reserved pieces of bologna. Put the bologna in a large aluminum pan, place it in the smoker, and cook for 1\u00bd hours.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker, and glaze the bologna with the hickory sauce. Return it to the smoker and cook for 15 minutes or until the sauce is thoroughly caramelized.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker. Let the bologna rest in the pan, loosely covered, for 10 minutes.\n\nSlice the bologna into \u00be-inch-thick slices. Place each slice on a piece of sourdough bread. Slather the meat with mustard, add a few drips of hot sauce, and top with slices of sweet onion. Cover with another slice of bread and serve as a sandwich.\n\n## Sausage\u2014Two Ways\n\nThe world of sausages is large and consists of any kind of meat mixture (or fish, or even vegetable if you want to get loose about it) that is stuffed into a casing, and they've existed as a way to preserve food\u2014let's be honest, it started with meat\u2014since antiquity. Sausages encompass everything from American hot dogs to French saucisson, to German bratwurst, to Italian salami, to Portuguese chorizo, to an entire system of traditional British sausages. In southern Georgia, the sausage of choice is smoked sausage. I'm talking about Polish kielbasa-style sausage that's made with coarsely ground pork, seasoned heavily with sage, garlic, and black pepper, and then is smoked to perfection so that it comes in big, fat, brown-red rings. It's salty and lusty and really good with a cold pilsner. It's also very, very versatile. Here are my two favorite ways of enjoying smoked sausage.\n\n### Grilled Sausage\n\nServes 4\n\n1 pound smoked sausage, sliced crosswise into quarters and then in half lengthwise\n\n4 fresh hoagie rolls\n\n4 tablespoons hot pickle relish\n\n4 teaspoons prepared mustard, preferably spicy brown\n\nBuild a charcoal fire or preheat a gas grill.\n\nPlace the sausages on the cooking grate over direct medium heat. Cook, turning them occasionally to mark all sides, until the skin starts to split, 6 to 8 minutes.\n\nSlide the sausages onto the buns and top with the hot relish and mustard.\n\n### Redneck Sausage Hors d'Oeuvres\n\nServes 4\n\n1 pound smoked sausage, cut into rounds about \u00bd inch thick\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Hickory Sauce, or 1 recipe Basic Hickory Sauce\n\nHeat a smoker to 300\u00b0F.\n\nPlace the sausage slices in a single layer on an aluminum baking pan, and sprinkle them liberally with the rub. Put the pan in the smoker and let the sausages smoke for 45 minutes. Check occasionally to make sure they're not sticking to the pan.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker, and toss the sausages with the hickory sauce. Place toothpicks in the slices and arrange on a platter. And there you have it: redneck hors d'oeuvres.\n\n## Pork Burgers\n\nI love burgers made from freshly ground meat. If you have access to your own meat grinder, grind up a fresh boneless Boston butt with the onions. If you don't, don't worry about it. These burgers aren't quite as over the top as my Whistler Burger, but they're flavorful as hell and a really nice change if you feel like eating something other than beef.\n\nServes 8\n\n2 pounds ground pork\n\n3 yellow onions, finely diced\n\n1 teaspoon salt\n\n\u00bd cup coarsely ground black pepper\n\n1 cup Jack's Old South Hickory Sauce or Basic Hickory Sauce\n\n8 onion or cheese rolls, split\n\nPrepared brown mustard (optional)\n\nSliced dill pickles (optional)\n\nHeat a smoker to 350\u00b0F.\n\nIn a large bowl, combine all the ingredients. Form the mixture into eight 4-ounce patties. Place the patties in a large aluminum pan, and set the pan in the smoker. Cook for about 7 minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and flip the burgers. Return the pan to the smoker and cook for 8 more minutes.\n\nServe the burgers on onion or cheese rolls, topped with brown mustard and dill pickles, if you like.\n\n## Pork Loin\n\nPork roast is such a crowd-pleaser, so next time you make one, why not try it on the smoker? It's incredibly easy and it doesn't take much time. It also doesn't make your kitchen hot and crowded, either. It's always better, to me, to get the meat cooking outside\u2014it frees up a lot of space for preparing the rest of the meal.\n\nServes 6\n\n1 3\u00bd-to 4-pound boneless pork loin\n\n1 recipe Hog Injection\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n1 recipe Tangy Sweet Sauce\n\nPlace the pork roast in a medium aluminum pan. Inject the loin with hog injection and let it rest, covered, in the refrigerator for 4 hours.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the pork, heat a smoker to 350\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the refrigerator, and coat the pork all over with the rub. Place it back in the pan, put the pan in the smoker, and cook for 1\u00bd hours or until its internal temperature reaches 155\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and brush the tangy sweet sauce all over the pork. Return it to the smoker and cook for 15 minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and let the loin rest, loosely covered, for 30 minutes. Then slice it into \u00bd-inch-thick slices and serve.\n\n## Stuffed Pork Tenderloin\n\nSometimes when you're barbecuing, you want to get a little fancy\u2014maybe to impress the neighbors or something like that. Hell, I've been there, believe me. And I can tell you from experience that stuffed tenderloin will get you that \"wow\" factor.\n\nServes 4\n\n1 large pork tenderloin (about 1\u00bd pounds)\n\n1 pound smoked sausage (a large link)\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n3\u00bd cups Jack's Old South Vinegar Sauce, or 1 recipe Basic Vinegar Sauce\n\n2 cups apple jelly\n\nHeat a smoker to 300\u00b0F.\n\nTrim any excess fat and membrane from the pork tenderloin. Using a sharp knife with a very long, straight blade, insert the knife through the center of the tenderloin. Take care not to cut out to the sides\u2014just insert the knife blade into the center and then remove it. Push a turkey baster through the cut, enlarging the opening; remove the baster.\n\nTrim your smoked sausage link to the exact length of the tenderloin. Stuff it into the opening. Apply the rub thoroughly, coating the outside of the tenderloin. Place the tenderloin in a medium-size aluminum pan, and place the pan in the smoker. Cook for about 1 hour or until the internal temperature of the meat reaches 150\u00b0F.\n\nWhile the meat is cooking, prepare the sauce: In a medium saucepan over medium heat, combine the vinegar sauce and the apple jelly. Stir thoroughly to combine. Make sure the sauce thins out as it heats, about 5 minutes. Then lower the heat and keep it warm until you're ready to use it.\n\nDuring the last 15 minutes of cooking time, apply half of the sauce to the meat and put the meat back in the smoker. Reserve the remaining sauce.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker. Allow the meat to sit, loosely covered, for 10 minutes. Then cut it into slices about \u00bc to \u00bd inch thick, and serve with the remaining sauce.\n\n# 5\n\n#\n\n_If Fred Flintstone knew that the large order ofribs would tip his car over, why did he order them at the end of every show?_ \n\u2014Steven Wright\n\n**H AVE YOU READ the Bible? Let's just say that some select sections of it were forced on me by my mama, who is a true believer and threatens to this day to wash my mouth out with soap whenever I use the Lord's name in vain. That aside, one thing that stuck with me was the lesson of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. I often ask people: \"Do you know how I know that Adam wasn't from the South? Because no true Southerner would ever give up a rib.\"**\n\nFor some people, ribs are the beginning, middle, and end of the barbecue conversation. Even more than a whole hog, which is sacred to true barbecue believers, ribs are the iconic image that comes to mind for most people when they hear the word \"barbecue.\" The funny thing is that it doesn't even matter which kind of ribs people are talking about. They most likely mean pork ribs (though there are other and arguably equally tasty ribs, like barbecued beef ones). They could mean St. Louis ribs, also called spareribs, which are long and come from the bottom belly and shoulder portion of the hog. Or they could mean baby back ribs, which are the ribs that separate the loin section from the tenderloin; they are small and do not contain any of the backbone. There's a considerable difference between the two types of pork ribs and different people may have their preferences, but it seems like everyone who eats has a soft spot for ribs.\n\nThere are a lot of theories as to why. I believe it's because ribs, like most of the best comfort foods, have built-in \"handles\" and are just easy to hold and eat. Take corn dogs, hamburgers, pizza, chicken legs, and turkey legs. We gravitate to these foods because they're convenient and simple to grip, and also because they taste so damn good. It's an irresistible combination. What some people don't realize is that in competition, ribs are a linchpin to success. To understand that, you have to know a thing or two about how the competition circuit works.\n\nIn this country, two main organizations sanction official barbecue contests, and they establish the rules and regulations that govern the events. One is the Memphis in May Sanctioned Contest Network, which oversees the gigantic Memphis in May World Championship Barbecue Cooking Contest as well as many other competitions. The actual event called \"Memphis in May\" is a monthlong party with music and all sorts of festivities, but what I'm interested in, of course, is the barbecue contest. It has been held since 1977. The other sanctioning body is the Kansas City Barbecue Society (KCBS), which oversees the Jack Daniel's World Championship, and that contest has been held on the fourth Saturday in October since 1989. A main difference between the two is that MIM events are hog-only, while KCBS ones include beef and other meats. Another key difference: At MIM contests, judges come to your booth and you have to put on a show. I'm not kidding: You literally have to show the judges your cooker, tell them how you cooked the meat, and then feed them. The judges are looking to be entertained as much as they're looking to be well fed. Food is the most important component of any contest, but trust me when I tell you that the judges want the damn show. (You can read more about this in the Hog chapter.) At KCBS contests there's a blind judging of all the meat, and according to contest rules you have to arrange your meat artfully in a Styrofoam box, showing it to its best advantage, because appearance really counts. Both of these governing bodies of barbecue sponsor qualifying contests throughout the year, and the big ones have both open and invitational sections. \"Open\" just means that anyone can enter; \"invitational\" means you have to receive an invitation to compete, which you get when you have won a prior contest. What folks don't always realize is that the meat you bring to contests may not be marinated, injected, cured, rubbed, or otherwise treated or flavored in any way before the contest begins and it's officially inspected. So it's really impossible for you to have any tricks up your sleeve. You have to just cook the best way you can, which is pretty much all you can do in your own backyard, too.\n\nIn order to be the man you have to beat the man... and I'm the man.\n\nI bring all of this up now because ribs are a category that transcends it all: ribs are equally important in both sanctions. I base what I cook on what the judges like, because I want to win. So that means if I'm doing a MIM contest, I cook baby backs. In a KCBS contest, I cook St. Louis. Either way, ribs have always been a good category for my team. In ribs, I've been MIM \"team of the year\" six times. A big part of my success is in understanding what the judges want. And what the judges look for in a winning rib is a perfect combination of texture (soft without being mushy), flavor (smoky, but with a sweet glaze), and appearance (shiny like new pennies). In competition, ribs are prized for their heavily smoked flavor. This plays beautifully with the sweet sauce. You want ribs that are tender, with the perfect balance of sweetness and smoke.\n\nAlso, that glistening look is important, and with ribs you have to work to get the color right. I'll show you how to do it. That said, the hardest part of rib cooking is making them tender without overcooking them. I'll show you how to do that, too.\n\n* * *\n\n**Mastering Pork Ribs**\n\n**Types of Ribs**\n\nSt. Louis ribs, or spareribs, are generally the least expensive cut of ribs; they are the long bones from the lower part of the hog's belly behind its shoulder. They are long, straight, and often fattier than baby backs.\n\n**Baby back ribs, orloin back ribs,** come from the top of the hog's rib cage between the spine and the spareribs; they separate the loin from the tenderloin. They are shorter, curved, and often meatier than spareribs.\n\n**Country-style ribs** are the blade end of a bone-in pork loin, close to the shoulder. They are big hunks of meat that contain no actual rib bones, so some folks who don't like to mess with bones prefer to cook them. They are full of meat but they turn mushy fast, so they need careful watching.\n\n**Kansas City\u2013style ribs** are spareribs that have the breastbone and skirt removed. Essentially they are spareribs that have been trimmed as much as they possibly can be so that what remains is merely a rectangle of meat and bone.\n\n**RibBuying Guide**\n\nThese tips apply to all varieties of ribs: Look for slabs with meat showing over the whole slab, with no bones or ribs that have been cut away down to the bone and no rib bone showing through the meat (these are called \"shiners\" and are especially prevalent in baby backs). With spareribs, there's usually some fat covering the first three ribs, which can easily be trimmed. Don't buy spareribs with lots of fat pockets or that are covered entirely in fat; these will be very hard to cook to tenderness and won't leave much to eat when they're done cooking. Fresh ribs that have never been frozen are better than the frozen ones, which risk freezer burn and may become mushy during the thawing process (and of course all meat should be defrosted before cooking).\n\n**Cooking Tips**\n\nRacks of St. Louis ribs usually weigh 3.8 pounds or less, and are generally referred to by professionals according to this weight, as in \"3\u00bd and down\" or \"3.8 and down.\"\n\nThe general rule for St. Louis ribs: Smoke at 275\u00b0F for 3 hours; rest in pan for 1 hour.\n\nRacks of baby backs can weigh from \u00bd to 2\u00bc pounds each; they run about a dollar or so more per rack than spareribs, but you get loin and tenderloin meat on them and you don't have to trim any bone.\n\nThe general rule for baby back ribs: Smoke at 250\u00b0F for 2 hours; rest in the pan for 1 hour.\n\nThe general rule for handling any type of ribs: Always put them in the pan upside-down; this makes it much easier to roll them over when they're hot and it's time to glaze them.\n\n**Spritzing**\n\nOne thing I picked up during my years competing is the technique of using a spray bottle to spritz my ribs with a special solution. Spritzing is an ingenious way to keep the outside (or \"bark\") of the rib moist during cooking, plus it adds another level of flavor to the ribs. People always look at me funny when I prepare my spritz and they see that I use imitation butter, which comes in the same kind of small bottle that vanilla extract comes in and can be found in the spice section at just about any supermarket. The reason is that melted real butter is still too thick to get through a spray bottle. Don't worry, though, one ounce of the imitation stuff, which is just soybean oil, won't kill you. Now, the one rule about spritzing your ribs is that you must get the color just right on them _before_ you start spritzing, or else you're going to end up washing your bark off\u2014and obviously you don't want that.\n\n**Rib Spritz**\n\nI use this rib spritz on spareribs and baby back ribs. It's easy to make, and it will change the way your ribs look and taste. You can make it up to a day in advance and store it in the spray bottle, unrefrigerated. Since I can't do that at a contest, I prepare it right after I put my ribs in the smoker. After the ribs have smoked for about 45 minutes, I start spritzing the meat at 15-minute intervals.\n\nMakes about 5 cups\n\n3 cups apple juice\n\n2 cups white wine vinegar\n\n2 tablespoons liquid imitation butter\n\nIn a large spray bottle (one that will hold at least 5 cups of liquid), combine all the ingredients. Shake well to blend.\n\n* * *\n\n## St. Louis Ribs\n\nSt. Louis-style ribs do very well in KCBS contests, and because they're larger they tend to be a little bit easier to handle. A lot of folks favor them because they're surrounded by more fat to flavor the meat, and when they're cooked right, they're tender and bursting with real hog flavor.\n\nI cook four racks of ribs at competition, so that's what these recipes call for; that should serve a nice-size group of people, depending on appetites and on what else is on your menu. If you're going to cook fewer ribs, you'll still need to make the rub, marinade, and glaze. You can either cut those recipes in half or you can save the leftovers and use them on other meats (the rib rub, for example, would be great on a pork loin roast), and I'm sure I don't have to tell you what you can do with leftover glaze (I like mine on burgers, though). Regardless of how many racks you're cooking, the cook time stays the same.\n\nServes 8 to 12\n\n4 racks spareribs\n\n1 recipe Rib Marinade\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n1 recipe Rib Spritz\n\n1 cup apple juice\n\n1 recipe Hog Glaze\n\n**What you'll need:**\n\nA cutting board\n\nSharp boning knife or paring knife\n\nPaper towels or clean kitchen towels\n\nOne at a time, place the slabs of spareribs on the cutting board, bone side down. Trim off the excess fat from the first three ribs. Turn the slab over. Peel off the thick membrane (or \"silver,\" as it's sometimes called) that covers the ribs. This silver prevents rubs and other seasonings from adhering to the rib rack and doesn't allow a marinade or smoke to penetrate the meat, so it's important to get rid of it. The easiest way to remove the membrane is by making a small incision just below the length of the breastbone. Work your fingers underneath the membrane until you have 2 to 3 inches cleared. Grab the membrane with a towel (which just gives you a better purchase on it) and gently but firmly pull it away from the ribs. Pulling off the membrane exposes loose fat that will need trimming, so take your knife and cut out any excess fat.\n\nThe last step is doing the \"St. Louis cut,\" which ensures that the ribs will be uniform in size. Use your boning knife to separate the ribs from the breastbone: Pick the longest bone near the breastbone and use it as a guideline of where to make a horizontal cut along the length of the slab. You should end up with two slabs of ribs that are 5 or 6 inches in length. They won't be curved like the baby backs\u2014that's not how these bones are; they're straight up.\n\nAfter the ribs are properly trimmed, set the racks in an aluminum baking pan and cover them completely with the rib marinade. Cover the pan with aluminum foil and let it sit for 4 hours, either in the refrigerator or, if you're at a contest or in a picnic situation, in a cooler packed with ice.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook them, remove the ribs from the marinade. Pat them dry with towels. Apply the rub lightly around the edges of the ribs, over the back side of them, and on top. Then let the ribs sit, uncovered, at room temperature for 30 minutes.\n\nIn the meantime, heat a smoker to 275\u00b0F.\n\nPut the ribs in a baking pan, put it in the smoker, and cook for 3 hours. After the first 45 minutes of cooking, spritz the ribs. Continue to spritz at 15-minute intervals for the duration of the cooking time. (The ribs should be uncovered so they can absorb as much smoke as possible.)\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker. Pour the apple juice into a clean aluminum pan. Place the ribs in the pan, bone side down, and cover the pan with aluminum foil. Place the pan in the smoker and cook for 2 hours.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and shut off the heat on the smoker. Remove the foil, and apply the glaze to the top and bottom of the slabs of ribs. Re-cover the pan with foil, return it to the smoker, and let the ribs rest in the smoker for 1 hour as the temperature gradually decreases.\n\nRemove the ribs from the pan and let them rest for 10 minutes on a wooden cutting board. Then cut and serve.\n\n## Baby Back Ribs\n\nMy favorite rib to cook and eat is the baby back, because I learned competitive cooking at MIM contests and that's their rib of choice. I just developed a real love for them. They're fun to cook and fun to eat, and they almost always earn me money. Even I can't ask for more than that!\n\nServes 4 to 6\n\n4 racks baby back ribs\n\n1 recipe Rib Marinade\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n1 recipe Rib Spritz\n\n1 cup apple juice\n\n1 recipe Hog Glaze\n\nWhat you'll need:\n\nCutting board\n\nSharp boning knife or paring knife Paper towels or clean kitchen towels\n\nOne at a time, place the racks on a cutting board, bone side up, and remove the membrane (or \"silver\"): At whichever end of the rack seems easier, work your fingers underneath the membrane until you have 2 to 3 inches cleared. Grab the membrane with a towel and gently but firmly pull it away from the ribs. Pulling off the membrane exposes loose fat that will need trimming, so take your knife and cut out any excess fat. Now the racks are ready.\n\nSet the racks in an aluminum baking pan and cover them completely with the rib marinade. Cover the pan with aluminum foil and let it sit for 4 hours, either in the refrigerator or, if you're at a contest or in a picnic situation, in a cooler packed with ice.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook them, remove the ribs from the marinade. Pat them dry with towels. Apply the rub lightly around the edges of the ribs, over the back side of them, and on top. Then let the ribs sit, uncovered, at room temperature for 30 minutes.\n\nIn the meantime, heat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nPut the ribs in a baking pan, put the pan in the smoker, and cook for 2 hours. After the first 30 minutes of cooking, spritz the ribs. Continue to spritz at 15-minute intervals for the duration of the cooking time. (The ribs should be uncovered so they can absorb as much smoke as possible.)\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker. Pour the apple juice into a clean aluminum baking pan. Place the ribs in the pan, bone side down, and cover the pan with aluminum foil. Place the pan in the smoker and cook for 1 hour.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and shut off the heat on the smoker. Remove the foil, and apply the glaze to the top and bottom of the slabs of ribs. Re-cover the pan with foil, return it to the smoker, and let the ribs rest in the smoker for 30 minutes as the temperature gradually decreases.\n\nRemove the ribs from the pan and let them rest for 10 minutes on a wooden cutting board. Then cut and serve.\n\n## Beef Ribs\n\nWhen you're talking cow, there are the short ribs (which are good) and there are the back ribs, the big guys, which are tenderlicious. The reason beef ribs are so tender and succulent is because the rib roast, a prime piece of meat, sits right above this section of ribs. So they're prime, too. Cooking them is second nature to me because they happen to look and act a lot like pork baby backs, except of course they're a lot larger. I don't marinate my beef ribs because they come from one of the most marbled areas of the cow, which means they're loaded with natural flavor already. I like my food to be nicely seasoned, but I never want my seasoning to overpower a meat's inherent flavor; seasoning doesn't ever need to be over the top.\n\nServes 4\n\n16 beef short ribs, or 8 whole beef ribs\n\n2 tablespoons kosher salt\n\n2 tablespoons coarsely ground black pepper\n\n3 tablespoons dark brown sugar\n\n1 teaspoon chili powder\n\n\u00bd teaspoon ground turmeric\n\n\u00bd teaspoon ground coriander\n\n1 teaspoon garlic powder\n\n1 teaspoon onion powder\n\n1 recipe Tangy Sweet Sauce\n\nPeel off the thick membrane (or \"silver,\" as it's sometimes called) that covers the back side of each rib: Work your fingers underneath the membrane until you have 2 to 3 inches cleared. Grab the membrane with a towel and gently but firmly pull it away from the rib. Pulling off the membrane exposes loose fat that will need trimming, so take your paring knife and cut out any excess fat. Using a clean kitchen towel or paper towels, pat the ribs dry. Set them aside.\n\nIn a medium bowl, combine the salt, pepper, brown sugar, chili powder, turmeric, coriander, garlic powder, and onion powder to form a rub. Coat both sides of each rib with the spice mixture. Place the ribs in a large aluminum baking pan, cover, and refrigerate overnight.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the ribs, heat a smoker to 275\u00b0F.\n\nPlace the pan, uncovered, in the smoker and cook for 2 hours.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and pour 2 cups of water into the pan. Cover the pan with aluminum foil, return it to the smoker, and cook for 2 more hours.\n\nRemove the ribs from the pan. Glaze the tops of the ribs (only) with the tangy sweet sauce. Don't overdo on the sauce\u2014use just enough to coat the ribs. Put the pan back in the smoker, uncovered, and cook for 15 minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and let the ribs sit, loosely covered, for 10 minutes. Then beef out.\n\n## Sausage-Stuffed Pork Chops\n\nA pork chop is just a bone-in slice of the pork loin, which is located beneath a hog's ribs and against its backbone. It's a great piece of meat to sink your teeth into, which is why so many people like a pork chop\u2014but it doesn't have a lot of natural fat. This means that it needs some help in the flavor department. Here's how I do it. It'll be the best pork chop you ever had. No joke.\n\nServes 4\n\n4 2-inch-thick loin pork chops (each about 1 pound)\n\n1 cup Hog Injection\n\n1 pound ground pork sausage\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n1 recipe Tangy Sweet Sauce\n\nPlace the pork chops in a large aluminum baking pan, and cover with the hog injection. Cover, and marinate in the refrigerator for at least 4 hours or overnight.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the pork chops, heat a smoker to 300\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pork chops from the marinade, and discard the marinade. Cut a 2-inch-long slit about 2 inches deep in the side of each chop opposite the bone, making a pocket. Remove the pork sausage from the casing, and stuff the sausage deep into the pocket of each pork chop. For each pork chop, use three toothpicks to close off the pocket and hold the sausage in place. Season both sides of each chop with the rub. Put the chops in a clean aluminum baking pan, place the pan in the smoker, and cook for 30 minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker, flip the pork chops, and return the pan to the smoker. Cook for 30 more minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker. Glaze the chops on both sides with the tangy sweet sauce, return them to the smoker, and cook for 10 minutes.\n\nRemove the pan and let the chops rest, loosely covered, for 10 minutes. Then serve them up.\n\n## Rack of Lamb\n\nSomething a south Georgia boy doesn't eat much is lamb. But south Georgia boys who like to win barbecue contests have to figure out how to cook it. The first mutton contest I ever entered I won, cooking lamb chops just like this. I like to get the largest rack of chops I can find, so I can serve them at least an inch thick and give my guests something they can sink their teeth into.\n\nServes 8\n\n4 1- to 1\u00bd-pound racks of lamb, trimmed of all but a \u00bc-inch layer of fat and frenched (each rack should have 8 ribs)\n\n2 cups dry red wine\n\n\u00bd cup Worcestershire sauce\n\n2 tablespoons distilled white vinegar\n\n1 tablespoon salt\n\n2 tablespoons sugar\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n1 recipe Tangy Sweet Sauce\n\nUsing a clean kitchen towel or paper towels, pat the racks of lamb dry.\n\nIn a large aluminum baking pan, combine the wine, Worcestershire sauce, vinegar, salt, and sugar. Submerge the racks of lamb in the mixture and marinate them, covered, in the refrigerator overnight.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the lamb, heat a smoker to 325\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the lamb from the marinade, and discard the marinade. Season each rack lightly with the rub. (Season them very lightly so the ribs aren't overly salty.) Place the racks in a clean aluminum baking pan, place the pan in the smoker, and cook for 25 minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and glaze the racks with the tangy sweet sauce. Put the pan back into the smoker and cook for 5 additional minutes. Remove the pan and let rack rest for 10 minutes. Then gnaw down.\n\n# 6\n\n#\n\n_Did you ever see the customers in health-food stores? They are pale, skinny people who look half dead. In a steak house, you see robust, ruddy people. They're dying, of course, but they look terrific._ \n\u2014Bill Cosby\n\n**W HAT I LIKE TO EAT and what I like to cook, especially in competition, are often different things. Now, I've been around pork my entire life. It is a key component of any barbecue competition and as such it's been the focus of my career. Pork, from whole hog to shoulder and ribs, dominates. I know very well how to cook a pig, so pork's supremacy never bothers me. But, as delicious as it is, I get burned out on pig. At home I like to cook beef, both on and off the smoker. Whether it's a nice thick porterhouse or a hunk of a brisket's burnt end, beef is my favorite meat to eat when I'm in my backyard, and I'd wager heavily\u2014which I don't do unless I'm planning to take somebody's money\u2014that I'm not alone.**\n\nOn the barbecue circuit, \"beef\" means \"brisket,\" and it's a category that gives a lot of teams a fit. I grant you that it is a confusing piece of meat for a lot of home cooks, too. It's a big, tough cut and people don't know what to do with it\u2014even though it's popular around the world. Brisket is sacred to the Irish, who brine it and boil it and call it corned beef, and to Koreans, who boil and press it and call it chadolbaegi, and to Germans, who braise it and call it sauerbraten. What I know about brisket is that despite the fact that it's beloved by so many folks, it's included in barbecue competitions because it's the hardest damn cut of meat to cook.\n\nBrisket is tricky because it's dense and tough and has to be cooked just right or it won't taste good at all. The cut comes from part of the cow's shoulder and its first through fifth ribs. And it's actually relatively cheap\u2014about a fifth the cost of a similarly sized piece of prime rib. What's great about brisket is that when it's cooked properly it becomes something altogether better than the sum of its parts\u2014chewy and tender at the same time, and truly delicious. It just took me a while to understand how to cook it.\n\nGitcha some of that!\n\nNowadays, brisket is not that complicated for me; it's just that there are a bunch of steps that you have to get right along the way. To cook a good brisket, you have to be patient and methodical. Let me repeat that: There's nothing to cooking a good brisket but being patient and methodical. Each stage of the process is important.\n\nOutside of competition barbecue, I like to cook steaks and burgers. A lot of people don't know this, but I actually have a winning burger recipe. Back in the summer of 2004, I was asked to enter a contest as a side event at the Canadian National Barbecue Championships held at a ski lodge restaurant called Dusty's in Whistler, British Columbia. They have a barbecue beef sandwich on the menu there, which they're justifiably proud of, and to go along with it they ran a contest for all competitors to come up with a great burger; the winner got some dough, plus his or her winning burger on the menu for a year. Mine won, and it's the all-time bestselling item on their menu and still available to this day. In this chapter, I'm going to share that recipe for the first time along with some of my favorite steak recipes and the essential method for making great brisket.\n\n## Perfect Brisket\n\nBecause brisket can be tough if not cooked properly, some other barbecue competitors will actually prepare more than one at a competition. I don't want to cook but one brisket when I compete, and I'm sure not going to do a backup brisket at home. One brisket should be all you need to get the job done. Just pay attention to these steps, and read \"All About Brisket\", and you'll have the one the way you want it, too.\n\nServes 20 to 25\n\n1 15- to 20-pound whole untrimmed brisket, preferably wagyu\n\nWhat you'll need:\n\n2 aluminum pans\n\nInjector\n\nBlanket\n\n1 recipe Beef Injection and Marinade\n\n1 recipe Beef Rub\n\nTrim your brisket.\n\nPlace the brisket, fat side up, in an aluminum baking pan. Inject it by eyeballing 1-inch squares all over the brisket and injecting half of the beef injection in those squares. Flip the brisket over, fat side down, and pour the remaining injection\/marinade over the meat. Cover and refrigerate for at least 6 hours or overnight.\n\nThirty minutes before you are ready to cook the brisket, heat a smoker to 350\u00b0F. (You can also use a gas grill, but you'll need to prepare it for smoking.)\n\nRemove the brisket from the marinade and discard the marinade. Using your hands, apply the beef rub all over the meat. Place the brisket in a clean aluminum baking pan, place the pan in the smoker, and cook for 2\u00bd hours.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and cover it with aluminum foil. Put it back into the smoker and cook for another 1\u00bd hours or until the temperature in the point end of the meat reaches 205\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and wrap the pan, still covered with aluminum foil, in a thick blanket. Let it rest at room temperature for 3 to 4 hours.\n\nUnwrap the pan, discard the foil, and remove the brisket, taking care to save the accumulated juices. Set the brisket aside. Strain the juices of all grease, and pour the juices into a medium saucepan. Warm the juices over medium heat, and allow them to come to a simmer. Meanwhile, slice the brisket against the grain; try to make the slices as consistently sized as possible. Place the slices on a warm platter and pour the juices over them. Serve immediately.\n\n* * *\n\n**Burnt Brisket Ends**\n\nBefore marinating a whole brisket, remove the fat cap on the bottom of the brisket, from the center of the meat back to the point (the narrow end). After marinating, season this area with the rub as well as the rest of the meat.\n\nCook the brisket as described above. Wrap it in the blanket and let it rest for 2 hours.\n\nUnwrap the brisket and remove the bottom section. (There is a membrane separating the bottom of the point from the top. Feel this with your blade as you cut.) Clean the fat away from the membrane side of the bottom piece, season with salt and pepper, and place the bottom piece on the smoker. Cook for 2 hours.\n\nMeanwhile, pour the pan drippings into a grease separator, and set aside. Place the top portion of the brisket back in the pan, wrap it in foil, and rewrap it in the blanket.\n\nRemove the burnt end portion from the smoker and cut it into \u00bd-inch cubes.\n\nPlace the cubes in a small pan and add the reserved drippings. Cover, and place in the smoker for 30 minutes.\n\nRemove and enjoy.\n\n* * *\n\n**All About Brisket**\n\n**The cut:** The average size of a whole brisket is about 12 pounds; I like them a little larger, 15 to 20 pounds, so I can feed more people, either at a contest or in my backyard. Butcher shops and groceries usually break the meat down into two pieces: The first, the \"flat\" cut, comes from nearer to the cow's belly and is more evenly shaped and lean; the second, the \"point\" cut, comes from near the foreshank and is rounder and fattier but has more flavor. The recipe calls for a whole untrimmed brisket, which you may need to order specially from your butcher, but it's worth it. (If you can't get a whole untrimmed brisket or just are too stubborn to order one, you'll end up with a flat cut or a point; either will weigh about 5 pounds and you can still follow this method to cook it, but you'll need to adjust the cooking time.)\n\n**The meat:** To make a great brisket, you have to start with a great piece of meat. I used to think that brisket was brisket, that I could get one from any supermarket meat case and win. And for a while, I did. Then my scores started slipping and I had to rethink my position. I began shopping around, talking to folks in the know, and I discovered wagyu beef. Wagyu is a type of cattle that has really fine marbling in its meat, which just means that it's got a lot of fat interspersed nicely with the muscle. That gives it the striped red-and-white look, or \"marbled\" appearance, you see in a butcher case. The meat from wagyu cattle, which were first cultivated in Japan, is known all over the world for having supremely rich flavor and being especially tender and juicy; this is attributed to its grassy diet. In the United States, wagyu beef is ultra-high-quality and expensive, even for a cut like brisket. A lot of people ask me, _Why do you spend all that goddamn dough on it?_ I say, _Look at a wagyu next to a mediocre brisket and it's obvious_. It's about an extra $30 for a potential $10,000 payout in a competition, so it's no question to me. Even if you don't get wagyu, you have to pay attention to the quality of the meat. It is the difference between winning and losing, or between having something truly delicious and something just okay. Buy the best you can find and you won't regret it.\n\n**How to trim the meat:** Before you get started cooking, you have to trim the membrane, that fine silvery-white weblike coating, from the meat. This involves slowly cutting away the layers of sticky white matter from the actual beef, and it can take damn near forever. But if you don't do it right, your meat is going to be tough and gummy instead of tender and juicy. Another reason is that a dry spice rub won't stick to fat, and the spice rub is what creates that crust, or \"bark,\" that surrounds the brisket, so it's doubly important to do a good job trimming the fat off the meat. It's painstaking, but you have to get it done or you ain't going to have a bark.\n\n**How to cook it fast:** Traditional barbecue cooks are referred to in competition as \"stick burners\" because they prefer not to use charcoal and lighter fluid; they prefer the wood-fired pits like my dad used when he was coming up. That's the old-fashioned, tried-and-true way to cook brisket, and I'm not going to tell you that there's anything wrong with it. What I _am_ going to tell you is that it takes a long time. A lot of teams think I start my fires late. They're the folks who stay up all night cooking their briskets. Well, about that traditional \"slow and low\" stuff: It's built on the notion that a tough cut of meat ought to be cooked slowly and at a low temperature in order to break down its fibrous toughness. It's not wrong, but I don't do it. I ain't watching a brisket for 18 hours when I can get just as good results in far less time. Instead, I subscribe to what is called \"power cooking.\" I figured out how to cook my brisket hot and fast by using a water pan, injecting my meat, and maintaining my cooker's temperature at a constant 350\u00b0F. And that works for me.\n\n**How to maintain the temperature:** After I take my brisket out of the smoker, I wrap it up in a blanket while it's resting. (This can be any type of heavy blanket, but it better not be one that you want to use again on your bed.) Folks always look at me curiously when I do this, but I've been doing it for years. It started when I ran into a guy at a gas station in Perry, Georgia. He saw my cook rig and came up to me. He said he was from Texas and asked me if I cooked brisket. I told him I did. And he told me that the best way to make it is to wrap it up in a blanket so that the temperature stays nice and consistent while the meat is resting. So I tried it out by using a sleeping bag I still had from when I was a kid and used to camp out with my brother and my friends. It worked like a charm, and to this day I wrap my briskets up in blankets.\n\n**How to get asmoke ring:** First of all, you need to understand what exactly a smoke ring is before you worry about how to get one on your brisket. It's the thin pink line just under the meat's surface that is formed as a chemical reaction when meat is properly smoked (it's actually nitric acid that builds up on the meat's surface and is then absorbed by the meat, if you need to get technical). Opinions vary on how to get a really good-looking ring, one that's consistent in size all the way around the meat and substantial enough to be visible, but I think it's a combination of the water pan method and a really good application of a rub that has enough salt in it.\n\n* * *\n\n## Perfect Porterhouse Steak\n\nA porterhouse is a big hunk of a steak that combines two cuts that are separated by a bone: there's the soft, rich tenderloin on one side, and the firm and juicy sirloin on the other. There are two secrets to a great grilled steak: the quality of the meat (see the note about wagyu beef), and the seared crust that locks in the steak's juices and flavors. You get the crust by cooking the steak over dry heat in a very hot grill or smoker.\n\nServes 2 to 4\n\n1 porterhouse steak, at least 1 pound and at least 1\u00bd inches thick\n\n1 recipe Beef Injection and Marinade\n\nSalt, to taste\n\nCoarsely ground black pepper, to taste\n\n1 teaspoon onion powder\n\n1 teaspoon garlic powder\n\nFor the sauce:\n\n8 tablespoons (1 stick) unsalted butter\n\n1 tablespoon dark brown sugar\n\n1 teaspoon lemon juice\n\n\u00bc cup ketchup\n\nUsing paper towels or a very clean kitchen towel, pat the steak dry. Place the steak in a baking dish, cover it with the beef injection, and marinate at room temperature for 2 hours.\n\nAbout 30 minutes before you're ready to cook, prepare a smoker or grill; bring the heat to 500\u00b0F.\n\nRemove the steak from the marinade, and discard the marinade. Season the steak liberally on both sides with salt and pepper, and sprinkle it with the onion powder and garlic powder.\n\nPlace the steak on the grill rack and sear it over direct heat for about 3 minutes per side.\n\nTransfer the steak to a platter and cover with aluminum foil. Let rest for 5 minutes.\n\nMake your steak sauce: Collect \u00bc cup of the drippings from the platter. Combine all the sauce ingredients with the reserved drippings in a small saucepan. Heat over medium heat, whisking continuously, until it just comes to a boil. Set aside.\n\nUncover the steak. The best way to carve the steak is to use a sharp knife to cut the bone out completely (save it someplace safe for yourself for later on), and then cut the meat across the grain in thick diagonal slices. You want each guest to taste some meat from both sides. Pour the sauce over the slices. Knock yourself out.\n\n## Prime Rib\n\nA prime rib roast is such a great way to feed a crowd\u2014it's always on my Christmas dinner table. Sure, it's delicious and decadent, but what most people don't know is that it's easy as hell to cook on a smoker or grill. Note that there are two separate cuts that are considered \"prime rib\": The first cut (ribs 1 through 3) is closer to the loin and thus more tender and less fatty. The second cut (ribs 4 through 7) is closer to the chuck end and is denser and fattier. Ask your butcher for the first cut\u2014it's worth it\u2014and buy the very best quality beef, with the most marbling, that you can afford. The recipe I'm giving here is for a smaller roast, but the same technique (with a slight adjustment on the time\u2014a good rule of thumb is to allow about 30 minutes per pound) can be applied to a prime rib of any size.\n\nServes 6 to 8\n\n1 well-marbled 3-rib standing rib roast (about 7 pounds)\n\n1 recipe Beef Injection and Marinade\n\nKosher salt or sea salt, to taste\n\nCoarsely ground black pepper, to taste\n\n1\u00bd tablespoons onion powder\n\n1\u00bd tablespoons garlic powder\n\nPat the roast dry with paper towels or a clean kitchen towel. Place the roast in an aluminum roasting pan, and inject it all over with the beef injection. Refrigerate for at least 6 hours, or overnight for the best results.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the roast, heat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nTake the roast out of the pan, and rub the salt, pepper, onion powder, and garlic powder all over it. Put it back in the pan, and put the pan in the smoker. Cook for 5 hours or until the internal temperature reaches 155\u00b0F at the center of the roast.\n\nTake the roast out of the smoker. Put it in a clean roasting pan and cover it with aluminum foil. Wrap the pan in a blanket. Let it rest at room temperature for 1 hour.\n\nUnwrap the pan and transfer the roast to a cutting board, reserving the drippings.\n\nIn a medium saucepan over medium heat, allow the drippings to simmer for a couple of minutes. Pour the heated drippings over the roast. Carve it, and serve immediately.\n\n## Beef Tenderloin\n\nBeef tenderloin is an expensive, delicate cut of meat that has been blessed with a lot of natural flavor. My thinking is that it needs only a little enhancing, not a total makeover. That's why I don't recommended injecting it. Instead I marinate it, just to add some flavor. One last detail: Beef tenderloin is tender to start with, and overcooking turns it tough. I repeat: Do not overcook this meat. It won't be worth a damn if you do. If rare to medium-rare ain't your bag, move on and cook a sirloin.\n\nServes 6\n\n1 2\u00be- to 3-pound beef tenderloin roast\n\n4 cups beef broth\n\n\u00bd cup distilled white vinegar\n\n1 cup (packed) dark brown sugar\n\n1 12-ounce can Coca-Cola\n\nUsing a clean kitchen towel or paper towels, pat the tenderloin dry. Mix the broth, vinegar, brown sugar, and Coca-Cola together in a large roasting pan. Submerge the tenderloin in the marinade, cover, and refrigerate overnight.\n\nWhen are you are ready to cook the tenderloin, heat a smoker to 275\u00b0F.\n\nTransfer the tenderloin to a clean aluminum roasting pan (discard the marinade). Put the pan in the smoker, and cook for about 1\u00bd hours, or until the internal temperature at the center of the tenderloin reaches 155\u00b0F. Transfer the tenderloin to a cutting board and let it rest for 10 minutes.\n\nCut the tenderloin crosswise into \u00bd-inch-thick slices, and serve.\n\n## Myron Mixon's Prize-Winning Whistler Burger\n\nIn 2004, I won a big burger-cooking contest in Whistler, British Columbia, against a bunch of other professional barbecue cooks. \"You were shooting to do America's favorite burger better than it's ever been done before, and you definitely pulled it off.\" That's what Paul Street, the director of food and beverage at Whistler Black-comb, declared when I was named the champion. Part of winning the competition was the honor of your burger appearing on their menu for a year; my burger's been on the menu ever since that day.\n\nMy secret is to smoke the burger first, then sear it in a bit of butter afterward to seal in the moisture, create a crust, and add an extra layer of flavor and richness. I just wanted to come up with the best damn burger I could\u2014one that was meaty and juicy and also infused with great smoky flavor. Now cooking burgers in a smoker is a must for me because I love it when the meat is kissed with smoke; if you've never tried it this way, you ought to. That said, you can do the first step in the oven on those days you don't want to fire up a smoker or grill\u2014it will still be delicious, don't you worry. I like generously portioned burgers, and these are half-pounders. Feel free to make them smaller if you like.\n\nServes 2\n\n1 pound ground beef, the best and freshest you can afford\n\n1 1-ounce packet dry ranch dressing mix\n\n1 teaspoon Beef Rub\n\n2 tablespoons unsalted butter\n\n2 slices sharp cheddar cheese\n\n2 slices smoked Canadian bacon\n\nTwo white hamburger buns\n\n**Garnishes:**\n\nMayonnaise\n\nIceberg lettuce\n\nRipe tomato slices\n\nPreheat a smoker or oven to 300\u00b0F.\n\nIn a medium nonreactive bowl, combine the ground beef with the ranch dressing mix and the beef rub. Mix gently with your hands until the spices are just integrated with the beef\u2014be careful not to overwork the meat. Form into 2 patties (or more if you want smaller burgers).\n\nPlace the burgers in a shallow aluminum pan and place the pan in the smoker or in the oven. Cook for 15 minutes for medium-rare and up to 30 minutes for medium-well.\n\nRemove the burgers from the smoker or oven and allow them to rest, uncovered, while you melt the butter in a medium skillet over medium heat. When the butter is hot but not smoking, slide the burgers carefully into the skillet, using a spatula. Cook the burgers for about 3 minutes on each side, just until they're seared and a nice crust has formed\u2014be careful not to overcook them. Top them with the slices of cheddar cheese. Slide the burgers onto a platter and let them rest, lightly covered with aluminum foil.\n\nWhile your burgers are resting, cook the Canadian bacon and toast the buns: In the same medium skillet over medium heat, cook the slices of Canadian bacon for about 2 minutes on each side, until they are lightly crispy. Using a spatula, slide the Canadian bacon onto paper towels to absorb any excess grease.\n\nToast the buns on a \"light\" setting in a toaster oven or toaster. Smear the bottom half of each bun with a little mayonnaise. Top with the cheeseburgers, a slice of Canadian bacon, a nice piece of iceberg lettuce, and a slice of ripe tomato. Smear the top of each bun with a little mayonnaise. And that's the best burger you'll ever put in your mouth.\n\n* * *\n\n**Grilling Burgers**\n\nAs with nearly all of the recipes in this book, you can use your grill as a smoker. However, if you don't want to take the time to create some smoke to cook these hamburgers, then you can just grill them. They won't have that delicious smoky flavor and won't be as great as the way I do them, but they'll still be damn good.\n\nPrepare a medium-hot fire in your grill.\n\nPlace the burgers on the rack directly over the coals. Cover the grill and cook to your desired doneness, 5 to 7 minutes per side for medium-rare.\n\nTop each burger with a slice of cheddar cheese. Transfer them to a platter and let them rest, lightly covered with aluminum foil.\n\nCook the Canadian bacon, toast the buns, and fill the buns with the burgers and garnishes as described above.\n\n* * *\n\n# 7\n\n#\n\n_Chance is always powerful. Let your hook always be cast; in the pool where you least expect it, there will be fish._ \n\u2014Ovid\n\n**I T'S CONVENIENT FOR ME that people think fish is so wonderful and love to eat it nowadays. It's convenient because I grew up fishing with my father. There is scarcely a photograph of my father in existence that doesn't show him holding up a prize catch, and he had a lot of them. My dad taught me how to barbecue and he loved it, but the real passion in his life was fishing. My dad fished the way I cook in competitions: as if his life depended on it. The man could catch a fish in a raindrop. He made me and my brother go fishing with him every spare moment we had. He took us so much, going fishing with him felt like a job.**\n\nLet me put it to you this way: My daddy, Jack Mixon, was the best fisherman to ever wet a hook in the Flint River. The Flint is a gorgeous body of water that runs south through rural western Georgia, and it's one of the most scenic parts of the Apalachicola River System. Instead of soil, its banks are lined with red Georgia clay. All kinds of native river denizens populate it, and indigenous shoal bass and Gulf sturgeon swim its waters.\n\nGrowing up in the house of the \"Fishing King,\" as my dad was known, meant eating fish at least once a week. Saturday was always fried-fish day. It could be catfish, bream, white perch, mullet\u2014whatever came from my dad's fish house, we ate it, and we always ate it the same exact style. It was damn tasty, but damn routine, too. Since making my own way in the world and moving out of Jack's shadow, I have expanded my palate to include fish prepared in ways other than coated in meal and fried.\n\n**Worriation is a cross \nbetween worrying and \ndamn aggravation. \nAnd I don't need any of it.**\n\nNaturally, I turned to my smoker. Conventional wisdom might suggest to some people that delicate, flaky meat like the kind that's on most fish wouldn't stand up to the rough, rustic treatment in a smoker. Well, they'd be wrong. Smoked mullet was my first try at breaking my family's fried-fish tradition. It worked beautifully, with the fish picking up the flavor of the smoke but not becoming overpowered by it. Next I tried catfish, and it was delicious, too. Eventually I smoked just about every variety of fresh-and saltwater resident you can think of, and I've come to believe that smoking is not only one of the most primal forms of cooking but is also one of the healthiest ways to prepare fish. There's no grease, no batter, and thus less cholesterol and less fat. If you can grill hot dogs and burgers, you can cook fish on the barbecue, too. It's that easy.\n\n_The results of my very successful fishing trip in 1987._ \n(photo credit 7.1)\n\n## Mullet\n\nIf you think I'm talking about the haircut\u2014\"business in the front, recreation in the rear\"\u2014you best move on to the next recipe. If you know good food, you've probably heard about mullet, which is a fish found worldwide in tropical and coastal waters and abundantly on both coasts of Florida and into Georgia. Mullet is a bony fish with light meat and a stout body\u2014and it's oily, so it takes especially well to absorbing smoke. Any good fishmonger should be able to get you some.\n\nServes 4\n\n4 5- to 6-ounce mullet fillets, skin on\n\n1\u00bd cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n1 medium onion, chopped\n\n8 tablespoons (1 stick) unsalted butter, cubed\n\nHeat a smoker to 300\u00b0F.\n\nPlace the fillets, skin side down, in a small aluminum baking pan. Coat the top of the fish with the rub. Cover the fish with the chopped onions and butter cubes. Cook for 30 minutes or until the flesh of the fish is tender.\n\nRemove and enjoy.\n\n## Lobster\n\nI may be from a small town in south Georgia, but that doesn't mean I don't enjoy some fancy food, too. And just as I don't expect people to turn their noses up at cheap pork shoulders that are delicious smoked, I don't turn mine up at lobster tails. They're expensive, but, man, are they good\u2014especially if you cook the tails in the smoker. Try it.\n\nServes 4\n\n4 raw lobster tails, shells on\n\n3 tablespoons olive oil\n\nSalt, to taste\n\nFreshly ground black pepper, to taste\n\n**For the salad:**\n\n2 tablespoons mayonnaise\n\nJuice of 1 lemon\n\n2 celery stalks, chopped\n\n\u00bc head iceberg lettuce, shredded\n\n**For serving:**\n\n8 tablespoons (1 stick) unsalted butter, melted\n\n**What you will need:**\n\nKitchen scissors\n\nHeat a smoker to 325\u00b0F.\n\nUsing kitchen scissors, cut down the middle of the top of the lobster tails until they are nearly split. Pull the shell apart until the meat is exposed. Place in a bowl and season the tails with the olive oil, salt, and pepper; toss to coat. Place the lobster tails in a large aluminum pan, place the pan in the smoker, and cook for about 10 minutes, or until the meat turns completely white and the tails begin to curl up tightly.\n\nMeanwhile, prepare the salad: In a medium bowl, stir the mayonnaise and lemon juice together until blended. Then add the celery and lettuce, and toss. Set aside.\n\nRemove the lobster tails from the smoker. Do not let the tails cool completely or the meat will become tough. Serve immediately with the melted butter for drizzling and the salad on the side.\n\n## Salmon\n\nServes 4\n\n4 6-ounce salmon steaks, each about 2 inches thick\n\n2 tablespoons olive oil\n\n1 cup Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n3\u00bd cups Jack's Old South Vinegar Sauce, or 1 recipe Basic Vinegar Sauce\n\n1 8-ounce jar apricot preserves\n\n\u00bd cup chopped Vidalia or other sweet onion\n\nHeat a smoker to 350\u00b0F.\n\nBrush the salmon steaks with the oil, and sprinkle both sides with the rub. Place them in an aluminum baking pan, put the pan in the smoker, and cook for 10 minutes.\n\nWhile the fish is cooking, make the glaze: Combine the vinegar sauce, apricot preserves, and chopped onion in a blender, and mix well until thoroughly pureed, about 3 minutes. Pour into a saucepan. Over medium heat, bring the glaze almost to a boil. Remove from the heat.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker, flip the salmon steaks over, and return the pan to the smoker. Cook for another 5 minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and glaze the salmon with the sauce. Serve.\n\n## Prawns\n\nPrawns are crustaceans similar to shrimp, but they're a little bit different (it has to do with the number of overlapping plates on their scales, if you want to get technical). That said, the names are used pretty much interchangeably. To me, prawns are a little meatier and sweeter, so if you can get your hands on some, great. If not, substitute the best jumbo shrimp you can find.\n\nServe these over a bed of wild rice, if you like.\n\nServes 6\n\n24 prawns or jumbo shrimp, heads on, peeled and deveined, tails intact\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n\u00bd cup lemon juice\n\n\u00bd cup Jack's Old South Hickory Sauce or Basic Hickory Sauce\n\n2 tablespoons honey\n\n4 tablespoons (\u00bd stick) unsalted butter\n\nHeat a smoker to 350\u00b0F.\n\nApply the rub to the prawns and place them on skewers. Place the skewers in a large aluminum pan, put the pan in the smoker, and cook for 10 minutes.\n\nWhile the prawns are cooking, combine the lemon juice, hickory sauce, honey, and butter in a medium saucepan over medium heat. Bring the sauce almost to a boil, and then take the pan off the heat.\n\nBrush the prawns with the sauce, and serve.\n\n## Trout\n\nTrout is a freshwater fish, the majority of which swim in the rivers of Idaho and North Carolina. Because it's so commonly farmed, trout is available in markets year-round. It's a meaty fish with a naturally salty flavor, and it takes well to smoking. I like to eat smoked trout as a main dish with a little garlic butter on top and some cheese biscuits on the side. It's also really good in a sandwich with some horseradish, or mixed into a dip with a little mayonnaise and sour cream.\n\nServes 10\n\n\u00bd cup kosher salt\n\n2 pounds trout fillets (3 to 5 ounces each), skin on, pin bones removed\n\nCombine the salt and 4 cups water in a 4-quart container and stir until the salt has dissolved, 1 to 2 minutes. Submerge the trout fillets in the mixture, cover, and refrigerate for 3 hours.\n\nRemove the trout from the brine, rinse them thoroughly, and pat dry. Place the trout, skin side down, on a rack set in a baking pan. Place the pan in the refrigerator and leave, uncovered, for about 24 hours or until the skin is shiny and sticky to the touch.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the trout, heat a smoker to 160\u00b0F.\n\nPlace the trout fillets in an aluminum pan, skin side down, separating them by at least \u00bc inch. Place the pan in the smoker and cook for 2\u00bd to 3 hours, or until the fish is cooked through and darkened in color.\n\nRemove trout from smoker and serve immediately.\n\nAt seventeen, catching bream with my dad.\n\n(photo credit 7.2)\n\n# 8\n\n#\n\n_You don't win friends with salad._ \n\u2014Homer Simpson\n\n**S OME PEOPLE WILL TELL YOU that nobody really cares about the main courses, and that side dishes are where it's at. I say that those people must be vegetarians, or else they've been traumatized by some really bad Thanksgiving turkeys. I'm not going to pretend that barbecue is about anything but meat, because for me it is. The smoked meat is the star of every picnic and backyard party and competitive barbecue event in the world. But everybody knows that man\u2014and woman, for that matter\u2014cannot live by meat alone. That's why God invented side dishes, isn't it?**\n\nSide dishes were important to barbecue when I was growing up. When I think back, I remember my granny grinding the pork and onions for the Brunswick stew she was getting ready to make for the family barbecue dinner. It's true that traditional Southern side dishes such as potato salad, coleslaw, and baked beans really enhance the meat. If you want to get technical about it, they add flavor dimensions to the plate that complement the smoke and sweetness of the big draw. You want the side dishes to help the meat shine; when they're cooked right, they make up the supporting cast you need at any good barbecue.\n\nYou know I wouldn't pay too much more attention to side dishes if there wasn't a way to get paid for them. Some barbecue contests actually have side dish categories. It will come as no surprise to you by this point that I like to win money, so I had to not only appreciate side dishes but get good at cooking them, too. I've won for baked beans at several contests. The thing to remember is that any of the contests that aren't strictly devoted to barbecue are not vetted by certified barbecue judges. The judges are often the VIP sponsors of the contest or some local politicians or some people like that. So you need to make sure you are cooking for the masses. When you're throwing a party at home, it's the same thing. I say stick with what most people eat and like. You don't have to reinvent the wheel when it comes to side dishes. The classics got to be that way for a reason.\n\nFor example, take baked beans. When I was trying to figure out a good recipe for them, I thought about what baked beans ought to taste like. I knew some people did not care for baked beans, but there aren't many true Americans who don't like pie. That's why I use peach pie filling in my beans. Those are proven flavors that almost everybody likes. I try to think that way with all my side dishes. They are dependable classics, and they make the meat look and taste damn good.\n\n## Myron's Peach Baked Beans\n\nI always try to make any food taste good by preparing it as simply as possible. This comes from the original idea of how barbecue was started and why it has become so popular: It's a way to cheaply and efficiently feed a lot of people some tasty food. My beans recipe is no different. I keep it simple and focus on enhancing the flavors that people have come to love and expect in baked beans. I'm not trying to fool anybody here: baked beans are a barbecue staple. And some people just don't like them at all because they tend to be sweet. In other words, I'm not trying to convert anybody with this recipe; I'm preaching to the converted. This is my take on how classic baked beans always ought to taste.\n\nNote that you have to soak your beans overnight to get them tender; some people say you don't, but I believe it's the only way to really make sure they're going to taste right. If time is an issue, you can substitute canned baked beans in this recipe; personally, I think they taste great, too.\n\nServes 8\n\n2 pounds (about 4 cups) dried navy or great northern beans\n\n\u00bc cup (packed) light brown sugar\n\nSalt and freshly ground black pepper, to taste\n\n\u00bc cup prepared mustard\n\n\u00bc cup maple syrup\n\n\u00bd cup ketchup\n\n3 cups canned peach pie filling\n\n1 7-ounce jar diced pimento peppers, drained\n\nPlace the beans in a large nonreactive bowl, and add enough cold water to cover them by 3 to 4 inches. Cover the bowl loosely with a kitchen towel and leave the beans to soak at room temperature overnight.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the beans, rinse them thoroughly in fresh cold water, and drain.\n\nPlace the beans in a large pot, and add water to cover. Bring to a boil, reduce the heat, and simmer for 1 hour. Drain the beans.\n\nPreheat a smoker or oven to 300\u00b0F.\n\nIn a large bowl, combine the brown sugar, salt and pepper, mustard, maple syrup, ketchup, pie filling, and peppers. Mix well. Then add the beans and stir again. Pour the bean mixture into a large aluminum pan (for the smoker) or into a large ovenproof baking dish or Dutch oven. (You can assemble the beans to this point 1 day ahead; cover and refrigerate until you're ready to cook them.)\n\nAdd just enough water to the pan to cover everything, and cover the pan with aluminum foil. Cook in the smoker or oven until the beans are tender, about 4 hours, checking hourly to make sure they aren't drying out (if they are, add more water to the pan). The beans are done when the top is dark brown and bubbling. If you want the top to be slightly crunchy, uncover the pan for the last 30 minutes of cooking.\n\nLet the beans stand for about 15 minutes, then serve.\n\n## Zesty Potato Salad\n\nOn the second season of _Pitmasters_ , I wasn't a competitor; I was a judge. What can I say\u2014that's what happens when no one can beat you. Anyway, the judging panel consisted of football star Warren Sapp, chef Art Smith, and yours truly. On one episode, we held a competition for the best homemade potato salad. I pride myself on my potato salad. I said to the contestants, \"You got to have mayonnaise to have a good potato salad.\" I don't care what else you put in it\u2014it's got to be a little bit creamy.\n\nServes 8\n\n2 pounds red-skinned new potatoes\n\n1 cup sour cream\n\n1 teaspoon dried dill weed\n\n\u00bd teaspoon garlic powder\n\n\u00bd teaspoon onion powder\n\n\u2153 cup chopped fresh chives\n\n1 cup mayonnaise 1 tablespoon coarsely ground black pepper\n\n1 tablespoon salt\n\n6 hard-boiled eggs, chopped\n\nBasic Barbecue Rub, for garnish (optional)\n\nWash the potatoes well. In a large heavy pot, bring water to a boil. Add the potatoes and boil for 15 to 20 minutes, or until they are tender, being careful not to overcook them, as you don't want them mushy.\n\nDrain the potatoes in a colander, and run cold water over them to stop them from continuing to cook. Let them cool in the colander.\n\nSlice the potatoes into thin rounds, leaving the skin on. Set aside.\n\nIn a medium bowl, combine the sour cream, dill, garlic powder, onion powder, chives, mayonnaise, pepper, and salt. Stir well.\n\nIn a large bowl, toss the potatoes with the chopped eggs and the sour cream dressing. Cover the bowl and chill in the refrigerator for 2 hours before serving. Sprinkle top with basic barbecue rub before serving, if desired.\n\n## Mama's Slaw\n\nColeslaw is an extremely time-honored side dish that is served with all sorts of things in the South. _Cole_ is actually an old English word for \"cabbage,\" which is of course what coleslaw is always made out of. This is my very favorite coleslaw recipe. In the South, creamy slaws like this one are traditional with fish dinners, and this is the slaw we always serve at our fish fries. It is served cold and smooth and is just perfect with fried fish and hushpuppies. Vinegar-based slaw is the classic to go with barbecue, but this one happens to taste great with barbecued meats, too.\n\nServes 12\n\n2 small heads green cabbage, coarsely chopped\n\n2 medium sweet onions, diced\n\n2 ripe tomatoes, diced\n\n3 cups mayonnaise\n\nKosher salt, to taste\n\nFreshly ground black pepper, to taste\n\nBasic Barbecue Rub, optional\n\nIn a large bowl, combine the cabbage, onions, tomatoes, mayonnaise, salt, and pepper. Toss thoroughly. (You can prepare this up to 6 hours in advance and store it, covered, in the refrigerator. But if you do, do not add the salt until you're ready to serve the slaw, and toss it again just before serving; otherwise, the slaw becomes watery.) Garnish with basic barbecue rub, if desired.\n\nServe immediately.\n\n## Cracklin' Cornbread\n\nCornbread is _the_ Southern starch; it's been in the South as long as there have been cooks to make it. Some people I know still call it corn pone. I always cook it in a well-seasoned cast-iron skillet and add my secret ingredient: cracklin's. These are fried pieces of pork skin, and they are incredibly delicious; they're the by-product of rendering pig skin for fat, and because I cook a lot of whole hogs I have the makings for them around all the time. If you don't, feel free to substitute some nice crispy bacon instead. You might also add some chopped red bell pepper for a change and some color.\n\nServes 6\n\n1 cup all-purpose flour\n\n1 cup yellow cornmeal\n\n1 teaspoon salt\n\n1 egg, beaten\n\n1 cup milk\n\n1 cup chopped crisp pork cracklin's or crumbled crisp bacon\n\nPreheat the oven to 425\u00b0F.\n\nIn a large mixing bowl, sift the flour, cornmeal, and salt together until thoroughly combined. Add the egg and the milk, and mix until the batter is relatively smooth. Add the pork cracklin's. If the mixture seems too dry, add a tablespoon or two of water to moisten it.\n\nPour the batter into an 8-inch cast-iron skillet or an 8-inch square baking pan. Bake until the top is golden brown and a tester inserted into the middle of the cornbread comes out clean, 20 to 25 minutes.\n\nRemove the cornbread from the oven and allow it to cool in the pan for 10 minutes before cutting and serving.\n\n## Layered Salad with Potato Sticks\n\nThere's no better side dish for a barbecue on a hot summer's day than this layered salad, which is sweet and salty all at once. If you like Hawaiian pizza, with bacon and pineapple on it, this salad is for you.\n\nServes 6\n\n1 head iceberg lettuce\n\n6 slices bacon, cooked and chopped, or 1 4.1-ounce can bacon bits\n\n4 hard-boiled eggs, chopped\n\n1 cup diced fresh pineapple, or 1 8-ounce can pineapple niblets, drained\n\n\u00bc cup chopped green onions (scallions), white and green parts\n\n1 cup grated sharp cheddar cheese\n\n1 cup mayonnaise\n\n1 cup sugar\n\n1 cup canned or bagged shoestring potato sticks\n\n\u00be cup dried cranberries or cherries\n\nCut the head of lettuce into bite-size pieces.\n\nIn a large serving bowl, and in this order, layer the lettuce, chopped bacon, chopped eggs, pineapple, green onions, and cheese. Set aside.\n\nIn a small bowl, stir the mayonnaise and sugar together until well combined.\n\nDrizzle the mayonnaise mixture over the salad. Scatter the potato sticks and cranberries on top of the dressing. Chill the salad, covered, for 1 hour before serving.\n\n## Brunswick Stew\n\nWhen I make this stew, an extremely old-fashioned and indigenous example of the \"poor people\" food that the South was built on, I feel like I'm cooking a piece of my own history. The origins of this piquant, thin stew, which is loaded with meat and vegetables, are hotly disputed between Brunswick, Georgia, and Brunswick County, Virginia (I'm a Georgia product myself, so you know which side I'm on). I always make this for a crowd. A big crowd. Like those at my cooking school, which typically draws more than fifty students. I have my own professional-size meat grinder, and what I often do is grind the onions and potatoes together with the pork and brisket. You don't need to do that at home; you can just mix them together. And feel free to cut this recipe in half (or quarters, whatever you need), but I suggest you make it for your next snow day, and bake up some cornbread to go with it\u2014feed the whole block and you'll have friends for life, trust me.\n\nServes 50\n\n7 pounds potatoes, peeled and quartered or coarsely chopped\n\n3 pounds yellow onions, quartered\n\n3 pounds Pork Shoulder, finely shredded\n\n3 pounds Brisket, finely shredded\n\n1 cup sugar\n\n7 pounds canned crushed tomatoes\n\n7 pounds canned creamed corn\n\n7 pounds canned tomato sauce\n\n2 cups Jack's Old South Vinegar Sauce, or 1 recipe Basic Vinegar Sauce\n\nPreheat the oven to 300\u00b0F.\n\nCombine the potatoes, onions, meats, sugar, canned vegetables, tomato sauce, and vinegar sauce in a very large roasting pan or two medium roasting pans. Cover the pan(s) with aluminum foil, place in the oven, and cook, stirring frequently and making sure no meat sticks to the bottom of the pan, for 4 hours or until the onions are thoroughly cooked. Serve warm, in bowls.\n\n## Stuffed Pear Salad\n\nCold fruit salads like this one are an old-fashioned piece of Americana. You can find recipes for stuffed canned peaches and pears and other so-called salads like this one in historic Southern cookbooks and of course in classics like the _Joy of Cooking_ and _The Settlement Cookbook_. You don't see them much around anymore, which is a shame because this salad is cool and refreshing\u2014a great thing to serve for a summer lunch or as a first course for a dinner party. It may seem weird nowadays to serve canned pears with mayo, but would I waste my time with something that wasn't good as hell? I didn't think so.\n\nServes 6\n\n1 16-ounce can pear halves, drained\n\n\u00bc cup mayonnaise\n\n\u00bc cup shredded sharp cheddar cheese\n\n6 cherries, fresh (pitted) or maraschino\n\n12 to 18 large iceberg lettuce leaves, rinsed and dried\n\nPlace pear halves, cut side up, on a plate. Spoon about 2 teaspoons of the mayonnaise into the cavity of each pear. Sprinkle the cheese over the mayonnaise. Top each one with a cherry. Chill the pears, covered, for at least 3 hours.\n\nTo serve, arrange 2 to 3 lettuce leaves on a plate and place the pear halves on top of them.\n\n## Barbecue Deviled Eggs\n\nDeviled eggs remind me of church picnics and Fourth of July parties and just about every occasion I grew up going to where there was food involved. Of course I make my own deviled eggs, but you know I'm not going to make them like everybody else's; I put my own stamp on them. And that means barbecue. Deviled eggs stuffed with a little of it makes them better than you've ever had them, I promise you that.\n\nMakes 14\n\n7 large eggs, hard-boiled and peeled\n\n\u00bc cup mayonnaise\n\n1\u00bd tablespoons sweet pickle relish\n\n1 cup finely pulled Pork Shoulder, smoked Chicken, or Brisket, chopped\n\nSalt and freshly ground black pepper, to taste\n\n2 to 3 tablespoons Jack's Old South Original Rub or Basic Barbecue Rub\n\nHalve the eggs lengthwise. Cut a small slice from the bottom of each half so the egg will lie flat on a platter or in a deviled egg dish.\n\nRemove the yolks and place them in a small bowl. Mash the yolks with a fork. Stir in the mayonnaise, pickle relish, meat, and salt and pepper. Mix well. Spoon the yolk mixture back into the egg white \"cups.\" Sprinkle a little of the rub over each egg.\n\nServe immediately, or cover and refrigerate for up to 4 hours until ready to serve.\n\n# 9\n\n#\n\n_I don't like gourmet cooking or \"this\" cooking or \"that\" cooking. I like good cooking._ \n\u2014James Beard\n\n**A FTER _P_ _ITMASTERS_ , THE TELEVISION SHOW that I'm featured on, developed something of a following, people started recognizing me at competitions for more than the fact that I am almost always on the winners' podium. They now know me as \"that guy on TV.\" In fact, sometimes in competitions people come up to my rig just to try to get me to say something nasty, something that would make my momma, who is a God-fearing woman and always has been, want to wash my mouth out with soap. (\"My wife just wants to wash your mouth out with soap,\" a fan of the show came up to me one time and said. \"I'll let her if you pay me,\" I replied.) Sometimes folks even come up to me just to tell me that they hate me. I like that, actually. It makes me want to keep winning even more.**\n\nThe one thing, though, that people course. Hell, even the Lord took a day off, probably ask me the most is what I like to eat besides barbecue. I guess it's only natural, because I am an expert in this field, that people might assume that all I eat is 'cue. I don't, of didn't he?\n\nThe truth is that I like all kinds of food, so long as it's good. Some of the most fun I have at competitions is coming up with original recipes for the ancillary portions, which are those that run alongside the traditional barbecue contests and are all about cooking stuff such as my catfish-shrimp alfredo, which has become one of my own personal signature dishes. I'm proud to say I've won a whole bunch of ancillaries, which is proof that I can cook more than \"just barbecue.\"\n\nThat said, almost all of the food I truly love and gravitate toward is simple stuff: good ingredients, strong flavors, and easy preparation. I don't mind telling you that I love chicken livers wrapped in bacon, because I defy anyone to say they're not delicious. You want to step into my world of food outside of the rig? Come check it out.\n\n## Bacon-Wrapped Chicken Livers\n\nOne of my favorite at-home foods is this appetizer\/snack, which I love to munch on while I'm cooking out in my backyard. These are great with cocktails and addictive as hell. They're easy to throw together and put in the smoker alongside whatever else you may already be cooking in there.\n\nServes 4 to 6 as an appetizer\n\n8 ounces sliced bacon\n\n1 pound chicken livers\n\n1 cup Jack's Old South Huney Muney Cluck Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Chicken Rub\n\n1\u00bd cups Jack's Old South Hickory Sauce, or 1 recipe Basic Hickory Sauce\n\nHeat a smoker to 325\u00b0F.\n\nCut each bacon slice in half crosswise. Set the slices aside.\n\nRinse the chicken livers and pat them dry. Lightly prick each one with a fork to prevent popping. Sprinkle the livers with the chicken rub. Wrap each liver in a bacon strip, and secure it with a toothpick. Place the wrapped chicken livers in a medium-size aluminum pan.\n\nPlace the pan in the smoker and cook for approximately 10 minutes, or until the bacon is thoroughly cooked.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and glaze the livers thoroughly with the hickory sauce. Munch.\n\n## Lamb Shoulder\n\nMutton is a lamb's older brother; lambs are less than a year old and are tender, while mutton has a stronger smell and a more intense game flavor. They love mutton in western Kentucky; it's the traditional meat that's barbecued there, and I know this because a few years ago I won the Kentucky state mutton championship cooking that very thing. My secret is treat it like a pork butt with an attitude. Note that this ain't lamb chops: you've got to inject the meat and cook it for a while to get it tender. It's worth it. One tip: Don't put damn mint jelly on this meat. My Tangy Sweet Sauce is the only way to go.\n\nServes 6\n\n1 2\u00bd- to 3-pound boneless lamb shoulder\n\n8 cups Hog Injection\n\n1 cup apple juice\n\n2 cups Tangy Sweet Sauce\n\nPlace the lamb shoulder in a large aluminum roasting pan. Inject the meat all over with the hog injection, making sure to inject the marinade slowly and carefully and not to make too many holes in the meat. Cover, and let the meat sit in the refrigerator for at least 3 hours or overnight.\n\nWhen you are ready to cook the meat, heat a smoker to 275\u00b0F.\n\nPlace the roasting pan, uncovered, in the smoker and cook for 2 hours. Remove the pan from the smoker and pour in the apple juice. Cover the pan with aluminum foil, put it back in the smoker, and cook for about 2 more hours or until the internal temperature of the shoulder is 175\u00b0F.\n\nUncover the pan and let the lamb rest for 10 minutes. Then transfer it to a cutting board and slice. Serve the tangy sweet sauce alongside for dipping.\n\n## Fried Catfish\n\nServes 8\n\nVegetable or canola oil, for deep-frying\n\n8 5- to 6-ounce catfish fillets, skin removed\n\nSalt, to taste\n\nCrab boil seasoning, such as Old Bay, to taste\n\n4 cups all-purpose flour\n\n1 cup yellow cornmeal\n\nFill a deep-fryer or a deep pot halfway with oil, and heat it to 350\u00b0F.\n\nSprinkle both sides of the catfish fillets with salt and crab boil seasoning.\n\nIn a bowl, combine the flour and the cornmeal. Dredge the catfish in the flour mixture.\n\nCarefully place the fillets in the hot oil, and deep-fry for 7 to 8 minutes, or until golden. Remove and drain on paper towels. Serve immediately.\n\n## Lowcountry Boil\n\nWhen I host cooking school weekends at my place, I often do a Lowcountry Boil on Friday nights for my usual \"meet and greet\" session, where the folks attending can get to know one another\u2014and me\u2014a little bit. This is a specialty of the Lowcountry areas like Charleston and Savannah, where the people live near the water and have access to plenty of fresh shrimp. But of course you don't need to live near the water to enjoy it. The traditional way to serve this is to basically dump it\u2014spread it, if you will\u2014across a large picnic table that has been covered with newspaper. You may want to fancy up the serving situation, but it's fine to keep it casual, too. You can just tell your guests that's how they do it down South.\n\nServes 8 to 10\n\n2 to 2\u00bd pounds fully cooked smoked sausage, cut into 1-inch pieces\n\n\u00bc cup Old Bay Seasoning, or more to taste\n\n16 to 20 small new potatoes\n\n8 to 10 ears corn, shucked, silk removed, ears broken in half\n\n4 to 5 pounds large fresh shrimp (16-to-20-count size), shell on\n\n3 tablespoons salt\n\nFor serving:\n\nTartar sauce\n\nCocktail sauce\n\n3 lemons, quartered\n\nFill a large pot with enough water to cover all the ingredients, and bring to a boil.\n\nAdd the sausage and Old Bay Seasoning, and boil for about 20 minutes so the sausage can flavor the water. Carefully taste for seasoning; add more Old Bay if desired.\n\nAdd the potatoes and boil for about 15 minutes, until nearly tender. Add the corn and boil for about 10 minutes.\n\nFinally, add the shrimp and cook for 3 minutes or until they are cooked through. Drain immediately and serve on an oversize platter or on a table covered with newspaper. Serve tartar and cocktail sauces, lemon wedges, and a small bowl of salt alongside.\n\n## Catfish-Shrimp Alfredo\n\nThis dish might sound a little strange coming from me, I grant you that. But you know I wouldn't bother with it if it didn't make me some dough, and the concoction has won me a bunch of money in contest ancillary categories over the years. It's a Myron Mixon original recipe if ever there was one.\n\nServes 4\n\n3\u00bd cups (7 sticks) salted butter\n\n3 bell peppers, preferably an orange, a red, and a yellow, diced\n\n6 cloves garlic, minced\n\n1 Vidalia or other sweet onion, chopped\n\n3 cups Jack's Old South Original Rub, or 1 recipe Basic Barbecue Rub\n\n1\u00bd pounds catfish, cut into 4 pieces, each about 8 inches in length, _or_ 4 catfish fillets (1\u00bd pounds total)\n\n4 cups chicken broth\n\n1 cup orzo pasta\n\n1 cup quick-cooking wild rice\n\n16 large shrimp, peeled and deveined\n\n2 cups heavy cream\n\n1 cup freshly grated Parmigiano-Reggiano cheese\n\nFreshly ground black pepper, to taste\n\n1 16-ounce can salad shrimp, drained\n\n1 6-ounce can crabmeat, drained and picked free of any broken shells\n\nHeat a smoker to 250\u00b0F.\n\nIn a large skillet over medium-high heat, melt 2 sticks of the butter. Add all but a handful (which you'll use as a garnish) of the bell peppers to the pan and cook until they soften, about 3 minutes. Add 4 more sticks of butter, the garlic, and the onion. Saut\u00e9 together until the onion is soft and translucent, about 5 minutes. Take the pan off the heat and set it aside.\n\nApply some of the rub to both sides of the fish fillets. Put the fillets on a large flat aluminum pan, place it in the smoker, and cook for 5 minutes. Remove the pan from the smoker, flip the fish over, and cook for 5 more minutes.\n\nRemove the pan from the smoker and transfer the fish to a large cast-iron skillet or other pan. Pour the bell pepper\u2014onion-butter sauce over the fillets. Cover the skillet with aluminum foil and place it in the smoker. Cook for 10 minutes. Then remove the skillet and let the fish rest, still covered.\n\nWhile the fish is cooking, bring the chicken broth to a boil in a large pot. Add the orzo and cook for 5 minutes. Then add the wild rice and cook until the orzo is just done, about 5 minutes. Cover the pot and set it aside, off the heat.\n\nApply the remaining rub to the shrimp. Place them on a flat aluminum pan, put the pan in the smoker, and cook for 10 minutes.\n\nWhile the shrimp are cooking, make the alfredo sauce: Heat the heavy cream in a deep saut\u00e9 pan over medium-low heat. Add the remaining 1 stick butter and whisk gently to melt. Sprinkle in the cheese and stir to incorporate. Season with freshly ground black pepper to taste. Stir the salad shrimp and crabmeat into the sauce. Stir over medium heat until hot.\n\nStir half of the shrimp-crab sauce into the orzo mixture.\n\nRemove the shrimp from the smoker and let sit in the pan, still covered, until ready to use.\n\nMound the orzo mixture on four plates. Lay the catfish fillets on top of the orzo mounds. Drizzle the remaining shrimp-crab sauce over the fish, and top that with the smoked shrimp. Garnish with the remaining diced bell peppers.\n\n## Meat Loaf\n\nMeat loaf is something every man ought to know how to cook. I developed my recipe when I started having my cooking schools. I always host a Friday night meet-and-greet Lowcountry Boil, but inevitably some of my students don't eat seafood, and for them I created individual meat loaves\u2014kind of like large meatballs made for just one person. Everybody knows the best thing about meat loaf is the sandwiches you can have the next day with the leftovers; these are no different.\n\nServes 4\n\n2 pounds ground beef\n\n\u00bd sleeve Ritz crackers, crushed (about \u00be cup)\n\n1 egg, beaten\n\n\u00bc cup ketchup\n\n2 slices white bread, lightly moistened with water and torn into small pieces\n\n1 medium onion, chopped\n\nSalt and freshly ground black pepper, to taste\n\n**For the sauce:**\n\n\u00bc cup ketchup\n\n2 teaspoons prepared mustard\n\n3 tablespoons (packed) light brown sugar\n\nPreheat the oven to 300\u00b0F.\n\nIn a large bowl, using your hands, thoroughly combine the beef, crushed crackers, egg, ketchup, bread pieces, onion, and salt and pepper. Form the mixture into 4 mini loaves. Place the loaves in a large baking dish, cover with aluminum foil, and bake for 1 hour.\n\nWhile the meat is cooking, make the sauce: In a small bowl, combine the ketchup, mustard, and brown sugar. Stir thoroughly.\n\nRemove the baking dish from the oven and spoon all of the sauce over the loaves. Return the dish to the oven and bake, uncovered, for 10 minutes. Serve immediately.\n\n## Barbecue Nachos\n\nIf you ever find yourself wondering what to do with that last pound of barbecue, I've got a solution for you: nachos. This is the best damn appetizer in the world, especially good for things like Super Bowl parties and poker games. You can make your own salsa, of course, but I usually just use whichever brand I happen to have in the fridge.\n\nServes 4\n\n1 large bag (about 8 ounces) corn tortilla chips\n\n1 pound shredded Pork Shoulder, shredded Chicken, or shredded Brisket\n\n2 cups shredded sharp cheddar cheese (about 6 ounces)\n\n2 cups salsa\n\n3 to 4 pickled jalape\u00f1o peppers, thinly sliced\n\nGuacamole (optional)\n\nSour cream (optional)\n\nPreheat the oven to 350\u00b0F.\n\nLine a large baking sheet with parchment paper. Spread the chips evenly in one layer across the sheet. Top the chips with the shredded meat, cheese, salsa, and jalape\u00f1o slices.\n\nPlace the baking sheet in the oven and bake for about 5 minutes to melt the cheese.\n\nTransfer the nachos to individual plates or just slide them off the parchment onto a platter and take that to the table. Serve immediately, with guacamole and sour cream if you like.\n\n## Barbecue-Stuffed Baked Potatoes\n\nWhen my brothers and I were cooking and working at my father's barbecue restaurant, we had barbecue baked potatoes on the menu and they were popular as hell. I ate them for lunch all the time, and to this day I make them whenever I have leftover pulled pork.\n\nMakes 4 main-course or 8 side-dish servings\n\n4 large russet potatoes (about 12 ounces each)\n\n2 tablespoons olive oil\n\nSalt, to taste\n\n\u00bc cup sour cream (plus more for garnish)\n\n5 tablespoons unsalted butter, at room temperature\n\nFreshly ground black pepper, to taste\n\n1 pound Pork Shoulder, shredded\n\n\u00bd cup plus 4 teaspoons shredded sharp cheddar cheese\n\n\u00bc cup chopped green onions (scallions), white and green parts\n\nPreheat the oven to 350\u00b0F.\n\nRinse the potatoes very well under cold water and scrub them clean. Dry them well with a clean kitchen towel. Pierce each potato with the tip of a sharp knife or the tines of a fork (so that steam can escape during baking and the potato doesn't explode). Roll the potatoes in the olive oil and sprinkle them with salt. Bake the potatoes for about 1\u00bd hours. To test for doneness, gently squeeze the potatoes' sides; they should yield nicely to the touch. Remove the potatoes from the oven and let them rest for 5 minutes. Do not turn the oven off.\n\nCut each potato in half, lengthwise. Using a large spoon, scoop out the insides of the potato halves, leaving enough flesh on the skin so the shell remains intact. Set the potato shells aside. Put the scooped-out potato in a large bowl.\n\nAdd the sour cream, butter, and salt and pepper to the bowl, and mash with a fork until the potato filling is combined and smooth. Fold in the pork and \u00bd cup of the cheese.\n\nSpoon the mixture into the potato shells, and place the shells on a large baking sheet. Bake in the oven for about 15 minutes or until thoroughly warmed through.\n\nRemove the potatoes from the oven, top with the remaining 4 teaspoons cheese and the green onions and sour cream and serve immediately.\n\n## Chicken Salad\n\nI love a chicken salad sandwich, but I like the chicken salad itself to be full of flavor and not plain and boring. So when I make chicken salad, I start with a whole chicken because I like both white and dark meat, and because I want to have a lot of chicken salad to go around. Then I put pickles, apples, grapes, eggs, and pecans in it, so that it's a rich, filling salad that's great on its own with Ritz or saltine crackers, or on a toasted English muffin, or on other bread as a sandwich.\n\nShould you have any leftover barbecue chicken or smoked chicken, you can scale down this recipe based on what you have and make a smaller amount of the chicken salad with the leftovers.\n\nServes 6 to 8\n\n1 large whole chicken (4\u00bd to 5 pounds)\n\n9 to 10 cups chicken broth or water\n\n2 cups mayonnaise\n\n\u00bd cup sweet pickle relish\n\n2 cups chopped apples\n\n2 cups halved seedless red grapes\n\n1 cup chopped pecans\n\n8 hard-boiled eggs, chopped\n\nSalt and freshly ground black pepper, to taste\n\nPlace the chicken and broth in a large pot, cover, and bring to a boil. Reduce the heat and simmer gently until the chicken is cooked through and the meat is ready to fall off the bone, about 45 minutes.\n\nUsing tongs, transfer the chicken to a plate; set it aside until it is cool enough to handle. Then pull the meat from the bones in large pieces, discarding the skin and bones.\n\nIn a large bowl, combine the chicken with the mayonnaise, relish, apples, grapes, pecans, and eggs. Season with salt and pepper. Mix well. Serve over greens or in a sandwich.\n\n## Barbecue Chef Salad\n\nServes 4\n\n3 cups green-leaf lettuce, rinsed and spun dry\n\n3 cups romaine lettuce, rinsed, spun dry, and chopped\n\n\u00bc cup finely diced red onion\n\n\u00bc cup chopped red bell pepper\n\n3 to 4 pickled jalape\u00f1o peppers, sliced\n\n\u2153 pound pepper jack cheese, grated\n\n1 pound shredded Pork Shoulder, and\/or shredded Chicken, and\/or shredded Brisket\n\n2 large eggs, hard-boiled, peeled, and cut crosswise into thin slices\n\n1 cup Tangy Sweet Sauce\n\nLine four large plates with the green-leaf lettuce.\n\nIn a large bowl, combine the romaine lettuce, onion, bell pepper, jalape\u00f1o slices, cheese, and meat. Toss well. Mound the salad mixture on the center of the green-leaf lettuces, and arrange the egg slices on top. Drizzle the sauce over the salads. Serve immediately.\n\n## Pimiento Cheese\n\nPimiento cheese is the bright orange spread that Southerners are crazy for because it's comforting and delicious and traditional. It's most often served as a dip or spread, but it's also good in a sandwich all by itself or as a topping on burgers. I like to make up a big batch for family gatherings and barbecues, and if I have some left over, I'll eat it in a sandwich the next day. I'm going to give you a big recipe, too, so you can do the same.\n\nServes 20\n\n3 cups (about 1\u00bd pounds) grated medium-sharp cheddar cheese\n\n3 cups (about 1\u00bd pounds) grated processed cheese, such as Velveeta\n\n2 4-ounce jars chopped pimiento peppers, with their juice\n\n\u00bd cup sugar\n\n3 cups mayonnaise\n\n2 tablespoons freshly ground black pepper\n\nIn a large bowl, mix the cheeses, peppers and juice, sugar, mayonnaise, and black pepper with a metal spoon (the peppers will stain plastic or wood), and stir until the mixture is well blended. Keep covered in the fridge until ready to use. Serve with your favorite crackers, good crusty bread, or corn chips.\n\n# 10\n\n#\n\n_The problem with the world is that everyone is a fewdrinks behind._ \n\u2014Humphrey Bogart\n\n**S OME PEOPLE THINK that because the barbecue world is largely concerned with meat, people like me don't know anything about dessert. I don't know where they get that idea. Dessert is definitely associated with barbecue! Down here, there is always peach ice cream, apple crunch, peach cobbler, banana pudding, grilled peaches... We aren't going to miss any opportunity to eat good food, even if it isn't wrapped in pork fat and didn't come off of a hot smoker.**\n\nThat said, and as you can tell from the sweets I already named, most of the desserts in my world are basic Southern staples. That's probably why a lot of barbecue cookbooks leave them out altogether, either because people don't think these desserts are worth talking about along with the meat or because there are already a lot of other sources for that kind of information. And they have a point, because we barbecue guys are not sitting down here in our backyards whipping up cream puffs and stacking them all together like some big topiary tree the way the French chefs do. That day isn't coming any time soon.\n\nNow don't get me wrong; complicated desserts can be delicious and if someone devotes time and energy to creating them, they're an honest-to-god art form. I get it. But I also believe that there is nothing more delicious in this world than good old-fashioned banana pudding layered with vanilla wafers and topped with meringue. You can keep your French pastries.\n\nSome Southern cooks have too many damned versions of banana pudding, too. I know one woman who must do it ten different ways. That's not my philosophy of cooking at all. I say, if I have one good recipe, why the hell do I need nine more? When I found the best way to make banana pudding, I stuck with it. And I'll share it with you.\n\nThe truth is, if you spend any time attending even the most casual of social events in the South, then you're going to be called upon at some point to produce a dessert. There's always going to be a picnic or a pot-luck or a barbecue with a dessert table that needs a contribution. So I've had to learn, like many cooks before me, how to make a few dessert staples that I can reliably count on to be delicious. If you're one of those people who doesn't like to cook anything that doesn't come off a grill or smoker\u2014and sometimes I'm guilty of feeling that way myself\u2014try my grilled peaches brushed with rum glaze; you don't even need to step inside to make those.\n\nI put drinks in the same chapter with desserts because cocktails and other libations are just as important to enjoying a good barbecue meal as a sweet ending is. During the daytime, and especially when I'm out competing or teaching barbecue classes, I can't get enough sweet tea. It's the signature drink of the South and is just about perfect with a pulled pork sandwich or a plate of ribs. Some people use barbecue as an excuse to get sloshed, but that's not me. When I'm barbecuing, I take it seriously and I don't drink alcohol. But I do enjoy a good adult beverage when I'm eating barbecue, when I'm celebrating a victory, or when I just need to kick back.\n\nI started drinking the world's best booze, Crown Royal, when I was in my late twenties. Even back then, before I had worked a day in the world of food, I recognized the excellence of smooth blended whiskey. But then more of my friends started figuring it out, too. And before too long\u2014this was still during my wilder days when I was going to a lot of parties and group gatherings\u2014I would set that blue bag of Crown on a table, turn around for a second, and it would be gone. So it was during that time of my life that I also developed an appreciation for scotch. (When you set down a bottle of scotch in those days, you didn't have to worry about anybody else drinking it.) As I grew up and out of those partying days and started socializing in a moderate fashion, I came back to drinking what I love: Crown Royal. (Damn, I hope my agent is reading this, because Crown Royal ought to be paying me for this free commercial, don't you think?)\n\n## Real Southern Sweet Tea\n\nIf I'm working, which is to say I'm not drinking anything strong because I'm focused on winning a competition, I don't drink anything besides sweet tea. I love sweet tea, truly. It's the drink of the South, the drink of my home. Here's how we do it.\n\nMakes 2 quarts\n\n1 ounce (2 tablespoons) loose black tea\n\n2 quarts room-temperature water\n\n5 cups sugar\n\n1 quart cold water\n\n6 lemons, sliced\n\nBring 1 quart of water room-temperature to a boil in a saucepan. Pour the boiling water into a pitcher or large bowl, add the loose tea, and let steep for 5 to 10 minutes.\n\nIn the meantime, fill a large pitcher (large enough to hold at least 2 quarts of liquid) with the remaining 1 quart room-temperature water.\n\nStrain the brewed tea into the pitcher containing the room-temperature water. Discard the tea leaves. Set the pitcher aside.\n\nIn a small nonreactive pot, combine the sugar and cold water. Bring to a boil over medium heat, stirring to dissolve the sugar. Add the lemons and remove from the heat. Allow to cool for 10 minutes. Strain the lemon-sugar syrup into the pitcher. Discard the lemon slices. Refrigerate the sweet tea until serving time.\n\n## Peachtree Crown Royal Cocktail\n\nAnybody who's ever seen me on _Pitmasters_ knows that Crown Royal is my drink of choice. Students who come to my classes bring me bottles; folks who come up to my rig at barbecue contests bring me bottles, too. I'm grateful, because after a long day of barbecuing I always relax with a little Crown and water\u2014because every king can always use another Crown. But on occasion, I like to surprise my liver with something different. This is as Georgia of a drink as you can get, with a little help from our Canadian neighbors.\n\nMakes 2 cocktails\n\n1 quart cold water\n\n2 ounces Crown Royal whiskey\n\n2 ounces (\u00bc cup) peach schnapps\n\nSplash of cherry syrup\n\n4 ice cubes\n\n2 quarters of a fresh ripe Georgia peach, peeled\n\n2 fresh mint leaves\n\nIn a cocktail shaker or a large glass, combine the Crown Royal, schnapps, and syrup. Stir together. Place 2 ice cubes in each cocktail glass, and pour the mixture over the ice. Garnish each cocktail with a peach quarter and mint leaf.\n\n## Jenkins Punch\n\nMy granny always made this punch. She practically raised me; we lived with her until my daddy bought us a house and moved us out when I was still a little boy. My grandmother was a hardworking Southern woman, always cooking and cleaning her house. This is her recipe for as refreshing and fragrant a summer drink as you can imagine\u2014a really intensely flavored version of sweet tea, if you will. It's a family favorite to this day. (It doesn't call for Crown Royal, and I don't even mind.) One thing, though: My granny's last name wasn't Jenkins, and she never did tell me who this recipe is originally named after; that's a mystery for the ages, I guess.\n\nServes 4\n\n1 quart cold water\n\n2 cups sugar\n\nGrated zest of 3 lemons\n\nJuice of 3 lemons\n\n1 tablespoon almond extract\n\n1 tablespoon vanilla extract\n\n2 cups brewed tea, cooled\n\nIn a large pot, combine 1 quart cold water with the sugar and lemon zest. Bring to a boil, and let boil for 5 minutes. Then remove from the heat and let cool completely.\n\nAdd the lemon juice, the extracts, and the tea to the cooled liquid. Stir to mix well. Refrigerate.\n\nServe cold, over plenty of ice.\n\n## Banana Pudding\n\nFor some people in the South, dessert doesn't count unless it's one thing and one thing only: this one.\n\nServes 6 to 8\n\n1\u00bd cups sugar\n\n1 l4-ounce can sweetened evaporated milk\n\n2 cups whole milk\n\n4 eggs, separated (reserve egg whites for meringue, if using)\n\n3 tablespoons all-purpose flour, sifted\n\n\u00bd 12-ounce box vanilla wafers (reserve a few for crumbled topping)\n\n4 ripe bananas, thinly sliced\n\n1 teaspoon cream of tartar (for meringue, if using)\n\nIn a medium saucepan over medium heat, combine the sugar and both milks. Stir until the sugar is completely dissolved. Turn the heat to low.\n\nAdd the egg yolks and flour to the pan. Stir until the mixture begins to thicken. Remove the pan from the heat and let the mixture cool.\n\nIn a large, clear ovenproof bowl or other serving dish, layer half of the cooled custard, then half of the vanilla wafers, then half of the bananas. Repeat the layers. Top with crumbled vanilla wafers. The pudding may also be topped with a meringue, if desired. Set the dish aside.\n\nPreheat the oven to broil.\n\nFor the meringue: \nPour the reserved egg whites into a large mixing bowl. Using a handheld electric mixer, beat the egg whites with the cream of tartar until stiff peaks form. Top the pudding with this meringue. Place the bowl on a lower rack under the broiler and cook for 2 to 3 minutes, until the meringue browns. Remove the pudding from the oven and enjoy.\n\n## Apple Crunch\n\nI'm known for barbecue, not for baking. But there are times when I'm called on to produce a dessert, and I'll tell you right now that there's nothing easier to make than this apple crunch. It's like apple pie without the hassle; you don't even have to make a crust. If you're really feeling desperate and in a big hurry, you can top the apples with half of the batter of a boxed cake mix; it's good that way, too.\n\nServes 6\n\n4 cups peeled, cored, and sliced apples, preferably Granny Smith\n\n\u00be cup all-purpose flour\n\n1 cup sugar\n\n1 teaspoon ground cinnamon\n\n\u00bd teaspoon salt\n\n8 tablespoons (1 stick) unsalted butter, cut into pieces, at room temperature, plus extra for the baking dish\n\nVanilla ice cream (optional)\n\nPreheat the oven to 350\u00b0F.\n\nLightly butter a 9-inch square baking dish. Place the apple slices in the baking dish.\n\nIn the bowl of a food processor, combine the flour, sugar, cinnamon, and salt. Pulse a couple of times to combine. Add the butter and pulse until the mixture resembles coarse crumbs.\n\nSprinkle the crumb mixture over the apples.\n\nBake for 40 to 45 minutes, until the apples are tender. Serve warm, with ice cream, if you like.\n\n## Grilled Peaches with Apricot Glaze\n\nWhen I thought about writing a cookbook, I didn't want to create one like many of the ones I saw on the market already\u2014books that had a bunch of made-up barbecue recipes for things like grilled peaches. Then I realized that I actually _do_ grill peaches in the summertime when I want a little something sweet for dessert! You can read other people's versions, but mine is the best. Tip: Make these when you're already smoking something in the smoker, so it's already hot and you can just lay them in there; don't make it hard for yourself.\n\nIf you are using wooden skewers, they must be soaked in water for at least 12 hours before using. If you have stainless steel or other metal skewers, soaking is not a concern.\n\nServes 4\n\n4 fresh ripe Georgia peaches\n\n8 tablespoons (1 stick) unsalted butter\n\n1 cup (packed) dark brown sugar\n\n1 ounce (2 tablespoons) dark rum\n\n10 ounces (1\u00bc cups) apricot preserves\n\nVanilla ice cream (optional)\n\nHeat a smoker to 325\u00b0F.\n\nPit the peaches and cut each one into quarters. Place the quarters on skewers. Lay the skewers on a large aluminum pan.\n\nIn a small saucepan over medium-low heat, combine the butter, brown sugar, rum, and preserves. Stir to thoroughly combine.\n\nGlaze the peaches with the preserves mixture, place the pan in the smoker, and cook for 4 minutes on each side or until the peaches are soft. Serve the peaches atop vanilla ice cream, if you like.\n\n\"Barbecue is a simple food. \nDon't mess it up.\" \n\u2014MYRON MIXON\n\n# ACKNOWLEDGMENTS\n\n_From Myron Mixon:_\n\nI think I'm the greatest barbecue cook in the world\u2014correction, I _know_ I am the greatest barbecue cook in the world\u2014but I'm humble in one key respect: I know I didn't get here without the love and support of my family. First and foremost among them is my wife, Faye, who is always by my side. She is my rock. Right behind her are my children: my daughter, Kylie, and my sons, David, Cory, and Michael. I'd also like to thank my mother, Gaye; my mother-in-law, Evelyn Goodroe; and my brothers, Tracy and Vince.\n\nMan cannot live by other people alone, and I want to thank my loyal dogs, Jack, Lola, Bella, and Winston, for their unconditional love.\n\nI would also like to thank John Markus, a world-class television writer and producer, for his passion for barbecue; Elmer Yoder for raising the best hogs, not to mention his dedication and respect for animal husbandry; and Jim and Jimmy Maxey for building smokers that help me win. I'd also like to thank Judy Ledford, Tony Woodard, Billy Steve Satterfield, Bonita Carr, David and Jon Hair, Nick Cochran, Wayne and Sandy Johnson, Edd Harris, Rhonda Lamb Heath, Suzanne Cooper, Angie Harpe, and Kenny Calhoun.\n\nIn putting together this book, I would like to thank Michael Psaltis, my agent and a tough fighter in his own right; Kelly Alexander, the best damn food writer in the business; Tom Rankin, an outstanding documentary photographer; Alex Martinez, of Alex Martinez Photography, for the striking and delicious food images; and Ryan Doherty, our editor at Random House, who recognized that my story needed telling, and the rest of his team of talented editors and designers who made this book a reality.\n\n_From Kelly Alexander:_\n\nThe experience of walking a mile in another person's shoes is familiar to every writer, but the chance to do so in the boots of the formidable Myron Mixon is priceless. Many people want to know what The Man in Black is _really_ like, and I'm here to tell you that he's a smarter and gentler man than the television cameras reveal and that I'm proud to call him a friend. I want to thank Myron and his family for their diligence, patience, and hospitality. I would also like to thank some of the food scholars and historians whose work about Southern food in particular informs this book, especially John Egerton, James Villas, Marcie Ferris, and the late Bill Neal. I would like to thank my mentor in the world of food, Colman Andrews, whose work inspires me most of all. I'd like to say that the culinary-literary super-agent Michael Psaltis is the ambassador of all good food writing. And I'd like to thank my family, especially my husband, Andrew, and my sons, Louis and Dylan, who sustain me.\n\n# Index\n\n**A**\n\nAluminum foil and pans\n\nApalachicola River System\n\nAppearance of food, 1.1, 4.1\n\nApple and Bacon\u2013Stuffed Chicken Breasts\n\nApple City Barbecue Team\n\nApple Crunch\n\nApple wood\n\nApricot Glaze, Grilled Peaches with\n\nApricot wood\n\n**B**\n\nBaby back ribs, 5.1, 5.2\n\nrecipe for\n\nBacon and Apple-Stuffed Chicken Breasts\n\nBacon-Wrapped Chicken Livers\n\nBacon-Wrapped Coca-Cola Chicken Breasts\n\nBaked beans, 8.1, 8.2\n\nrecipe for\n\nBaked Potatoes, Barbecue Stuffed\n\nBanana pudding\n\nrecipe for\n\nBarbecue, history of\n\nBarbecue basics\n\nappearance of food, 1.1, 4.1\n\ndifference between grilling and barbecuing\n\nfire starting\n\ngas grills\n\nkettle grills, 1.1, 1.2\n\nopening smokers\n\npantry essentials\n\nrest times\n\ntaste of food\n\nwater pan in smoker\n\nwood used\n\nBarbecue Chef Salad\n\nBarbecue Deviled Eggs\n\nBarbecue Nachos\n\nBarbecue Rub, Basic\n\nBarbecue Stuffed Baked Potatoes\n\nBarbecue Wings\n\nBasic Barbecue Rub\n\nBasic Chicken Rub\n\nBasic Hickory Sauce\n\nBasic Vinegar Sauce\n\n_BBQ Pitmasters_ (television show), 9.1, 10.1\n\nBeard, James\n\nBeef ( _see also_ Brisket)\n\nBeef Injection and Marinade\n\nBeef Ribs\n\nBeef Rub\n\nBeef Tenderloin\n\nBurnt Brisket Ends\n\nMyron Mixon's Prize-Winning Whistler Burger\n\nPerfect Brisket\n\nPerfect Porterhouse Steak\n\nPrime Rib\n\nBeef broth concentrate\n\nBeef Injection and Marinade\n\nBeef ribs\n\nrecipe for\n\nBeef Rub\n\nBeverages ( _see_ Drinks)\n\nBig Green Egg\n\nBig Pig Jig, Vienna, Georgia\n\nBogart, Humphrey\n\nBologna, Smoked Jack\n\nBoston butt, 4.1, 4.2\n\nBrisket\n\nBurnt Brisket Ends\n\ninformation on\n\nPerfect Brisket\n\nBrunswick Stew\n\nBuffalo Wings\n\nBurgers\n\ngrilling\n\nPork Burgers\n\nWhistler Burgers, 4.1, 6.1, 6.2\n\nBurnt Brisket Ends\n\n**C**\n\nCajun Louisiana hot sauce\n\nCanadian National Barbecue Championship\n\nCatfish, Fried\n\nCatfish-Shrimp Alfredo\n\nCeramic cookers\n\nChadolbaegi\n\nCharcoal, 1.1, 6.1\n\nChef Salad, Barbecue\n\nCherry wood\n\nChicken\n\nApple and Bacon\u2013Stuffed Chicken Breasts\n\nBacon-Wrapped Chicken Livers\n\nBacon\u2013Wrapped Coca-Cola Chicken Breasts\n\nBarbecue Wings\n\nBasic Chicken Rub\n\nBuffalo Wings\n\nChicken Salad\n\nChicken Wings\n\ncompetition category\n\ncutting up\n\nMyron Mixon's World-Famous Cupcake Chicken\n\nMyron's Signature Buttermilk Fried Chicken\n\nOld-Fashioned Barbecue Chicken\n\npulled chicken sandwiches\n\nSauce and Glaze\n\nWhole Chicken\n\nWishbone Chicken, 3.1, 3.2\n\nChili powder\n\nChurchill, Sir Winston\n\nCoca-Cola Chicken Breasts, Bacon-Wrapped\n\nColeslaw\n\nrecipe for\n\nCookers ( _see_ Barbecue basics)\n\nCornbread, Cracklin'\n\nCorned beef\n\nCosby, Bill\n\nCountry-style ribs\n\nCracklin' Cornbread\n\nCracklin' Skins\n\nCrown Royal, 10.1, 10.2\n\nCupcake chicken, 3.1, 3.2\n\nCutting up chicken\n\n**D**\n\nDesserts\n\nApple Crunch\n\nBanana Pudding\n\nGrilled Peaches with Apricot Glaze\n\nDeviled Eggs, Barbecue\n\nDrinks\n\nJenkins Punch\n\nPeachtree Crown Royal Cocktail\n\nReal Southern Sweet Tea\n\n**E**\n\nEggs, Barbecue Deviled\n\n**F**\n\nFire, starting\n\nFish and seafood\n\nCatfish-Shrimp Alfredo\n\nFried Catfish\n\nLobster\n\nLowcountry Boil\n\nMullet\n\nPrawns\n\nSalmon\n\nTrout\n\nFlint River\n\nFlorida BBQ Association\n\nFried Catfish\n\nFried Chicken, Myron's Signature Buttermilk\n\nFruit woods, 1.1, 4.1\n\n**G**\n\nGarnishes\n\nGas grills\n\nGlazes\n\nChicken Sauce and Glaze\n\nGrilled Peaches with Apricot Glaze\n\nHog Glaze\n\nGrapevine wood\n\nGrilled Peaches with Apricot Glaze\n\nGrilled Sausage\n\nGrilling\n\nburgers\n\ndifference between barbecuing and\n\nGuthrie, Woody\n\n**H**\n\nHalf and Half solution\n\nHamburgers ( _see_ Burgers)\n\nHickory Sauce, Basic\n\nHickory wood\n\nHog, ( _see also_ Pork)\n\ncompetition category, 4.1, 4.2\n\nCracklin' Skins\n\nHog Glaze\n\nHog Injection\n\nHog Loins\n\nWhole Hog\n\nHors d'Oeuvres, Redneck Sausage\n\nHot sauce\n\n**I**\n\nInjections\n\nBeef Injection and Marinade\n\nHog Injection\n\nfor whole hog\n\n**J**\n\nJack Daniel's World Championship Invitational Barbecue competition\n\nJack's Old South Hickory Sauce\n\nJack's Old South Team, fm.1, fm.2\n\nJack's Old South Vinegar Sauce, 1.1, 2.1\n\nJenkins Punch\n\n**K**\n\nKale, as garnish\n\nKansas City BBQ Society (KCBS) competitions, fm.1, 1.1, 4.1, 4.2, 5.1, 5.2\n\nKansas City-style ribs\n\nKettle grills, 1.1, 1.2\n\n**L**\n\nLamb\n\nLamb Shoulder\n\nRack of Lamb\n\nLayered Salad with Potato Sticks\n\nLightered knots\n\nLighter fluid, 1.1, 6.1\n\nLobster\n\nLock-&-Dam BBQ Contest, Augusta, Georgia\n\nLoin back ribs\n\nLowcountry Boil\n\n**M**\n\nMama's Slaw\n\nMarinades\n\nBeef Injection and Marinade\n\nRib Marinade\n\nMarkus, John\n\nMeat Loaf\n\nMemphis in May (MIM) competitions, fm.3, 1.1, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 5.1, 5.2\n\nMills, Mike\n\nMinor's products, 1.1, 2.1\n\nMixon, Jack, fm.1, fm.2, 2.1, 4.1, 4.2, 7.1\n\nMSG (monosodium glutamate)\n\nMullet\n\nMyron Mixon's Prize-Winning Whistler Burger\n\nMyron Mixon's World-Famous Cupcake Chicken\n\nMyron's Peach Baked Beans\n\nMyron's Signature Buttermilk Fried Chicken\n\n**N**\n\nNachos, Barbecue\n\nNational Pork Board\n\n**O**\n\nOak wood\n\nOld-Fashioned Barbecue Chicken\n\nOpen-pit cooking, 2.1, 2.2, 6.1\n\nOvid\n\n**P**\n\nPans, aluminum\n\nPantry essentials\n\nPeach Baked Beans, Myron's\n\nPeaches, Grilled, with Apricot Glaze\n\nPeachtree Crown Royal Cocktail\n\nPeach wood\n\nPear Salad, Stuffed\n\nPear wood\n\nPepper jack cheese\n\nPerfect Brisket\n\nPerfect Porterhouse Steak\n\nPimiento Cheese\n\nPolish kielbasa-style sausage\n\nPork ( _see also_ Hog)\n\nPork Burgers\n\nPork Loin\n\npork ribs ( _see_ Ribs)\n\nPork Shoulder\n\nRedneck Sausage Hors d'Oeuvres\n\nSausage\n\nSausage-Stuffed Pork Chops\n\nStuffed Pork Tenderloin\n\nPork lard\n\nPorterhouse Steak, Perfect\n\nPotatoes\n\nBarbecue Stuffed Baked Potatoes\n\nLayered Salad with Potato Sticks\n\nPotato Salad, 8.1, 8.2\n\nPower cooking\n\nPrawns\n\nPrime Rib\n\nPulled chicken sandwiches\n\n**R**\n\nReal Southern Sweet Tea\n\nRecipes\n\nApple and Bacon\u2013Stuffed Chicken Breasts\n\nBaby Back Ribs\n\nBacon-Wrapped Chicken Livers\n\nBacon-Wrapped Coca-Cola Chicken Breasts\n\nBanana Pudding\n\nBarbecue Chef Salad\n\nBarbecue Deviled Eggs\n\nBarbecue Nachos\n\nBarbecue Stuffed Baked Potatoes\n\nBarbecue Wings\n\nBasic Barbecue Rub\n\nBasic Chicken Rub\n\nBasic Hickory Sauce\n\nBasic Vinegar Sauce\n\nBeef Injection and Marinade\n\nBeef Ribs\n\nBeef Rub\n\nBeef Tenderloin\n\nBrunswick Stew\n\nBuffalo Wings\n\nBurnt Brisket Ends\n\nCatfish-Shrimp Alfredo\n\nChicken Salad\n\nChicken Sauce and Glaze\n\nChicken Wings\n\nCracklin' Cornbread\n\nCracklin' Skins\n\nFried Catfish\n\nGrilled Peaches with Apricot Glaze\n\nHog Glaze\n\nHog Injection\n\nJenkins Punch\n\nLamb Shoulder\n\nLayered Salad with Potato Sticks\n\nLobster\n\nLowcountry Boil\n\nMama's Slaw\n\nMeat Loaf\n\nMullet\n\nMyron Mixon's Prize-Winning Whistler Burger\n\nMyron Mixon's World-Famous Cupcake Chicken\n\nMyron's Peach Baked Beans\n\nMyron's Signature Buttermilk Fried Chicken\n\nOld-fashioned Barbecue Chicken\n\nPeachtree Crown Royal Cocktail\n\nPerfect Brisket\n\nPerfect Porterhouse Steak\n\nPimiento Cheese\n\nPork Burgers\n\nPork Loin\n\nPork Shoulder\n\nPrawns\n\nPrime Rib\n\npulled chicken sandwiches\n\nRack of Lamb\n\nReal Southern Sweet Tea\n\nRedneck Sausage Hors d'Oeuvres\n\nRib Marinade\n\nRib Spritz\n\nSt. Louis Ribs\n\nSalmon\n\nSausage\n\nSausage-Stuffed Pork Chops\n\nSmoked Jack Bologna\n\nSmoked Turkey\n\nStuffed Pear Salad\n\nStuffed Pork Tenderloin\n\nTangy Sweet Sauce\n\nTrout\n\nWhole Chicken\n\nWhole Hog\n\nWishbone Chicken\n\nZesty Potato Salad\n\nRedneck Sausage Hors d'Oeuvres\n\nRest times\n\nReyni\u00e8re, Alexandre Balthazar Laurent Grimod de la\n\nRib Marinade\n\nRibs\n\nbaby back ribs, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3\n\nbeef, 5.1, 5.2\n\nbuying guide\n\ncompetition category\n\ncooking tips\n\ncountry-style\n\nKansas City-style\n\nloin back\n\nSt. Louis, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3\n\nspareribs, 5.1, 5.2\n\nspritzing\n\ntypes of, 5.1, 5.2\n\nRubs, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3\n\nBasic Barbecue Rub\n\nBasic Chicken Rub\n\nBeef Rub\n\nRudner, Rita\n\n**S**\n\nSt. Louis ribs, 5.1, 5.2\n\nrecipe for\n\nSalads\n\nBarbecue Chef Salad\n\nChicken Salad\n\nLayered Salad with Potato Sticks\n\nStuffed Pear Salad\n\nSalmon\n\nSandwiches\n\nChicken Salad\n\nPimiento Cheese\n\npulled chicken\n\nSauces\n\nBasic Hickory Sauce\n\nBasic Vinegar Sauce\n\nChicken Sauce and Glaze\n\nTangy Sweet Sauce\n\nSauerbraten\n\nSausage\n\nSausage-Stuffed Pork Chops\n\nSeafood ( _see_ Fish and seafood)\n\nSeasonings\n\nShiners\n\nShrimp\n\nCatfish-Shrimp Alfredo\n\nLowcountry Boil\n\nSide dishes\n\nBarbecue Deviled Eggs\n\nBarbecue Nachos\n\nBarbecue Stuffed Baked Potatoes\n\nCracklin' Cornbread\n\nLayered Salad with Potato Sticks\n\nMama's Slaw\n\nMyron's Peach Baked Beans\n\nStuffed Pear Salad\n\nZesty Potato Salad\n\nSmoked Jack Bologna\n\nSmoked Turkey\n\nSmoke ring\n\nSmokers ( _see_ Barbecue basics)\n\nSpareribs, 5.1, 5.2\n\nSpices\n\nSpritzing ribs\n\nStew, Brunswick\n\nStreet, Paul\n\nStuffed Pear Salad\n\n**T**\n\nTangy Sweet Sauce\n\nTaste of food\n\nTea, Real Southern Sweet\n\nTenderloin, Beef\n\nTrout\n\nTurkey\n\n**V**\n\nVinegar Sauce, Basic\n\n**W**\n\nWagyu cattle, 6.1, 6.2\n\nWater pan, in smoker, 1.1, 6.1\n\nWebers\n\nWhistler Burgers, 4.1, 6.1, 6.2\n\nWishbone Chicken, 3.1, 3.2\n\nWood\n\nWoodard, Tony\n\nWright, Steven\n\n**Y**\n\nYoder, Elmer\n\nYoder's Butcher Block\n\n**Z**\n\nZesty Potato Salad\n\n#\n\nMYRON MIXON was quite literally born to barbecue. His father, Jack, owned a barbecue take-out business in Vienna, Georgia, which Myron helped run. His parents started selling Jack's Old South Barbecue Sauce, and after his father died in 1996, Myron thought that by entering competitions he could sell some sauce. He was hooked. He has appeared on the _Today_ show, _The Tonight Show with Jay Leno_ , and the _Late Late Show with Craig Ferguson_.\n\nKELLY ALEXANDER is a former editor at _Saveur_ and _Food & Wine_ magazines, and her work has appeared in the _New York Times_ , the _New York Times Magazine, Gourmet_ , and _Newsweek_ , among others. She also teaches food writing at Duke University and is a graduate of Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism.\n","meta":{"redpajama_set_name":"RedPajamaBook"}} +{"text":" \n#\n\nALSO BY HARVEY SACHS\n\n_Toscanini_ \n _Virtuoso_ \n _Music in Fascist Italy_ \n _Reflections on Toscanini_ \n _Rubinstein: A Life_ \n _The Letters of Arturo Toscanini_\n\n_For Julian and Lyuba_\n\n# _Contents_\n\nPrelude\n\nPART ONE \nA Grand Symphony with Many Voices\n\n\"The latest news in Vienna\"\n\n\"Austrians-Asstrians\"\n\nPART TWO \n1824, or How Artists Internalize Revolution\n\nThe Establishment reestablished\n\nLord Byron fights \"freedom's battle\"\n\nAbsolute rulers and an anarchic writer\n\nInterlude\n\nFrance after Napoleon: Paintbrush and pen replace cavalry and cannon\n\nPART THREE \nImagining the Ninth\n\nThe musical image\n\nWhat does music communicate?\n\nAn attempt to describe the indescribable\n\nPART FOUR \nTo Begin Anew\n\nCoping with the G-word\n\nThe hardest possible act to follow\n\nPostlude\n\n1958: Beethoven visits Cleveland, Ohio\n\nWhy 1824?\n\n_Acknowledgments_\n\n_Notes_\n\n_Illustration Credits_\n\n# _Prelude_\n\nLudwig van Beethoven's Symphony No. 9 in D minor, op. 125, is one of the most precedent-shattering and influential compositions in the history of music. Its word-driven final movement is a declaration in favor of universal brotherhood, which explains why the Ninth is the work most often used to solemnize an important event\u2014the opening of the United Nations, the signing of a peace treaty at the end of a war, the fall of the Berlin Wall, or the consecration of a new concert hall: It is perceived as a vessel for a message that confers a quasi-religious yet nondenominational blessing on all \"good\" and \"just\" people, institutions, and enterprises\u2014in short, on \"our side,\" whatever that may be. It has been used as a battle flag by liberals and conservatives, by democrats and autocrats, by Nazis, Communists, and anarchists. Composed during the last and most remarkable phase of Beethoven's artistic trajectory, the Ninth consolidated and elaborated on elements of his earlier creations, and transcended them. It also became a reference point and stimulus for generations of artists throughout Europe and beyond, and it continues to resonate in the parallel worlds of ideas and ideals.\n\nCharging, or cluttering, the Ninth with such ideas and ideals, not to mention feel-good meaning, was and is possible only because the last of its four movements contains words that express aspirations toward peace on earth and goodwill toward all human beings. But the first three extended, dramatic movements of the deaf composer's symphonic masterpiece are not paeans of praise to freedom of the spirit or to all-embracing joy or to anything else. They deal in a variety of ways with intimate and extremely complex emotions and states of being. Thanks to its finale, however, the Ninth has become a paradigm for both freedom and joy, although it made its appearance in the middle of a decade in European history that was characterized by repression and ultraconservative nationalism, as Bourbons, Hapsburgs, Romanovs, and other terrified dynastic rulers strove to spruce up and enforce the concept of divine right in the wake of the French Revolution and the upstart Napoleon's imperialism. Through this single symphonic movement, Beethoven was, in effect, serving up a one-of-a-kind counterargument to the retrograde tendencies of the day; consequently, an understanding of the circumstances under which it was created reveals as much about the politics, aesthetics, and spirit of its time as it does about its composer's musical development.\n\nLike many of the Revolution's other spiritual heirs, Beethoven had to camouflage his libertarian aspirations and pay lip service to the rulers on whose patronage he depended and for whom expressions about universal brotherhood were only too reminiscent of the ideals bandied about by the French Revolution\u2014ideals that these rulers had only recently managed to smother. And yet, Beethoven required the singers and instrumentalists who gathered in Vienna on a spring day in 1824 for the world premiere of his new symphony to proclaim, repeatedly and insistently, the potentially subversive goal of universal brotherhood. \"Alle Menschen werden Br\u00fcder\" (\"All men become brothers\") and \"Seid umschlungen, Millionen\" (\"Be embraced, ye millions\") were the key phrases in the excerpts from an ode by Friedrich von Schiller that Beethoven set to music in the symphony's finale. The poem was called \"An die Freude\" (\"To Joy\"), but in Beethoven's transforming hands it became a subtle yet robust, unmistakable ode to and prayer for suffering humanity.\n\nFrom today's perspective, the premiere of Beethoven's last symphony was the most significant artistic event in 1824, but other works and deeds by other artists expressed, in many different ways, discontent over the return of antiliberalism as a guiding principle and over the restoration of regimes that rejected the gains made not only by the Revolution but even by its predecessor, the Enlightenment. Byron, Pushkin, Delacroix, Stendhal, and Heine, among others, all played important parts in the year's cultural history. And then there were the political figures in the \"real,\" everyday world: a fanatically religious tsar and a pope with an eye fixed on secular matters, two French kings and a South American liberator, Prince Metternich and President Monroe.\n\n\"Beethoven is the quintessential genius of Western culture,\" wrote Tia DeNora in her 1995 study, _Beethoven and the Construction of Genius_ , which deals with the composer's first decade in Vienna. The statement sounds nice, but it is too sweeping. It would be more accurate to say that Beethoven is, among other things, an iconic figure to worshippers of a certain type of genius, whereas Michelangelo serves that purpose for others, and Mozart or Dante or Goethe or Shakespeare or Picasso or Stravinsky for still others. Many human beings need to worship someone or something, but the object of a worshipful person's worship says more about that person than about the worshipped object. Yet Beethoven and his works, and the Romantic cult of genius that his example and his legend certainly did help to foster, exerted a powerful influence on later generations of musicians, artists, and thinkers, and the Ninth Symphony in particular became a symbol of Beethoven's protean status and predominant stature. After Mikhail Bakunin, the Russian revolutionary and sometime anarchist, had heard the work for the first time, in Dresden in 1849, he told the conductor, Richard Wagner, that \"if all the music that has ever been written were lost in the expected world-wide conflagration, we must pledge ourselves to rescue this symphony, even at the peril of our lives.\"\n\nMany books and essays examine in great detail Beethoven's life (all or part of it), works (many or a few or only one of them), or influence (musical, cultural, or political), and I have referred to them in my notes and occasionally even in my text. But I must make a confession. I am not an authentic musicologist. I state this fact neither ashamedly nor proudly, but simply to give you an inkling of what lies ahead. My post-high-school formal education was too brief and too erratic to allow me to claim titles that others earned by doing what I was too undisciplined to do. On the other hand, by the time I made up my mind to become a fulltime writer\u2014mainly about music\u2014I was thirty-eight years old and had a dozen years' experience as a conductor behind me, in addition to three published books on musical subjects. Whatever I know about music, I know from both the inside and the outside. When asked what my profession is, I usually say, for the sake of expedience, \"writer and music historian,\" but \"daydreamer, appreciator, and curiosity addict\" would be a more accurate definition. I will try to wear all five of these hats now, as I approach Beethoven and the world in which he created his Ninth Symphony. And since part of the historian's task is to sift through the refuse of the past, what could be a better place to begin this tale than amid some trash bins in the city that Beethoven called home for most of his life?\n\n# \n#\n\n## **_\"The latest news in Vienna\"_**\n\nReeking, rotting garbage, overflowing from bins: That is what I found when, in November 2004, I pushed open the main door of a massive but anonymous gray stone apartment building in Vienna's third _Bezirk_ (district) and made my way through a hallway to an internal courtyard. The rectangular four-story building's fa\u00e7ade bears a commemorative plaque put up by the Vienna Schubert Society on May 7, 1924\u2014the hundredth anniversary of the premiere of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony\u2014as well as another, more recent plaque bedecked with banners dirtied by automobile exhaust, which proclaims that the symphony's \"Ode to Joy\" theme has been the European anthem since 1972, when the Council of Ministers in Strasbourg officially adopted it as such. There is no museum in the building at Ungargasse 5, on the northwest corner of a busy intersection; in fact, by going through the entrance door I was trespassing on private property.\n\nIn the composer's day the address was Landstrasse 323, and the building was called the house Zur sch\u00f6nen Sklavin (By the Beautiful Slave Girl); Beethoven lived in it throughout the final months of the symphony's creation and until shortly after its first performance. His apartment was situated on the top floor\u2014the cheapest one, in pre-elevator days\u2014but he usually received friends and acquaintances at a nearby, no longer extant coffeehouse, Zur goldenen Birne (By the Golden Pear), where he spent many an afternoon. As one contemporary writer put it, \"If you have something important to tell a Viennese man, you can go ten times to his apartment without finding him in, but if you know which coffeehouse he frequents you'll meet him there for sure.\"\n\nOccasionally, however, people would visit Beethoven at home. Once, during the composition of the Ninth, he invited the poet Franz Grillparzer to the Landstrasse apartment to discuss an opera project; Grillparzer found Beethoven, who was ill at the time, The opera project never came to fruition, and we don't know what happened to the butter and eggs.\n\nlying on a disordered bed in dirty night attire, a book in his hand. At the head of the bed there was a small door which, as I discovered later, communicated with the larder and which Beethoven was, in a way, guarding. For when subsequently a maid emerged from it with butter and eggs he could not restrain himself, though in the middle of a spirited conversation, from casting an appraising glance at the quantity of the food that was being carried away\u2014and this gave me a painful picture of his disordered household.\n\nThe composer Carl Maria von Weber visited Beethoven during the same period, and his son later recounted the father's impressions of \"the dreary, almost sordid room inhabited by the great Ludwig.\" It was \"in the greatest disorder: music, money, clothes, lay on the floor, linen in a heap on the unclean bed, the open grand piano was covered in thick dust, and broken coffee-cups lay on the table.\" Beethoven tossed all the music off the sofa \"and then proceeded to dress for the street, not in the least embarrassed by the presence of his guests.\" Another man present on that occasion described Beethoven's appearance:\n\nThe building in which Beethoven composed the Ninth Symphony.\n\nHis hair dense, grey, standing up, quite white in places, forehead and skull extraordinarily wide and rounded,... the nose square, like a lion's, the mouth nobly formed and soft, the chin broad and with those marvelous dimples which all his portraits show, formed by two jawbones which seemed capable of cracking the hardest nuts. A dark ruddiness colored his broad, pockmarked face; beneath the bushy and sullenly contracted eyebrows, small, shining eyes were fixed benevolently upon the visitors.\n\nOf another visit to Beethoven, presumably a few weeks later, Weber wrote to his wife that the day would \"always remain a most memorable one for me\" and that it was \"curiously exalting to be overwhelmed with such affectionate attentions by this great man.\"\n\nThe Vienna of today feels like a museum, or museum-sepulchre, although, thanks in part to the arrival of so many Asian and African immigrants, it does seem a little livelier in the early twenty-first century than it did during the years of grave East-West tension. Even on sunny days a layer of sadness seems to pervade its atmosphere, as if a long winter had passed but no spring had followed. Perhaps a mild form of depression has been and continues to be transmitted from generation to generation\u2014a result of the grayness that followed Vienna's brilliance, of the sharp cultural decline that followed its long period of splendor\u2014notwithstanding the fact that virtually no one under the age of ninety has adult memories of the city as it was before its Jewish and leftist artists and intellectuals were kicked out or liquidated, and no one at all has adult memories of Franz Josef's pre\u2013World War I imperial capital. Or perhaps the feeling is now bred in the bone that a city that once counted no longer counts, except as a magnificent repository of memory, and for most people, in Vienna as elsewhere, historical memory is of little importance. What matters is today's business, and in that sense Vienna seems more humdrum than brilliant.\n\nAs for music: Today's Vienna honors, and profits hugely from, the composers it barely noticed or even rejected when they were alive. Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven, Schubert, Bruckner, Brahms, Schoenberg\u2014 the list goes on and on\u2014have monuments, memorial sites, or full-fledged museums dedicated to them, and one can buy chocolates, T-shirts, and souvenirs of every sort with the faces and names of these and other iconic figures emblazoned on them. Tourists who couldn't distinguish Mozart's _Eine kleine Nachtmusik_ from Schoenberg's _Verkl\u00e4rte Nacht_ buy the gewgaws and feel, or so one presumes, that they will be taking something quintessentially Viennese back home with them.\n\nYet some of the sites of cultural tourism can arouse authentic emotions. Take, for instance, the circumspect little museum dedicated to Beethoven in the Pasqualati House on the M\u00f6lker Bastei, a pretty part of town directly opposite the monumental main buildings of the University of Vienna. The composer lived in this apartment house\u2014which has an empty, cold feeling, like much of the rest of the city\u2014at the height of his career, from 1804 to 1808 and from 1810 to 1814, but his fourth-floor walk-up flat contains items from various periods in his lifetime. The rooms no doubt look and smell much better today than they did when they were stuffed with his disorder and filth, and I wondered, when I visited them, whether Beethoven would have laughed had he known that people from all over the world would someday pay good money just to have a peek at the place. Or would he have been astonished, maybe even grateful, to think that people would want to see, and would perhaps even be moved by, some fairly paltry relics of his life?\n\nIn any case, if you are interested in Beethoven and are planning a trip to Vienna, by all means visit the Pasqualati House and other sites that contain Beethoven memorabilia, but don't feel obliged to visit the house on the Ungargasse in which the Ninth Symphony was completed\u2014unless you want to spy on some twenty-first-century garbage bins. More important, don't expect to be able to visit the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater (Theater by the Carinthian Gate), where the symphony's first performance took place: It was torn down less than half a century after that momentous event. Yet as I stood near the garbage cans of the house Zur sch\u00f6nen Sklavin, I could easily imagine Beethoven\u2014together, presumably, with his sometime amanuensis, Anton Schindler, and with his restless nephew, Karl van Beethoven, who was also his adoptive son\u2014walking past this very spot, then out to the Landstrasse and over to the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater, an hour or two before the premiere. At a moderate pace the trip would not have taken more than fifteen minutes, and, depending on which route was chosen, the little group could have passed within a few yards of what is now the Beethovenplatz\u2014Beethoven Square\u2014a quiet, grassy spot dominated by a late-nineteenth-century statue of the scowling master seated on a pedestal and surrounded by bored-looking cherubs and twisting, heroic, winged Michelangelesque figures. Once Beethoven had reached his destination, he would have found himself caught up in the noise and bustle that precede all concerts involving substantial numbers of participants. And he would have been greeted at the stage entrance with much applause and respectful bowing: Although his works were not as popular as those of Gioacchino Rossini\u2014the musical hero of the hour in Vienna as in many other European cities\u2014Beethoven, at fifty-three, was the most revered living European composer. Rossini, who was then thirty-two years old, owed his enormous success to his wonderfully attractive operas and to the sheer beauty of his vocal writing; his music was brilliant but just as accessible in its day as in ours, whereas Beethoven's was brilliant but difficult\u2014big-caliber artillery aimed at the future. Still, a concert dominated by the premieres of major new orchestral works by Beethoven automatically became a significant occasion, and as no such concert had taken place in a decade local musicians and music lovers had been anticipating the event since it had been announced, several weeks earlier.\n\n\"The latest news in Vienna is that Beethoven is to give a concert at which he is to produce his new symphony, three movements from the new mass, and a new overture,\" twenty-seven-year-old Franz Schubert had written to an absent friend on March 31, 1824. The new symphony was known to be much longer than any previous work in the genre and to contain choral and solo vocal parts\u2014unprecedented in the symphonic literature. These facts raised curiosity to an unusually high level.\n\nBeethoven had finished the colossal work a month or so before Schubert's letter was written, and on March 10, 1824, he had written to B. Schott's music publishing house in Mainz offering both \"a new grand solemn mass with solo- and choral-voices [and] large orchestra... which I hold to be my greatest work,\" and \"a new grand symphony, which ends with a finale (in the style of my piano fantasy with chorus, but far greater in content) with solos, and chorus of singing voices, the words from Schiller's immortal well-known Lied: To Joy.\"\n\nIf you are in any way creative in your work, you know the feeling of having reached a certain point with a project, beyond which you can do no more without either going mad or running the risk of causing more harm than good by further tampering. \"Here I stop,\" you say. With terribly mixed feelings\u2014relief and regret, confidence and insecurity, self-satisfaction and self-disgust, among others\u2014you turn in your work, and from that moment the work takes on a life of its own, separate from yours. During a relatively brief interim period you may be able to make alterations or tighten a few nuts and bolts, on the basis of suggestions from editors or others or as a result of second thoughts of your own, but even then the work is no longer entirely yours: It has been handled by outsiders who do not know exactly what you were thinking or feeling while you were shaping it. Nor, for that matter, do _you_ remember exactly what you were thinking or feeling all those days, weeks, months, or years ago. Your work is no longer yours alone.\n\nBeethoven probably had thoughts and realizations of this sort whenever he turned a new piece over to one of his publishers. We know that he worked long and hard at most of his compositions\u2014that he was a write, rewrite, and re-rewrite man, not a wholly spontaneous creator. His goal was \"not just to create music, but to create music of the highest artistic worth,\" according to Beethoven scholar Barry Cooper, thus there was a great deal of \"sketching and related labor,\" an ever-repeated attempt to \"reach something unattainable.\" Since Beethoven knew that perfection was impossible\u2014that he could go on for the rest of his life making changes and adjustments\u2014he probably needed to tell himself, as he completed each of his works, \"This is the best I can do now,\" and then send it off for performance or publication, or both.\n\nBut one can hardly keep from wondering what his thoughts were when he completed certain pieces\u2014pieces in which and through which he had explored new paths, done things that he knew would shake up and probably puzzle the musical establishment, and in effect rechanneled the riverbed of music history. This must have been so not only in such obvious cases as the \"Eroica\" Symphony, with its unprecedented length; bold harmonic, rhythmic, and textural innovations; shocking beginning (the traditionally slow first-movement introduction had been compressed into two quick, powerful chords played _forte_ by the entire orchestra); and more or less equal distribution of weight among the first, second, and fourth movements, with only the third to give a bit of emotional respite. It must have been true also of works such as the often-passed-over Second Symphony, whose jagged first movement\u2014about seven minutes of music, not counting the repeat of the exposition\u2014contains the indications _forte, fortissimo, sforzando_ (reinforced, strongly accented), _forte-piano_ , or _forzando-piano_ at more than 260 points, and the instruction \"crescendo\" at 17 points. The Second sounds euphoniously high-spirited to our ears, but in 1803, at the time of its premiere, it gave listeners some serious jolts. The critic for Vienna's high society newspaper, _Zeitung f\u00fcr die elegante Welt_ , went so far as to describe it as \"a gross monster, a hideously writhing wounded dragon that refuses to expire, and, though bleeding in the finale, furiously thrashes about with its extended tail.\" And there was comparable head scratching over other Beethovenian innovations: the harmonically ambiguous, meandering opening of the First Symphony; the ominous-sounding timpani, tuned in diminished fifths, in Florestan's aria in the opera _Fidelio;_ the use of four light, solo timpani strokes to begin the Violin Concerto; the violent starting and stopping in the first movement of the Fifth Symphony and the merging of the third and fourth movements into a single continuum; the imitations of nature in the \"Pastoral\" Symphony (although in this case the precedents were many); the tempestuousness and vehemence of many parts of the piano sonatas; and above all, the unprecedented technical demands that the vast majority of Beethoven's works made on instrumentalists and singers.\n\nWhen he completed the Ninth Symphony, he must have known that it would provoke equally strong or even more puzzled and astonished reactions than his earlier works had done. What, we wonder, must have run through his mind as the ink dried on the last notes, words, bar lines, and dynamic indications on the last page of the score, and as he prepared to hand it over to copyists and began to think about where first to present it to the world?\n\nArrangements for that presentation were eventually made and, as Schubert's letter indicates, the symphony was not the only new work on the program. The day before the concert, a bill posted at various strategic points in the city proclaimed:\n\nGrand Musical Academy [that is, concert] by Herr L. van Beethoven, will take place tomorrow 7 May 1824, in the I[mperial] R[oyal] Court Theater next to the Carinthian Gate. The following pieces of music are the newest works by Herr Ludwig van Beethoven. First. Grand Overture. Second. Three grand Hymns, with Solo and Choral Voices. Third. Grand Symphony, with Solo and Choral Voices entering in the Finale, to Schiller's Ode, to Joy. The solo parts will be taken by D[emoise]lles. Sontag and Unger, and Herren Haizinger and Seipelt. Herr Schuppanzigh is leading the orchestra, Herr Kapellmeister Umlauf is directing the whole, and the Music Society is doing the favor of strengthening the chorus and orchestra. Herr Ludwig van Beethoven himself will take part in the direction of the whole. Entrance prices are as usual. Boxes and single seats may be obtained on the day of the performance at the theater's ticket office, in K\u00e4rnthnerstrasse No. 1038, at the corner house by the Carinthian Gate, on the first floor, during the usual office hours.\n\nPlaybill announcing the Ninth Symphony's premiere.\n\nThe \"grand overture _\"\u2014Die Weihe des Hauses (The Consecration of the House)_ \u2014that would open the program is not one of Beethoven's masterpieces, but it contains a theme that bears an unmistakable resemblance to an important subject in the first movement of the Ninth Symphony. The \"three grand hymns\" that would come next were the Kyrie, Credo, and Agnus Dei sections of the _Missa Solemnis_ \u2014the great Mass that was by far the most significant piece of religious music Beethoven ever created; it had been completed the previous year but had been performed only once, in Saint Petersburg, just one month prior to the Vienna concert, and not in its composer's presence. And the \"grand symphony\" that came third on the program was, of course, the Symphony No. 9 in D minor, op. 125, which was, in fact, being presented for the first time anywhere.\n\nListeners would already have been straggling into the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater\u2014a standard, horseshoe-shaped, Italian-style house\u2014by the time Beethoven arrived: Seats on the main floor and in the gallery were occupied on a first-come, first-served basis; only boxes were reserved. Accounts conflict as to who participated in the event, although all the performers named in the concert announcement translated above were certainly present. Within a few years, the young soprano Henriette Sontag would become the Maria Callas of her day, idolized wherever she went. Caroline Unger, her slightly older contralto colleague, did not lag far behind in celebrity: Even Gaetano Donizetti and Vincenzo Bellini eventually wrote opera roles specifically for her. Six months before the first performance of the Ninth, Anton Haizinger had sung the lead tenor role in the world premiere of Weber's opera _Euryanthe_ , which also took place at the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater; in the German-speaking world, Haizinger was already one of the best-known singers of his generation, although he was only twenty-eight. Bass Joseph Seipelt, the oldest (thirty-seven) and least well-regarded member of the vocal quartet, was a last-minute replacement for Joseph Preisinger, who had not been able to deal with the higher notes that his part demanded.\n\nThe composer's friend Ignaz Schuppanzigh, a respected forty-seven-year-old violinist who had taken part in the first performances of many of Beethoven's chamber and orchestral works, \"led the orchestra.\" In other words, he was probably placed on a slightly raised platform in front of the musicians, sometimes playing the violin and sometimes using his bow to give cues and other indications to the musicians. Michael Umlauf\u2014a forty-two-year-old violinist and composer who ranked only fourth among the six music directors in the Austrian emperor's employ but whom Beethoven considered dependable\u2014\"directed the whole,\" which means that he, too, gave cues but was also responsible for coordinating the orchestra, chorus, and soloists. Yet the announcement also states that Beethoven would \"take part in the direction of the whole\"\u2014a frightening prospect for participants and listeners alike, given the composer's deafness and the complexity of the works being presented. According to most sources, however, Beethoven's role was limited to giving a basic tempo indication at the beginning of each movement, and it is not at all far-fetched to imagine that Umlauf and Schuppanzigh instructed orchestra musicians, chorus members, and soloists not to pay attention if the composer intervened elsewhere, because he could easily have thrown the proceedings into complete disarray. (Thomas Forrest Kelly, in a thorough and fascinating chapter on this event in his book _First Nights: Five Musical Premieres_ , points out that Umlauf had already saved Beethoven from disaster at performances of other works, combining musical competence with \"what must have been a gift for diplomacy.\")\n\nThe soprano Henriette Sontag. _(From an anonymous engraving.)_\n\nSome expert observers described the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater's house orchestra of forty-five players as the best professional ensemble in the city, but even if this was true the group was not large enough to fulfill the Ninth Symphony's requirements. For this concert, Beethoven demanded a large string section and two players on many of the individual wind parts, plus one timpanist and three percussionists\u2014which would have added between 85 and 100 players, although we don't know the exact number. Some of Vienna's leading professional musicians joined the ensemble, and the best available amateur instrumentalists in town were recruited to fill out the ranks. Nor do we know the exact size of the chorus, except that it numbered between 80 and 120 singers. On May 6, at the final rehearsal for the following day's concert, the composer had stood at the theater's stage door and had embraced, one by one, each of the amateur orchestra and chorus members who were participating, gratis, in the proceedings.\n\nMuch of the program presented technical difficulties that our professional orchestras and expert choruses have long been able to solve with relative ease but that the half-professional, half-amateur forces that participated in the concert of May 7, 1824, would have found virtually insurmountable. Professional symphony orchestras did not exist in Beethoven's day; major theaters in the larger cities had house orchestras whose members also played occasional symphony concerts, but in even the best of these ensembles changes in personnel were frequent and sometimes extensive. The basic required level of accuracy and internal discipline was incalculably lower than the standard that would be achieved within the following hundred years, thanks in large part to the rapid development of the conducting profession, which was still in its infancy in Beethoven's day. Schuppanzigh attempted to teach the string players their parts in the course of a few \"separate rehearsals\"\u2014sectional rehearsals, we would call them today\u2014but there were no rehearsals for the full orchestra without the chorus. And the half-amateur chorus, whose task was, if anything, even more terrifyingly difficult than that of the orchestra, seems to have had only five or six rehearsals before it practiced together with the orchestra.\n\nWorse still, the concert was taking place before the works on the program had been published, thus all the performers were reading from handwritten copies, many of which were hard to decipher. Some of the manuscript choral parts were lithographically duplicated, but that certainly did not improve their legibility. Beethoven's worry over this problem is practically tangible in a brusque letter that he sent to an unidentified copyist not more than ten days before the premiere:\n\nCopy everything exactly as I have indicated; and use some intelligence here and there. For, of course, if bars are copied on pages differently from those of the manuscript, the necessary connections must be observed; and the smaller notes too; for almost half of your notes are never exactly on or between the lines. If all the movements of the symphony are going to be copied as you have copied the first Allegro, the whole score will be useless\u2014I need the solo vocal parts which have already been copied, and also the violin parts and so forth which have not yet been checked, so that instead of one mistake there may not be 24.\n\nRehearsals for the vocal soloists may have begun as early as March. Beethoven had first encountered Sontag and Unger the previous year, when they were seventeen and twenty years old, respectively, and he seems to have attempted typically clumsy flirtations with both of them. \"Two women singers called on us today,\" he wrote to his brother Johann, \"and as they absolutely insisted on being allowed to kiss my hands and as they were decidedly pretty I preferred to offer them my mouth to kiss.\" But early in March 1824, Schindler wrote to Beethoven that Sontag had had to cancel some of her work because she had drunk some bad wine\u2014a gift that Beethoven had received from an admirer and had passed on to her and to Unger with no ill intentions. \"She vomited fifteen times the night before last. Last night she was better. With Unger the effect was in the opposite direction. What a pair of heroines!... Sontag was supposed to go to the rehearsal of the Court concert yesterday morning. When she heard that she stood to lose the 24 ducats, she sent word that she had recovered from her illness and would come. Both beauties send you their regards and ask for a better and more wholesome wine in future.\"\n\nWhen the young ladies began to go over the parts they were to sing in Beethoven's new works, their horror at the cruel difficulties imposed by his unorthodox and often downright unidiomatic vocal writing swamped their admiration for his genius. And when Beethoven refused to make changes in these parts, Unger called him a \"tyrant over all the vocal organs\" and added, presumably with a sigh, \"Well then we must go on torturing ourselves in the name of God.\" But she later recalled, about those rehearsals in general and that encounter in particular:\n\nI still see that simple room in the Landstrasse, where a rope served as bell-pull, and in the middle a large table on which the excellent roast and that capital sweet wine were served. I see the room next door, piled to the ceiling with orchestral parts. In the middle of it stood the piano.... Jette [Henriette] Sontag and I entered that room as though entering a church, and we attempted (alas in vain) to sing for our beloved master. I remember my insolent remark that he did not know how to write for the voice, because one note in my part in the symphony lay too high. He answered, \"Just learn it! The note will come.\" His words spurred me on to work from that day on.\n\nBeethoven did provide an alternative C-sharp to a high E-natural in the bass's recitative\u2014the symphony's first sung line\u2014but when that expedient proved insufficient, the bass Preisinger was replaced by Seipelt, as previously mentioned. (The final score retained both versions.) Any good solo bass or bass-baritone ought to be able to sing the original high E and the various Es and Fs and even the F-sharp that occur later in the part without undue difficulty; much more problematic is the series of high F-naturals that the entire bass section of the chorus is required to sing in the passages \"Seid umschlungen, Millionen!\" (\"Be embraced, ye millions!\") Beethoven must have wanted to create a feeling of striving, of reaching for heaven, at this intense moment, and he evidently accepted the risk that a less than first-rate bass section might produce a canine howl rather than the most human of exhortations.*\n\nAccording to Helene Grebner, a young soprano from the chorus who described the event to the conductor Felix Weingartner more than seventy years later, \"Beethoven sat among the performers from the first rehearsal onwards, to be able to hear as much as his condition would permit.\" Weingartner's report continued:\n\nHer description of him is the same as the one that has been handed down to us: a thickset, very robust, somewhat corpulent man, with a ruddy, pockmarked face and dark, piercing eyes. His gray hair often fell in thick strands over his forehead. His voice, she said, was a sonorous bass; he spoke little, however, for the most part reading pensively in his score. One had the tragic impression that he was incapable of following the [sound of the] music. Although he appeared to be reading along, he would continue to turn pages when the movement in question had already come to an end.\n\nA brand-new score that required innovatory approaches to technique; a mixture of professional and amateur instrumentalists and singers who were not accustomed to working together; vocal soloists who considered some segments of their parts unsingable; hard-to-read, error-ridden manuscript parts for players and singers alike; and grossly insufficient time for study and preparation: Under these conditions, only two rehearsals of the complete ensemble were held! One wonders whether even 50 percent of this new music could have been presented intelligibly, let alone convincingly, at the concert of May 7. Leopold Sonnleithner, an amateur musician (and the nephew of Joseph Sonnleithner, the librettist for _Fidelio)_ , was present at most of the rehearsals, preliminary and final, and forty years later he recalled:\n\nThe whole symphony, especially the last movement, caused great difficulty for the orchestra, which did not understand it at first, although leading musicians... were playing in it. The double-bass players had not the faintest idea what they were supposed to do with the recitatives [at the beginning of the finale]. One heard nothing but a gruff rumbling in the basses, almost as though the composer had intended to offer practical evidence that instrumental music is absolutely incapable of speech.\n\nAnd yet, the concert took place. Beethoven had invited the Austrian emperor, Francis I, as well as the rest of the imperial family, but they were all out of town; even Francis's brother, the Archduke Rudolph, archbishop of Olm\u00fctz\u2014an assiduous amateur musician who had studied composition with Beethoven and was his most powerful patron\u2014could not be present, and the royal box remained empty during the performance. The rest of the theater, however, was packed with an audience that included many of Beethoven's other aristocratic patrons, a substantial number of cultivated admirers from the bourgeoisie, and many musicians, most of whom counted as members of the lower class and were anything but upwardly mobile. Beethoven, who, in the depressed Viennese economy of the 1820s, was constantly looking for ways to raise money, had backed the event himself in the hope of earning a fair sum from it, and he must have been pleased to see a full house, for financial reasons as well as for its significance as a tribute to his art.\n\nIn our day, even people who can recall the impression the Ninth made on them the first time they heard it cannot possibly imagine what sort of effect it had on members of the audience on May 7, 1824. The symphony can move us more today than it could have affected people in 1824, in the first place because even the most modest of our professional orchestras can play it much better\u2014thus also make it more comprehensible\u2014than the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater orchestra could have done at the time, but also because of the simple fact that a work created long ago and that has been revered for many decades is overlaid with extra strata of emotions. The Pantheon in Rome is in itself a brilliantly constructed building, but the fact that it has stood on the same spot on earth for nineteen centuries, and our awareness that its creators continue to speak to us through it across all those centuries, contribute overwhelmingly to its impact on observers who care about such things. For us, the Ninth is both an extraordinary, living musical organism and a milestone in the history of civilization; for listeners in 1824, it had not yet taken on milestone significance, and as living musical organisms went it was a difficult one to cope with.\n\nNevertheless, the audience at the first performance greeted the work enthusiastically. At the end (or after the second movement, according to some sources), the applause was tremendous, but the deaf Beethoven, still poring over his manuscript, was unaware of the ovation until Fr\u00e4ulein Unger tugged at his sleeve and made him turn to see the crowd's clapping hands and waving hats and handkerchiefs. He bowed gratefully.\n\n\"The current musical winter season could not have been brought to an end more worthily and brilliantly than by a great musical academy [concert] in which the greatest genius of our time demonstrated that the true artist knows no stagnation,\" wrote the anonymous author of an article that appeared in the German music review _C\u00e4cilia_. The article continues:\n\nForward, upward, is his watchword, his cry of victory. _Beethoven_ offered a grand overture, three hymns from his new mass, and his new symphony, whose last piece ends with a chorus on Schiller's lied, \"An die Freude.\" One can say nothing more than what the connoisseurs recognized and unanimously declared: _Beethoven_ has outdone everything we have previously had from him; _Beethoven_ has advanced still further onward!!\n\nThese new artworks appear as the colossal products of a son of the gods, who has just brought the holy, life-giving flame directly from heaven.\n\nYet the enthusiasm of the first audience and of many of the critics present was almost certainly stimulated more by the music's sheer physical power and by general respect for its aging composer (at fifty-three, Beethoven had already surpassed by a decade the average life span of an early-nineteenth-century Viennese male) than by any substantial comprehension of what the gigantic new work was intended to communicate. \"He certainly gave the old wigs something to shake their heads about,\" wrote his former pupil, the piano pedagogue Carl Czerny, in commenting to a friend about how the \"new symphony breathes such a fresh, lively, indeed youthful spirit; so much power, innovation and beauty as ever [came] from the head of this ingenious man.\" But Czerny presumably had the advantage of being able to familiarize himself with the work by playing the score at the keyboard. About the choral movement in particular, most listeners' sentiments were probably voiced by the anonymous reviewer in Germany's _Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung (Universal Musical Journal_ ), who wrote that \"this truly unique Finale would be still more imposing if it were in a more concentrated form\"\u2014in other words, shorter and with an easier-to-follow structure\u2014and who added, heartlessly: \"The composer himself would share this view, had not cruel fate robbed him of the means of hearing his own creations.\" The contribution of the vocal soloists and chorus was summed up in a single sentence in the _Wiener allgemeine Theater-Zeitung (Viennese Universal Theater Journal):_ \"The singers did what they could.\"\n\nBut the puzzled reactions are understandable. After all, the Ninth Symphony was a proto-Romantic vision transformed into sound, irrationality rendered plausible, foolish idealism made realizable. In 1824, not even Beethoven, let alone that first group of casual and no doubt thoroughly flummoxed listeners, could have grasped the magnitude of what had been accomplished.\n\n## **_\"Austrians-Asstrians\"_**\n\nPLACE: A FOURTH-FLOOR APARTMENT IN A BUILDING AT LANDSTRASSE 323, VIENNA\n\nTIME: ABOUT 5:30 P.M., MAY 7, 1824\n\n_Where is that ass Schindler? I can't find my black frock coat\u2014maybe he knows where it is. It seems that I'm doomed to be surrounded by cretins and thieves unworthy of breathing the same air that I breathe. I'm hungry but I don't want to eat anything now: My nerves are in such a state, I wouldn't be able to control my bowels. This damned concert! If only it brings in enough money to keep my head above water for the next few months. I can't bear this constant, eternal scrounging\u2014I, who have given so much! I shouldn't have let myself be persuaded to give the new symphony's first performance here. These horrible Austrians-Asstrians! \"We, your reverent admirers and disciples\"\u2014or whatever it was that those shit-heads wrote. Someone probably remembered that all my other symphonies were performed here first and wanted the tradition to continue. But how I survive is of no interest to the local gentry, as long as they can bask in the reflected glory. Hypocrites, villains all! What could I have been thinking? I must have had a moment of weakness\u2014vanity must have made me believe their sugary words of praise. My God, I've lived_ _among the Viennese for\u2014how long now?\u2014over thirty years_. Karl? Karl! _Terrible: I no longer hear my own voice even when I shout. I'm not even sure that I shouted_. Karl? Ah, there you are. Has Schindler sent a message? No? What time is it? Dear God! I told him to be here by five. What? Write in the notebook, damn it! I told him half past five? You think your uncle is such an old pisser that he can't remember what he's told others? _He's pointing at my head and smiling_.... Ah, so you like my haircut! It was about time, no? Ha! The barber washed and trimmed my hair\u2014he said that it's still very thick, considering my age. _But how gray it's become\u2014I hadn't looked in a mirror in a long time_. Yes, this time I made sure it was dry before I went outside; I don't want to get sick again. Where are you going?... The door?... Oh, there you are, Schindler. Where have you been? I told you to be here at five. What? Half past five? Never mind; you're here. Where's my black frock coat? The tailor... What will I do? What? Write, damn it, don't shout! The green one? Yes, you're right, in the half-light of the theater few people will notice what color it is. _My God, what a bootlicker! Look at that face\u2014the face of a foxy servant. And he thinks he belongs in the realm of art! I'll never forget the time he asked me why I didn't write a finale for my C minor piano sonata\u2014as if I could have brought the piece crashing down to earth after having made it soar higher than the stars in the long second movement! \"Over the canopy of stars,\" as the chorus sings in the new symphony. I told him that I hadn't had time to write a finale\u2014I thought he would catch my irony, but he took me seriously! Now what's he writing? I should_... All right, I'll put the coat on and we can go to the theater\u2014but don't you \"Oh-great-master\" me! Just look after the thieves who run the box office! _Even if my green frock coat were covered in shit it would be too good for the sniveling Viennese. Think of what I'm giving them today: my soul, my life, everything I have to give, everything I am! They will like it or not, they will accept it or not, but they_ can't _understand it, they can't know where it comes from, what it has cost. \"All men will be brothers,\" said Brother Schiller, but it won't happen in my lifetime, it won't happen in Karl's lifetime, and it probably won't happen for hundreds of years. The men of today aren't brothers to me. They are beggars, slaves, clods. I soar above them as my music soars above the music of my contemporaries. We exist on different planes. For them, that other line of Schiller's would be more to the point: \"Against stupidity, even the gods fight in vain.\"_ All right, let's go, then.\n\n\u2014\u2014\n\nNo one knows what Beethoven was thinking in the late afternoon of May 7, 1824, in the hours immediately prior to the first performance of his Ninth Symphony, but some of the composer's thoughts probably went in directions suggested by this imagined monologue, or one-sided dialogue. Love for humanity and contempt for human beings; a sense of his own musical superiority and physical frailty, and special concern with his bowels; affection inextricably bound up with affliction: All of these and many other emotions, notions, and conditions, along with the nervousness inherent in backing, organizing, and participating in a major concert dedicated entirely to his own latest works, must have made Beethoven even more difficult than usual that day\u2014and he could be difficult under the best of circumstances. Many of his rogue-and-peasant-slave descriptions of his contemporaries are well known, as are his clumsy puns about Austrians-Asstrians (even more far-fetched in the original German\u2014 _\u00d6sterreicher-Eselreicher_ \u2014than in English), his fraught relationship with his nephew, Karl, and his mistrust of Anton Schindler. At the time of the Ninth's premiere, Karl was seventeen years old; about his place in his uncle's biography, more anon, but in any case he was a boy with \"normal\" interests and little understanding of or patience with his uncle's incomprehensible artistic aspirations and highfalutin principles. Schindler, a Moravian-born violinist\u2014twenty-nine years old in 1824\u2014is remembered today only because he functioned as a sort of secretary to Beethoven in an on-again, off-again relationship that lasted from 1816 until the composer's death.*\n\nAnd then there are the _Konversationshefte_ , or conversation books, in which Beethoven's friends and other interlocutors jotted down whatever they had to tell the deaf musician. After the composer's death, Schindler appropriated the conversation books, burned many of those that contained uncomplimentary references to himself, and forged and excised entries in others; but the following quotations are authenticated excerpts from some of the 137 notebooks that still exist. On May 6, 1824, the day before the Ninth's premiere, Schindler wrote: \"We'll take everything with us immediately now\u2014we'll also take your green coat, which you can put on in the theater for conducting. The theater is dark anyway, no one will see that it is green.\" At this point, Beethoven said something, to which Schindler replied in writing\u2014apparently with comic intent, because he switched from the formal _Sie_ , which he normally used with Beethoven, to the familiar _du_ , as if he were addressing God: \"O great master, you do not own a black frock coat! So the green one will have to do, in a few days the black one will be ready.\" In my invented monologue, I have transposed the conversation to the following day, but Beethoven's impatience with Schindler's teasing and his all-too-prescient worry over how much money the concert would net him are well documented, as is his growing inability to control the volume of his voice when he spoke. \"You talk too loud,\" Karl had written in one of the notebooks during a conversation in April 1824, not long before the premiere. \"People don't need to know our business.\" Karl was embarrassed by the situation; we can only be touched by it.\n\nMusic lovers who visit Vienna today get such a strong dose of secondhand nostalgia about Beethoven, Schubert, and company that they are easily misled into believing that the Vienna of the 1820s was a place in which high culture was universally respected, genius dwelt at every street corner, and outstanding music making was always to be heard. The hard truth is that terms such as \"crossover,\" \"kitsch,\" and \"dumbing down\" could as easily have been applied to the cultural life of Vienna in Beethoven and Schubert's day as to that of major cities throughout the Western world in our own.\n\nMost Viennese music lovers in the post-Napoleonic period clamored to hear the forebears of today's firebrand virtuosi, schlock-mongers, and half-pop, half-serious opera singers. In 1822, for instance, large crowds turned out to hear not only the eleven-year-old pianist Franz Liszt, who would prove to have staying power, but a whole slew of juvenile ivory ticklers engaged in a free-for-all to see who could play more notes per second than any of the others. Not to mention the excitement created, during Beethoven's Viennese years, by Carl Czerny's monster arrangement for sixteen (count 'em!) pianists of Rossini's _Semiramide_ Overture, and the eight children of Basilius Bohdanowicz who sang a single aria over and over, each time in a different language, and then squeezed together before a piano keyboard to play a piece in synch.\n\nThe distinction between art and spectacle seems to have been even blurrier in those days than it is now; certainly, listening to a Beethoven symphony was much more an elitist activity in the first quarter of the nineteenth century than it is in the first quarter of the twenty-first. As to genius dwelling down the street: Of the approximately two hundred musicians in Vienna who earned at least part of their living from composition during those years, most of today's music lovers would recognize the names of Haydn, Beethoven, Schubert, and no one else.\n\nBeethoven's disgust with what he perceived as a general decline in taste and a particular neglect of himself in the Vienna of the 1820s could hardly have been greater, which is why, while he was completing the Ninth Symphony during the first two months of 1824, he seriously considered holding its premiere in Berlin. But news of his proposed defection soon leaked out and provoked a strong reaction. Toward the end of February, probably only a few days after he had put the finishing touches to the symphony's score, thirty prominent Viennese citizens sent him a petition, begging him to allow the Ninth's premiere to take place in their city. \"Out of the wide circle of reverent admirers that surrounds your genius in this your second native city, a small number of disciples and lovers of art approach you today to express long-felt wishes, and timidly to proffer a long-suppressed request,\" the plea began. It continued with flattering comments about \"your worth and what you have become for the present as well as the future,\" with assurances that the supplicants' wish was \"also the wish of an unnumbered multitude\" and that their request was \"echoed loudly or in silence by everyone whose bosom is animated by a sense of the divine in music.\" They then laid it on even thicker, by telling Beethoven that he was the only survivor of the \"sacred triad,\" the other members of which were Haydn and Mozart, and that his two predecessors had created \"great and immortal works... within the lap of their home\"\u2014a statement that refrains from mentioning that Haydn and Mozart also created many \"great and immortal works\" while they were abroad. Of course, \"Beethoven's name and his creations belong to all contemporaneous humanity and every country that opens a sensitive heart to art,\" they said, yet \"it is Austria that is best entitled to claim him as her own.\" (As it happens, Beethoven, the only non-Austrian member of the \"sacred triad,\" was also the only one of the three who composed nearly all of his significant music in Austria.)\n\nAfter having referred disparagingly to the popularity of Rossini's music (\"a foreign power has invaded this royal citadel\"), the letter continued:\n\nDo not withhold any longer from the popular enjoyment, do not keep any longer from the oppressed sense of that which is great and perfect, the performance of the latest masterworks of your hand. We know that a grand sacred composition [the _Missa Solemnis]_ has joined the first one [the Mass in C, op. 86] in which you immortalized the emotions of a soul, penetrated and transfigured by the power of faith and super-terrestrial light. We know that a new flower grows in the garland of your glorious, still unequaled symphonies.... Do not disappoint the general expectations any longer!\n\nThe letter\u2014signed by seven aristocrats and various well-known local bureaucrats, musicians, music publishers, and the piano maker Andreas Streicher\u2014is valuable not only as proof of the esteem in which Beethoven was held in his adoptive city but also because it demonstrates how deeply the notion that great music could be both \"immortal\" and widely disseminated had taken hold in Europe within Beethoven's lifetime. Pre-nineteenth-century audiences had tended to lose interest in music that failed to follow the dictates of fashion. Bach, who was born in 1685 and whose works were already stylistically pass\u00e9 at the time of his death sixty-five years later, would have been delighted but astonished to learn that his music would be venerated and widely performed nearly three centuries after it was written. He may have believed in the hereafter, but he wrote for the here and now\u2014for the church ceremonies and court occasions that took place as his life unfolded and for the instruction of the musicians of his day. Haydn (1732\u20131809) and even Mozart (1756\u20131791) still worked within the specific-piece-for-specific-occasion system, although the fact that Mozart began at the age of twenty-eight to keep a catalogue of his works, and the even more significant fact that he and Haydn published as many of their compositions as possible, demonstrate composers' dawning ambition to have their works survive them, perhaps even for a considerable time.\n\nNot until Beethoven's day, however, did winning a place in posterity become a major goal\u2014the greatest goal, for many composers. With the rise, in his lifetime, of the bourgeoisie, middle-class families were able to give their children music lessons, and _Hausmusik_ \u2014music in the home\u2014became the home entertainment system of the 1800s. The equipment required for making it comprised a piano, one or more other instruments and\/or voices, and printed music, the demand for which increased almost exponentially. This phenomenon occurred just as the figure of the Romantic genius\u2014the artist as a being unhampered by normal constraints\u2014was taking hold. The music of the brilliant, eccentric Beethoven circulated widely, and the conviction that this music would become \"deathless\" was a logical consequence of both his persona and the diffusion of his works. In the letter from his Viennese admirers, the reference to \"the many who joyfully acknowledge your worth and what you have become for the present as well as the future\" is an exceptionally significant sign of the times: The arts were no longer to be considered mere \"means and objects of pastime.\" Composers were becoming the high priests, perhaps even the gods, of a secular religion; the best among them were expected to create works that would endure, and they were seen, in addition, as representatives of ethnic and nationalistic characteristics, however loosely defined. In this instance, the person or persons who framed the letter implied that Germanic music was profound whereas music from certain other ethnic areas (Italy, although unmentioned, was the most obvious object of derision) was frivolous. The letter chides Beethoven for having \"looked on in silence as foreign art took possession of German soil and the honored home of the German muse, while German works gave pleasure only by echoing the favorite tunes of foreigners.\" But it also pumps him up by telling him that he is _\"the one_ man whom all of us are compelled to acknowledge as foremost among living men in his domain.\"\n\nIn a conversation book entry, the writer Carl Joseph Bernard, a friend of Beethoven's, informed the composer that the letter-cum-petition had been conceived at a Viennese beer parlor by some cultural patriots who were dismayed by the popularity of Italian opera. Beethoven was not at all displeased by the document, but its subsequent appearance in two theater journals angered him: People would believe, he felt, that he had instigated the publication and perhaps even the writing of the letter. But his anger eventually subsided.\n\nNo doubt there were important practical considerations as well as concessions to his Viennese supporters behind Beethoven's decision to let the concert take place in the Austrian capital. His health had often been shaky in the previous months and years, and he must have been daunted by the prospect of more than two hundred hours of bone-jostling travel by horse-drawn coach from Vienna to Berlin and back\u2014a journey that would have been punctuated by nights and meals in inns of dubious quality. Once a serious option to stay home had turned up, Beethoven took advantage of it.\n\nThat decision made, proposals and counterproposals about the choice of a venue, a date, and the musicians who would be invited to participate in the concert quickly began to occupy much of Beethoven's time. According to music historian Mary Sue Morrow, Beethoven's frustrations over organizing concerts throughout his Viennese years were \"felt by all musicians trying to work within the city's inadequate concert structure,\" but the difficulty of his music made it unfit for \"the existing concert format.\" Each Viennese theater of any significance had not only its own orchestra and chorus but also its own _Kapellmeister_ (music director, with duties as conductor) and _Konzertmeister_ (concertmaster, or principal first violin, who also had to lead the orchestra\u2014which is why, in Britain, the principal first violin is still today called the leader). Count Palffy, who ran the Theater an der Wien, where the first public performances of many of Beethoven's masterpieces, including the Third, Fifth, and Sixth symphonies, had taken place, was willing to host the event there, and several dates in late March were proposed. But Franz Clement, the house's concertmaster and the man who, eighteen years earlier, had given the first performance of Beethoven's only violin concerto, was now on the composer's long blacklist. Beethoven wanted his friends Schuppanzigh and Umlauf as concertmaster and music director, respectively, probably because he knew that he could persuade or bully them into doing things his way. Holding the performance during Lent would probably have reduced ticket sales, too, and in 1824 Easter occurred late, on April 18. It was only on or around April 23 that Beethoven reached an agreement with Louis Antoine Duport, manager of the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater, to hold the event there, with Schuppanzigh and Umlauf in command, and the precise date was not set until six or seven days later\u2014a mere week before the concert took place.\n\nThe K\u00e4rntnertor Theater, Vienna, circa 1840. _(After an anonymous engraving.)_\n\nThere were other problems. Beethoven was no economic wizard\u2014he had never even learned to multiply\u2014but he deeply feared that if the prices of admission to this special event were not raised above the theater's normal prices, his hope of realizing a substantial profit from the concert after having covered the fees for the use of the theater and its orchestra and for the copyists' work would evaporate. \"After talks and discussions lasting for six weeks I now feel cooked, stewed, and roasted,\" he wrote to Schindler sometime in April. \"What on earth is to be the outcome of this much discussed concert, if the prices are not going to be raised? What will be left over for me after such heavy expenses, seeing that the copying alone is already costing so much?\"\n\nThe police authorities refused to allow the prices to be raised\u2014we do not know why\u2014and Beethoven had to contend again with the authorities for permission to include the _Missa Solemnis_ excerpts in the program, because laws in the rigidly Catholic Austria of the Restoration period forbade the performance of liturgical works in secular venues. Sometime in April, before he had decided to hold the concert at the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater rather than the Theater an der Wien, Beethoven wrote to Dr. Franz Sartori, head of the Central Book Censorship Office:\n\nSir!\n\nAs I am told that the Imperial and Royal Censorship will raise objections to the performance of some church works at an evening concert in the Theater an der Wien, all I can do is to inform you that I have been invited to arrange this performance, that all the compositions required have already been copied, which has necessitated considerable expenditure, and that the time is too short to arrange forthwith for the production of other new works\u2014\n\nIn any case only three church works, which, moreover, are called hymns, are to be performed.\u2014I urgently request you, Sir, to interest yourself in this matter in view of the fact that, as it is, there are so many difficulties to cope with in any undertaking of this kind. Should permission for this performance not be granted, I assure you that it will not be possible to give a concert and that the entire cost of having the works copied will have been met to no purpose\u2014\n\nI trust that you still remember me\u2014\n\nI am, Sir, with kindest regards, your most devoted\n\nBeethoven\n\nThis appeal did not work: Austrian bureaucrats could not have imagined, in 1824, that millions of people in the twenty-first century who have never heard of their emperor, Francis I, would hold Beethoven's name and works in high esteem. Permission was granted only after Count Lichnowsky, one of Beethoven's patrons, helped the composer's friends to approach Count Sedlnitzky, the notorious chief of the imperial police force, who gave the required nod.\n\nPlans for the concert caused Beethoven so many headaches that he decided more than once to cancel it, only to repersuade himself to proceed. In the end, despite its reasonable success as an artistic event and the signs of esteem and affection that the composer culled from it, the concert was all but a disaster from a financial point of view. By the time Beethoven had covered all of his expenses, he netted only about four hundred florins\u2014barely enough to cover a few months' rent. At a dinner that he gave a few days later at a restaurant in the Prater, Vienna's main park, to thank Umlauf, Schuppanzigh, and Schindler for their help with the concert, his anger over the economic outcome boiled over, and he became so abusive that his guests walked out. He eventually patched up relations with all of them, but a letter to Schindler demonstrates that he was as undiplomatic as ever in expressing his opinions of others. \"I do not accuse you of having done anything wicked in connection with the concert,\" he wrote. \"But stupidity and arbitrary behavior have ruined many an undertaking.\" And as if that weren't clear, or insulting, enough, Beethoven compared Schindler to a sewer: \"Stopped-up sluices often overflow quite suddenly.\" He went on to say that he would rather compensate Schindler for his assistance by giving him small gifts \"than _have you at my table_. For I confess that your presence irritates me in so many ways.... For owing to your vulgar outlook how could you appreciate anything that is not vulgar?! In short, I love my freedom far too dearly.\" Not the gentlest of apologies, perhaps, but by no means one of Beethoven's rudest letters, either.\n\nA repetition of the concert with some program alterations took place at twelve thirty on Sunday, May 23, 1824\u2014three weeks after the premiere\u2014not at the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater but at the Grosser Redoutensaal in the Hofburg (royal palace), in a different part of town. The hall was not even half full, perhaps in part because the weather was good that day and many people wanted to take advantage of it.* As a result, earnings were eight hundred florins below expenditures, and Beethoven would have been out of pocket had not Duport, the impresario for this event as he had been for the premiere, generously insisted on paying him the five hundred florins that had been guaranteed. The disappointed and disgruntled composer left Vienna to spend the summer in the country, as was his custom. He put his latest symphony behind him and set to work on the first of what was to become a series of five of the most extraordinary string quartets (many musicians would say _the_ most extraordinary, without qualification) ever written\u2014his valedictory works.\n\nBut the Ninth Symphony would not gather dust on a shelf. Slowly at first, but then with rapidly increasing velocity and vigor, it began a life of its own, separate from the life of its creator.\n\n## **_\"An endlessly painful state\"_**\n\nBeethoven's life story has been approached through documents, first-person testimony, historical context, anecdote, educated and uneducated guesswork\u2014including posthumous psychoanalysis\u2014and, most interestingly but most dangerously of all, through his works. The interpretation of his life (as, for that matter, of any life) is exceedingly difficult and open to endless controversy, and one cannot seriously consider parsing a life without having some idea of how it unfolded.\n\nThe story begins on the banks of the Rhine, in the town of Bonn. From 1949 to 1991, when Bonn was the capital of the German Federal Republic, a standing joke among resident politicians and civil servants described the city as only half the size of Chicago's cemetery but twice as dead. In a word: provincial, especially in comparison with West Berlin, Munich, Hamburg, Frankfurt, Cologne, and several other West German cities. But oddly enough, in 1770, when Beethoven was born there and when the city's population was barely ten thousand\u2014one-fiftieth the size of the metropolitan area's population two centuries later\u2014Bonn was not considered quite so insignificant a backwater.\n\nIn the eighteenth century, \"Germany\" meant several dozen independent or interdependent states, large, medium-sized, and small. Bonn was the capital of the electorate-archbishopric of Cologne, although the city of Cologne, fifteen miles to the north, was and still is larger than Bonn. In an era in which the notion of separating church and state was still in its infancy, the archbishop of Cologne, who resided with his court in Bonn, was one of the seven or eight rulers who, upon the death of a holy Roman emperor, were called upon to elect a successor; thus the term \"elector.\" Not surprisingly, an appointment to the position of elector-archbishop had far less to do with the tenets of the Roman Catholic faith than with the realities of political life. Maximilian Friedrich, who held the post during Beethoven's childhood, was a jovial fellow whose religious principles were flexible enough to allow him to have a mistress and whose clear-sighted approach to politics allowed him to share her with his prime minister, who, it seems, fathered all the children. The shared mistress and child bearer, Countess Caroline von Satzenhofen, was abbess at an important local convent, as a reward, no doubt, for the profundity of her religious convictions. But if devout citizens were bothered by this ever-so-slight infringement of the most talked-about of the Ten Commandments, they kept their opinions to themselves. Bonn thrived, after all, thanks to the presence of the archiepiscopal court, and much of the town's population consisted of petty officials\u2014whose families constituted a sort of protobourgeoisie \u2014and of the lower-class clerks, artisans, laborers, and servants who provided the palace with goods and services.\n\nMarket square, Bonn, eighteenth century.\n\nIn Bonn, as in much of the rest of Europe, court musicians were artisan-servants, and the Beethoven family produced several representatives of the category. The composer's grandfather, also named Ludwig van Beethoven, hailed from Mechelen, a few miles north of Brussels, in Flanders, but moved to Bonn in 1733, at the age of twenty-one, to take a job as a singer in the electoral chapel. Since his personal honesty was as highly regarded as his musicianship, he was eventually named court music director. His son, Johann, born circa 1740, also became a court singer as well as a teacher of the rudiments of piano and violin technique. In 1767, Johann married twenty-one-year-old Maria Magdalena Keverich, daughter of the chief cook at the elector's summer palace; she had married for the first time at sixteen and had been widowed less than three years later. Johann and Maria Magdalena's first child, Ludwig Maria, was born in April 1769 but lived only six days; their second child, born in December 1770, was also named Ludwig (without the \"Maria\"), after his grandfather. The composer's exact date of birth is unknown; he was baptized, however, on December 17, and inasmuch as baptisms in those days usually took place within a day or so of birth, Beethoven's birthday is generally celebrated on December 16.\n\nWhat is certain is that this Ludwig grew up under difficult economic conditions and that he was much loved by his mother but received little affection from his father\u2014and felt little for him. Johann's character was weaker than that of his own father, and he was an alcoholic, although scholars differ as to whether this condition had already manifested itself during his son's childhood. The composer later claimed that he somewhat resembled his grandfather, but whether he meant physically or in other respects is not clear; Kapellmeister Beethoven died a few days after his grandson's third birthday, thus the younger Ludwig had few if any firsthand recollections of his grandfather. But the grandson would have heard many tales from local musicians and courtiers of the elder Ludwig's honesty and reliability.\n\nNot long after Grandfather Beethoven's death, Johann began to give piano and violin lessons to little Ludwig. Several people who knew the boy well and lived long enough to see him achieve fame bore witness to the cruelty of Johann's teaching methods: He forced his son to practice the piano for long hours, used corporal punishment when the boy did not do what was expected of him, dragged Ludwig out of bed at all hours to perform for his own drinking companions, and humiliated him for perceived deficiencies. Even allowing for post-facto exaggeration on the part of those who claimed to have observed these doings and for the fact that stern discipline and corporal punishment were then considered necessary for proper child rearing, one may confidently assume that Beethoven's earliest musical studies were not a source of pure pleasure for him. This leads to a strong and probably not wholly misguided temptation to imagine that music making must always have retained at least a slight negative component, even in his maturity.\n\nBy the age of seven the boy was performing relatively complicated works in public. Shortly thereafter, his father put his musical education in the hands of other local teachers. When Ludwig was nearly nine, he became the pupil of Christian Gottlob Neefe, an accomplished composer and keyboard player, who had arrived in Bonn to become music director of the court theater and was later appointed court organist as well. Under Neefe's tutelage, Beethoven blossomed, and by the winter of 1782\u201383 the teacher was able to make special reference\u2014in an article he published in Carl Friedrich Cramer's _Magazin der Musik_ \u2014to\n\nLouis van Betthoven _[sic]_ , son of the aforementioned tenor, a boy of eleven _[sic;_ he was twelve] and of the most promising talent. He plays the piano very skillfully and with power, reads at sight very well, and I need only say that he plays mainly Sebastian Bach's _The Well-Tempered Clavier_ , which Herr Neefe put into his hands. Whoever knows this collection of preludes and fugues in all the keys\u2014which might almost be called the _non plus ultra_ of our art\u2014will know what this means. So far as his other duties permitted, Herr Neefe has also given him instruction in thoroughbass [the seventeenth-and eighteenth-century art of accompanying from a sort of musical shorthand\u2014a bass line with numbers over it to indicate the notes to be played above it]. He is now training him in composition and in order to encourage him has had nine variations for the pianoforte, written by him on a march, engraved at Mannheim. This young genius deserves help to enable him to travel. He would certainly become a second Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, were he to continue as he has begun.\n\nThe march variations mentioned by Neefe were on a theme by Ernst Christoph Dressler and became Beethoven's first published work. (His last substantial work for the piano\u2014completed about ten months before the Ninth Symphony\u2014was also a set of variations, but this time on a waltz theme rather than a march. The composition, known as the \"Diabelli\" Variations, stands alongside Bach's \"Goldberg\" Variations as one of the towering masterpieces in the genre.)\n\nBy the age of thirteen, Ludwig had become assistant court organist to Neefe, but outside the musical sphere his formal schooling had come to a close when he was ten, as was the case with most other boys in his day. Beethoven's writing style remained unrefined, and his mathematical skills began and ended with addition and subtraction; he did, however, learn to speak, read, and write French, badly but fluently (he seems to have been called Louis, the French form of his name, throughout his childhood and adolescence), and he was a voracious reader, endlessly curious about the world around him\u2014increasingly so as the years went by. Yet throughout his boyhood, what counted most was his explosive musical talent. Neefe nourished it well; everything else was secondary.\n\nThe young Beethoven began to attract the attention of several local aristocratic families that provided encouragement and in some cases friendship outside his own dismal domestic surroundings. When he was sixteen, he traveled to Vienna (it is not known whether the trip was paid for by Elector Max Franz\u2014successor to Maximilian Friedrich\u2014or by a group of local people who believed in the young man's future) to study with Mozart, Beethoven's senior by nearly fifteen years; the well-known tale of the audition, during which the initially inattentive older composer was suddenly impressed by his young visitor's remarkable capacity to improvise at the keyboard, has never been confirmed by reliable testimony, but Beethoven almost certainly heard Mozart play and may have had a few lessons with him. A letter from home, however, alarmed Beethoven with the news that his beloved mother, who had long been suffering from consumption, was gravely ill: He would have to go back to Bonn as quickly as possible if he wished to see her again before she died.\n\nMaria Magdalena Beethoven passed away a few weeks after Ludwig's return home, and her already shiftless husband began to sink deeper and deeper into alcoholic unreliability. Ludwig was thrust into the position of chief breadwinner for himself, his father, and his two younger brothers, Caspar Carl and Nikolaus Johann, then ages thirteen and eleven. To a man who had given him shelter in Augsburg and lent him some money for the remainder of his hasty return trip to Bonn, Ludwig reported that his mother had died\n\nafter a great deal of pain and suffering. She was such a kind, loving mother to me, and my best friend. Oh, who was happier than I when I could still utter the sweet name, mother, and it was heard\u2014and to whom can I say it now? To the silent images of her in my imagination? As long as I have been here I have had very few happy hours. For the whole time I have been plagued by asthma, and I am afraid that it may develop into consumption. To this is added melancholy, which for me is almost as great an evil as my illness itself.... Fate is not favorable to me here in Bonn.\n\nIn short, a conflicting mix of characteristics and states of mind\u2014pride, a sense of inadequacy, depression, and mild hypochondria complicated by legitimate worry about contracting the disease that had killed his mother\u2014had already settled deep inside him, and the new conditions he faced, added to his grief over his mother's death and his disappointment at having had to return from brilliant Vienna to provincial Bonn, seemed to increase his unhappiness exponentially.\n\nYet his remaining years in Bonn were productive ones. Beethoven was by then one of the elector's official court organists, and beginning at the age of eighteen he also played viola in the court orchestra\u2014an experience that provided him with invaluable practical knowledge and allowed him to participate in performances of some of the most recent and significant products of European musical culture, including Mozart's operas _The Abduction from the Seraglio, The Marriage of Figaro_ , and _Don Giovanni_. He also gave piano lessons, took part in some of Bonn's other musical activities, and composed prolifically, although the surviving works from that period are significant only because of who and what Beethoven became in later years. Finally, in his twenty-second year, he made up his mind to return to Vienna. Mozart had died the previous year, at thirty-five, but Count Waldstein, who had become Beethoven's most important patron in Bonn, wanted the young man to study with the sixty-year-old Haydn. \"With the help of assiduous labor you will receive Mozart's spirit through Haydn's hands,\" Waldstein wrote to his prot\u00e9g\u00e9. Early in November 1792, Beethoven set out from Bonn, surely not foreseeing that he would never see his native town again.\n\nVienna, like Bonn, was a Catholic city, and it was the capital of the empire dominated by the Hapsburg dynasty, which had strong connections with Catholic Bonn. But Rhineland Germans like Beethoven thought of Vienna as southern, lighthearted, and somewhat unserious, thanks to the strong influence of both Italy and the Balkan regions and the large numbers of transient or permanent residents from southern and eastern Europe. Beethoven must have been impressed not only by Vienna's beautiful palaces and cosmopolitan atmosphere, but also by its sheer size: The city's population in 1790 was about 250,000\u2014twenty-five times that of Bonn.\n\nHaydn proved to be anything but an ideal teacher for the willful young musician, and Mozart's spirit\u2014like the spirit of any other extraordinary individual\u2014was untransmittable. Yet within a decade Waldstein's wildly high hopes had been realized and surpassed in ways that the generous count could never have imagined. Beethoven studied composition not only with Haydn but also, and more substantially and fruitfully, with Johann Georg Albrechtsberger and Antonio Salieri, Mozart's old rival, and he quickly attracted widespread attention as a pianist, thanks in particular to his skills at improvising elaborate, imaginative variations and fantasies on any theme or motif presented to him. He may not have been capable of turning out masterpieces when he was still in his teens, as Mozart had been before him and as Mendelssohn was to be after him, but in his mid-twenties his original genius began to burst forth, torrentially. Beginning in 1795, when Beethoven's three groundbreaking trios for piano, violin, and cello were published as opus 1, his reputation as a serious composer grew and spread. Between that year and 1802, the tenth anniversary of Waldstein's prophecy, Beethoven produced his first twenty piano sonatas, first two sonatas for cello and piano, first eight sonatas for violin and piano, first three concertos for piano and orchestra, first six string quartets, and first two symphonies; and many musicians and music lovers in Vienna and beyond began to grasp the fact that, with the possible exception of the aging Haydn, Beethoven was the most brilliant living composer\u2014certainly the most promising representative of the younger generation. His compositions revealed not only exceptional technical gifts but also exceptional boldness of invention, emotional power, and spiritual depth.\n\nEarly in the same period, however, Beethoven began to experience auditory disturbances, and by the end of it the disturbances had become acute. In October 1802, in a rented room in the peaceful village of Heiligenstadt\u2014now part of the city of Vienna\u2014Beethoven wrote a lengthy, emotionally charged will in which he described his condition. The document was nominally addressed to his brothers but was, in fact, addressed to everyone he knew and probably to posterity. He never gave it to anyone, but he held on to it for the rest of his life, through dozens upon dozens of moves from one apartment to another in Vienna and surrounding areas; it was discovered among his papers after his death, a quarter century later.\n\nBeethoven in 1801. _(Engraving by C. T. Riedel from a drawing by G. Stainhauser von Treuberg.)_\n\nO ye men who consider or declare me hostile, obstinate or misanthropic, how greatly you wrong me, you do not know the secret cause of what seems thus to you. My heart and my soul, from childhood on, were filled with tender feelings of good will, I always felt like performing great deeds, too. But just consider that for six years I have been afflicted with an incurable condition, made worse by incompetent physicians, deceived year after year by the hope of an improvement and now obliged to face the prospect of a _lasting disability_ (the healing of which may take years or even be quite impossible)[;] born with an ardent, lively temperament, also susceptible to the diversions of society, I was, at an early age, obliged to cut myself off, to live my life in solitude; if, once in a while, I attempted to set all this aside, oh, how harshly would I be driven back by the doubly sad experience of my bad hearing, and yet it was not possible for me to say to people: speak louder, shout, for I am deaf; ah, how would it be possible for me to reveal a weakness in the _one sense_ that should be perfect to a higher degree in me than in others, the one sense that I once possessed to the highest degree of perfection, a perfection that few others in my profession have ever possessed.\u2014Oh, I cannot do it, so forgive me if you see me draw back from you, when I would gladly join together with you[;] my misfortune hurts me doubly inasmuch as I will surely be misunderstood because of it; for me there can be no recreation in people's company, no conversation, no mutual exchange of ideas[;] I can venture into society only as much as is required by the most urgent needs, I must live like an outcast; if I approach people, I am overcome by a burning anxiety, inasmuch as I fear to find myself in danger of allowing my condition to be noticed.\u2014So it has been for this last half year, which I have spent in the country; advised by my sensible physician to spare my hearing as much as possible, he almost concurred with my present natural disposition: although sometimes, carried away by the longing for companionship, I let myself be tempted by it. But what a humiliation when someone stood next to me and heard a flute from afar and _I heard nothing_ or someone _heard the shepherd_ sing, and I again heard nothing; such experiences brought me almost to despair, little was lacking to make me put an end to my life.\u2014Only _art_ held me back, ah it seemed to me impossible to leave the world before I had brought forth all that I felt destined to bring forth, and so I muddled on with this wretched life\u2014truly wretched, for a body so touchy that even a slight variation can transport me from the best state to the worst one.\u2014 _Patience_ \u2014it is said\u2014I must now choose as my guide; this I have done.\u2014My resolve should endure, I hope, until the relentless Parcae see fit to break the thread; perhaps things will go better, perhaps not; I am steadfast.\u2014To have been forced to become a philosopher as early as my 28th year, this is not easy. Almighty God! you look down into my innermost being, you know it, you know that the love of mankind and an inclination to do good dwell therein. Oh men, if you read this sometime, think then, that you have wronged me, and let the unfortunate one be consoled at finding someone like himself, who despite all nature's obstacles has yet done all that lay in his power to be numbered among the ranks of worthy artists and men.... So it has come to pass\u2014I hurry joyfully toward death;\u2014if it comes before I have had the opportunity to fulfill all my artistic capabilities, then it will still have come too soon, despite my hard fate, and I shall wish that it had come later.\u2014Yet even then I shall be content, for will it not free me from an endlessly painful state?\n\nBeethoven was a writer\u2014a writer of music, usually, rather than words, but in any case a person accustomed to using self-expression for catharsis. Maybe the very act of admitting, on paper, that he was becoming deaf, and of consolidating and giving voice to his thoughts about his terrible condition and about its impact on his life, had a liberating effect on him. This we cannot know. But what we do know is that the works he completed in the months and years after he had written this extraordinary will\u2014which also contained specific instructions as to how his property was to be distributed after his death, and which has become known as the \"Heiligenstadt Testament\"\u2014bear witness to a major change in his development. To say that he broke new ground is to understate the matter grossly: Beethoven altered the course of Western music. In the astonishingly individualistic compositions that he produced between the ages of thirty-two and forty-two, he extended the boundaries of tonality, lengthened and transmuted the old forms, and allowed intensely personal expression much freer rein than it had previously known in music.\n\nNone of this happened overnight. In Beethoven's earlier works, as in many of the compositions, early or otherwise, of his predecessors\u2014Mozart, Haydn, and others\u2014there are plenty of suggestions and anticipations of things to come, of the specific types of expression that Beethoven would expand almost beyond recognition. Yet by doing what he did, by not only appropriating previous methods but also bending them radically, Beethoven asserted the right of the artist to break old rules and make new ones. His willfulness, his refusal to equate artisanship with what he saw as High Art, helped\u2014if only by example and as a side effect\u2014to create the cult of genius that would become virtually a sine qua non of nineteenth-century culture. \"The rules don't permit it? Very well: _I_ permit it!\" Beethoven had reportedly said in response to conservative musicians' criticisms of an unorthodox passage that he had written. Proclamations of this sort\u2014not necessarily by Beethoven himself\u2014became banners and battle cries for the Romantics. Listen, for instance, to the Beethovenian ring of the nineteen-year-old Ralph Waldo Emerson's words in this journal entry from December 1823:\n\nWho is he that shall controul me? Why may not I act & speak & write & think with entire freedom?... Who hath forged the chains of Wrong & Right, of Opinion & Custom? And must I wear them? Is Society my anointed King?... I am solitary in the vast society of beings; I consort with no species; I indulge no sympathies. I see the world, human, brute & inanimate nature; I am in the midst of them, but not of them; I hear the song of the storm,\u2014the Winds & warring Elements sweep by me\u2014but they mix not with my being.\n\nEven a drastically abbreviated list of the works that Beethoven brought into being during the decade that music historians have long referred to as his \"Middle Period\" leaves one with a sense of wonder bordering on disbelief: the Third (\"Eroica\"), Fourth, Fifth, Sixth (\"Pastoral\"), Seventh, and Eighth symphonies; _Leonore_ (the name he gave to the first and second versions of his only opera); the Fourth and Fifth (\"Emperor\") piano concertos; the Violin and Triple concertos; the \"Waldstein,\" \"Appassionata,\" and \"Les Adieux\" piano sonatas; the Ninth (\"Kreutzer\") and Tenth (G Major) violin sonatas; the Third Cello Sonata, op. 69; the String Quartets op. 59, nos. 1 to 3 (\"Razumovsky\"), and op. 74 (\"Harp\"); the \"Ghost\" and \"Archduke\" trios for piano, violin, and cello; the _Coriolan, Egmont_ , and three _Leonore_ overtures; the Choral Fantasy for piano, orchestra, and chorus; and the Mass in C Major. Probably only Mozart and Schubert, in the last ten years of their brief lives, produced in a single decade as much music that is still performed frequently all over the world as Beethoven produced between 1803 and 1813. During the same period, Hegel wrote his University of Jena lectures, later published as _Ph\u00e4nomenologie des Geistes (Phenomenology of Spirit_ or _of the Mind_ ), which were crucial to establishing his reputation as a philosopher; Goethe gave the world _Faust_ , Part One; Schiller produced _Wilhelm Tell;_ and Blake's _Milton_ and the first two cantos of Byron's _Childe Harold's Pilgrimage_ appeared. But none of these works\u2014not even _Faust_ \u2014has occupied as much space in its specific area as Beethoven's works of that decade have occupied in theirs.\n\nThese were the works that gave birth to the familiar image of Beethoven as a tempestuous genius who shook his fist at fate and, Jovelike, loosed musical lightning bolts that welded the rationalistic Enlightenment ideals of the just-ended eighteenth century, in which he had spent roughly the first half of his life, to the stormy Romantic individualism of the newborn nineteenth. By the time he reached middle age, his startling originality had made him a European musical icon, and his much-discussed intransigence and eccentricity had become a symbol of untrammeled artistic freedom.\n\nIt is impossible to explain in nontechnical terms what Beethoven actually did that was so revolutionary. Charles Rosen, in his study _The Classical Style: Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven_ \u2014which has become a classic in its own right since its first appearance in 1971\u2014takes some 450 pages to describe to the musically initiate, using technical terminology and musical examples, what happened to Western music during the three-quarters of a century between the death of Bach and the death of Beethoven. The subject is enormous, and any attempt to communicate its outlines in only a few paragraphs must begin with a backward glance at European music history.\n\nEarly Christian music\u2014Ambrosian and Gregorian chant\u2014consisted essentially of single, unaccompanied melodic lines. Late in the twelfth century, composers at Notre Dame in Paris began to employ two vocal lines simultaneously, and over the following four centuries listeners' ears gradually became accustomed to ever more complicated harmonic textures. Toward the end of the sixteenth century, groups of Florentine intellectuals, poets, and musicians\u2014generically referred to as the Camerata Fiorentina\u2014became interested in ancient Greek writings on musical theory and tried to re-create the ways in which classical Greek dramas might have been sung or intoned over relatively light instrumental accompaniment. The result was the birth of opera, and this new musical genre was seen\u2014perhaps more in retrospect than by its creators and early practitioners\u2014as, in part, a reaction against the densely harmonic writing that then dominated European art music, both sacred and secular. A plaque on the Bardi Palace in Florence, where members of the Camerata, including Galileo's father, helped to establish the new form, refers explicitly and chauvinistically to opera as a reaction against \"Flemish barbarism;\" the term \"Flemish,\" in this case, was a catchall for composers born north of the Alps, although many of them had received some of their training in Italy and had worked there, and most of the important Italian composers of the day, including Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina and Carlo Gesualdo, wrote music that was just as complex, harmonically, as that of their northern counterparts.\n\nDuring the seventeenth century, opera gradually came to dominate Italian secular music; flowing and often florid vocal lines were accompanied by relatively simple harmonic formulas in the instrumental parts. But in Germany, and especially in predominantly Protestant northern and central Germany, harmonic and contrapuntal complexity continued to hold sway. This German High Baroque style culminated in the works of Johann Sebastian Bach, which, however, had already become unfashionable more than a decade before his death, in 1750. A new approach to musical expression began to develop\u2014an approach that at first combined the most hackneyed and predictable Baroque harmonic progressions with melodic lines and rhythmic patterns that were simple to the point of dullness. In other words, the early works in this gradually evolving new style combined the basic elements of old German and relatively new Italian musical trends but\u2014not surprisingly\u2014fell far short of the best achievements of either.\n\nThis is not the place for investigating terms such as \"style galant\" and \"Sturm und Drang,\" with which music historians who deal with this period contend, or for discussing the works of Bach's most musically prominent sons or of the Stamitz family or of other figures active in the evolution of European music in the mid-eighteenth century. What one does need to know, however, is that by the beginning of the last quarter of that century the new trends had solidified and crystallized into what we call, for the sake of convenience, the Classical style. Rosen chooses 1775 as the approximate date after which \"the new sense of rhythm which displaces that of the High Baroque becomes completely consistent.\" In retrospect, we can see that the style's most brilliant exponents at that time were Haydn, who was forty-three years old in 1775, and Mozart, who was only nineteen but was already producing works of astonishing maturity. Beethoven, who would eventually carry the style to its outer limits, was not yet five years old.\n\nNeither Haydn nor Mozart rejected Bach's work\u2014nor did Beethoven. On the contrary, their admiration for the relatively small quantity of their great predecessor's music that was then in circulation grew as they themselves matured, and so did its influence on their music. And, in a different but comparable way, so did the influence of Bach's contemporary George Frideric Handel, whom Beethoven, even at the end of his life, was reported to have considered the greatest of all composers. But the features that most clearly distinguish the masterpieces of Haydn and Mozart and virtually all the works of Beethoven from those of the great Baroque masters are formal concision and lightning-quick expressive changes. In other words, whereas Baroque composers generally (not always!) wrote music that functioned in blocks\u2014an aria whose character was fundamentally tragic throughout, for instance, or a jubilant instrumental movement, or a cantata chorus entirely dedicated to expressing the concept of hope for the Resurrection\u2014the great masters of the Classical style set contrasting themes in close juxtaposition, often passing smoothly but rapidly from the triumphant to the tranquil, from passion to playfulness, from tragedy to consolation, from light to darkness and back again.\n\nMozart was probably the greatest master ever of musical chiaroscuro, of instantaneous light-dark character shifts in both instrumental music\u2014music that speaks in an exclusively nonverbal way\u2014and vocal music, whose character is to some extent determined by the text it sets. Beethoven, however, was no dilettante in this respect, and he was one up even on Mozart where intentionality was concerned. There is a dimension of willfulness, of self-assertiveness, in his works that does not exist in his predecessors' music. In Beethoven, the ego not only drives the proceedings; it is often also their subject and always a strongly felt presence. The first movement of Mozart's last symphony, nicknamed the \"Jupiter,\" is as powerfully assertive\u2014and as joyous, as lyrical, as playful\u2014as the first movement of Beethoven's Third (\"Eroica\") Symphony, but Beethoven's movement has a self-referential quality that is not present in Mozart's. (This is not a value judgment: If I were told that one or the other of them had to be canceled from my aural memory, I would be incapable of making a choice.) And the same quality is present, in one way or another and to greater or lesser degrees, in virtually all of Beethoven's music. Even in his religious music, we no longer hear either the pure, profoundly devotional emotion of Bach's sacred music or the \"sweetness of sin\" that Stravinsky claimed to hear in Mozart's sacred music; instead, we hear Beethoven asking God what in the world is going on, what He is doing to humanity in general and to Ludwig van Beethoven in particular\u2014and why. This insertion and assertion of the first person is one of the principal elements that set Beethoven apart from his predecessors and contemporaries and that contributed to the international fame that he achieved during his fourth decade.\n\nHe enjoyed the recognition, but, inevitably, it was also a burden to him. In 1812, toward the end of his incredibly prolific \"Middle Period,\" he sent a grateful but self-admonishing letter to a young girl who was studying music and who had written him a praiseful note.\n\nDo not rob H\u00e4ndel, Haydn, and Mozart of their laurel wreaths. They are entitled to theirs, but I am not yet entitled to one.... Persevere, do not only practice your art, but endeavor also to fathom its inner meaning; it deserves this effort. For only art and science can raise men to the level of gods.... The true artist has no pride. He sees unfortunately that art has no limits. He has a vague awareness of how far he is from reaching his goal; and while others may perhaps admire him, he laments that he has not yet reached the point to which his better genius only lights the way for him like a distant sun.\n\nIt may be that Beethoven simply could not keep up the sustained outburst of creative energy that he had maintained from 1803 to 1813, and that this fact explains why that period was followed by some relatively fallow years. Between late 1813 and 1820 the only major new works that he completed were the String Quartet op. 95 (\"Serioso\"); the three piano sonatas op. 90, op. 101, and op. 106 (\"Hammerklavier\"); the two cello sonatas, op. 102; and the song cycle _An die ferne Geliebte_ ( _To the Distant Beloved_ ). Even if in his entire life Beethoven had produced nothing but the seven compositions just mentioned, he would still have to be counted among the titans of Western music, yet in terms of sheer productivity this seven-year period cannot be compared either to the previous one or to the one that was to follow.\n\nBut there were also substantial personal reasons for the hiatus. Genius, pride, and morbid sensitivity\u2014especially about his deafness\u2014cohabitated uncomfortably in Beethoven and made his life miserable. His solitariness, rudeness, and lack of the most basic practical abilities made him the best-known Viennese eccentric of his day, and even simple, everyday human contacts were difficult for him. On the one hand, it would be wrong to believe that Vienna's musicians and music lovers felt only respect or awe for Beethoven, or that, at a personal level, they thought of him as merely a half-deranged, pitiable fellow. The sense of awe existed, certainly, and Beethoven's eccentricities did cause comment and amusement, just as the considerable degree of withdrawal from society created by his deafness stirred feelings of pity in many observers; but many people felt genuine warmth toward him\u2014and he did have a strongly expansive, friendly side to his nature, and a wild sense of humor. On the other hand, Beethoven had trouble dealing even with well-intentioned friends, let alone the landlords and servants whom he regarded as his natural enemies, and the love relationships that he longed to have with women were rendered impossible by a combination of unattainable idealism and intolerant moralistic notions: He was looking for someone like Leonore, the heroine of his opera\u2014someone submissive but brave, feminine but masculine, virginal but sensual, intelligent but without doubts about what is good and what is evil\u2014which meant that his hopes for marriage were nothing but mad daydreams. (Whether Beethoven suffered from venereal disease is a long-debated issue, thus whether the strongly moralistic streak in his declared beliefs about good and bad behavior was a consequence of the disease is a matter of speculation once or even twice removed from the range of biographical usefulness.) In addition, beginning in 1815, when his brother Caspar Carl died, leaving a nine-year-old son, Beethoven\u2014thanks to an out-of-kilter sense of duty and the completely misguided notion that he would make a wonderful father\u2014became embroiled in a ruinous series of legal battles with his sister-in-law over custody of the child, named Karl. This was the most obvious cause of the slowdown in Beethoven's artistic activity during that period.\n\nBut there must also have been deeper reasons for it. He must have sensed that the musical and spiritual veins he had been mining through the first dozen years of the nineteenth century had been exhausted and that he had to seek new sources within himself. Much later in the century, Friedrich Nietzsche wrote about the importance, for a creative person, of knowing how to wait, of allowing ideas to gestate naturally, and Beethoven certainly possessed that knowledge instinctively and to an exceptional degree. Together, the years 1813 to 1820 may well have formed the most important period of all in the history of his musical development\u2014the period during which he was marshaling his internal forces and unconsciously, but probably also consciously, preparing for something completely different.\n\nYet \"the imagination must not pine away,\" says Charlie Citrine, the protagonist of Saul Bellow's _Humboldt's Gift_ \u2014and Beethoven could easily have subscribed to the rest of Citrine's statement: The creative mind \"must assert again that art manifests the inner powers of nature.\" The subconscious may be refreshed by sleep, but then the time had to come when \"waking was true waking.\" Beethoven seems to have started out along the path toward full waking in 1819, when he learned that his pupil and patron, the Archduke Rudolph, was to be installed as archbishop of Olm\u00fctz (present-day Olomouc in the Czech Republic). The composer wrote to tell Rudolph that he intended to write a Mass for the occasion\u2014the _Missa Solemnis_ would be the result\u2014but his congratulatory letter is, as Lewis Lockwood points out in his landmark study, _Beethoven: The Music and the Life_ , a typical mix of \"expressions of homage, some avuncular advice, stoic wisdom, firm reminders of Beethoven's artistic superiority, and resistance to any hint of subordinate status.\" From a purely psychological point of view, the mix is an update\u2014thirty-two years on\u2014of the previously quoted letter that the sixteen-year-old Beethoven had sent to his benefactor in Augsburg on returning to Bonn from his abortive first trip to Vienna, but the apologetic tone of the adolescent boy has been replaced by the alternately assertive, condescending, and at times downright offensive tone of a mature artist who firmly believes that he will be remembered long after his illustrious addressee has been forgotten.\n\nHowever numerous may be the congratulations which have been pouring in to you, my most gracious lord, yet I know only too well that this new honor will not be accepted without _some sacrifices on the part of Y.I.H_. [Your Imperial Highness]... There is hardly anything good\u2014without sacrifice[,] and it is precisely the nobler and better man who seems meant for this more than others, so that his virtue may be put to the test.... As for Your Imperial Highness's masterly variations [on Beethoven's theme \"O Hoffnung,\" from _Fidelio]_... I noticed numerous little slips, I must however remind my illustrious pupil \"La Musica merita d'esser studiata\" [music deserves to be studied]\u2014in view of Your Imperial Highness's very fine talents and really excellent gifts of imagination it would be a pity not to press forward.... Y.I.H. can thus create in two ways, both for the happiness and welfare of very many people and also for yourself. Musical creators and benefactors of humanity have not been found so far in the present world of monarchs.... I did not know how to interpret Your Imperial Highness's command that I should come, and again your intimation that Y.I.H. _would let me know when_ , for I never was a courtier, am still not, and shall never be able to be one.... God knows my innermost being, and even if appearances may perhaps be against me, everything will be cleared up one day _for me_.\n\nCould anyone less famous, and less eccentric, than Beethoven have remained unpunished in Restoration-era Vienna for a written statement like this one about the absence of benefactors of humanity among monarchs\u2014addressed, furthermore, to the brother of one of the most powerful monarchs of the day? But Rudolph was accustomed to receiving all sorts of communications from his music teacher, including one in which the composer told him of the sorry effects of a laxative that his doctor was having him take at the time. In the case of the letter quoted at length above, one can easily imagine the thirty-one-year-old archduke and archbishop-elect shaking his head, sighing, \"Ja, der Beethoven...,\" and telling a secretary to file the letter away\u2014which is why we have it today.\n\nAbout the composer's politics, by the way, the historian David B. Dennis has noted that \"Beethoven has been designated a precursor of every major political orientation in modern German history,\" from enlightened despotism to revolutionary idealism. He was an admirer and a detractor of Napoleon, a composer of revolutionary music and of patriotic music, a man who flattered rulers and who treated rulers with contempt. \"Beethoven,\" Dennis wisely concludes, \"was all of these things, but not any one of them.\" He would almost certainly have counted himself among those who\u2014as his contemporary William Blake put it\u2014 \"imputed Sin & Righteousness \/ To Individuals & not to States.\" But during his last decade, Beethoven seems to have favored, as an ideal, rule by a wise individual similar to the late-eighteenth-century Austrian emperor Joseph II, or by an elite of wise individuals, or by an English-style constitutional monarch\u2014in short, by a person or group of persons who would give free rein to all noncriminal forms of expression. In writing to thank King Frederick William III of Prussia for allowing him to dedicate the Ninth Symphony to him, Beethoven underlined the fact that \"Your Majesty is not only the father of Your Majesty's subjects, but also the protector of the arts and sciences.\" (The king wrote back: \"In view of the acknowledged excellence of your compositions, I have had great pleasure in receiving the new work you have presented to me. I thank you for sending it, and send you the enclosed diamond ring as a token of my sincere esteem.\")\n\nBeethoven's contempt for most human beings conflicted with his all-embracing love for humanity. He hoped, and may even have believed, that art would somehow transcend the constrictions imposed on us by our \"mortal coil\" and would gradually teach us to achieve a godlike status. He himself, Ludwig van Beethoven, in his exceptionally overburdened mortal coil, would never manage to attain that new condition, but the thing that he felt had been planted in him, the force or capacity that he did not understand but had learned to live with, allowed him to create moments of transcendence in and for himself and others. There were many periods in his life when economic worries might have made him nod in agreement with Samuel Johnson's statement \"No man but a blockhead ever wrote, except for money,\" but had he lived long enough to read the second part of _Faust_ , which was not published until five years after his death, he would much more readily have agreed with Goethe's statement that beautiful words (or\u2014why not?\u2014notes) \"must come from the heart. \/ And when the breast overflows with longing, \/ One looks around and asks who will partake.\"*\n\nIn the works of his last years Beethoven delved ever more deeply into his subconscious while affirming ever more strenuously the artist's obligation to use self-revelation as a means toward the achievement of world-wide human harmony. I call this process the universalizing of the intimate. His _Missa Solemnis_ (which, in the end, he did not complete until three years after Archduke Rudolph's installation as archbishop), Ninth Symphony, last three piano sonatas, \"Diabelli\" Variations for piano, and last five string quartets are above all a search for transcendence. In them, he carried the process of universalizing the intimate as far as and probably further than any other musician had or has ever done; at the very least\u2014as Maynard Solomon, a lifelong student of the composer's life and works, has written\u2014in these works Beethoven \"forever enlarged the sphere of human experience available to the creative imagination.\"\n\nThe question of whether we ought to read artists' lives into their works ceases to matter in Beethoven's last years. His late works _were_ his life. Deafness was to Beethoven what exile has been to others, and \"the condition we call exile,\" according to the exiled Russian poet Joseph Brodsky, \"accelerates tremendously one's otherwise professional flight\u2014or drift\u2014into isolation, into an absolute perspective: into the condition in which all one is left with is oneself and one's own language, with nobody or nothing in between.\" By the mid-1820s, the external events in Beethoven's life\u2014quotidian and banal events, such as his constant changes of dwelling, or dramatic and upsetting ones, such as his nephew Karl's attempted suicide\u2014were nothing but an exoskeleton; the vital substances had been distilled into music\u2014his \"own language,\" as Brodsky put it, \"with nobody or nothing in between\" it and himself. Weary and careworn though he was, Beethoven did not want to die, but he did want to exist in an ideal Elsewhere\u2014an Elsewhere that he then created for himself and for anyone who was or is or will be willing and able to enter. By March 26, 1827, when his devastated body and exhausted spirit ceased to be, Beethoven had given everything that he had in him to give. Maybe he would eventually have achieved even higher transcendence than he reached in the finale of the Sonata op. 111 or the twenty-fourth and thirty-first variations of the \"Diabelli\" set or the \"Benedictus\" of the _Missa Solemnis_ or the third movement of the Ninth Symphony or the _Grosse Fuge_ or the entire String Quartet op. 131; but we\u2014the rest of us\u2014cannot imagine him, let alone anyone else, going any further in that direction. Wonderful musical creations by other geniuses followed and continue to follow, but no one since Beethoven has gone further than he went along the path to transcendence. When, a quarter century after Beethoven's death, Schumann described the twenty-year-old Brahms as the musician of the future and a sort of successor to Beethoven, he entitled his article \"New Paths\"\u2014unconsciously summoning up the perceptive phrase in the poet Franz Grillparzer's funeral oration for the composer from Bonn: Beethoven's successors, Grillparzer had written, would have to \"begin anew, for he who went before left off only where art leaves off.\"\n\nIn many ways, Beethoven was\u2014is\u2014much more modern than we are. \"We live 'as if',\" says the protagonist of Claire Messud's novel _The Last Life_ , \"as if we knew why, as if it made sense, as if in living this way we could banish the question and the 'as if' ness itself, the way we speak and act as if our words could be comprehended.\" Beethoven, in his terrifying isolation and his terrible pride and his unsurpassed capacity to transform experience into organized sound complexities, went beyond that stage. In the last quartets, and certainly in the Ninth Symphony, he obliterated the \"as if\" ness of comprehension, and then went on to obliterate obliteration\u2014to dance on obliteration's ashes.\n\nStruggle, stress, and strain: words often used in discussions of Ludwig van Beethoven's life and art. His predecessors, including Bach and Mozart, experienced plenty of struggle, stress, and strain in their daily lives but probably not in their creative lives, or at least not to so great a degree. The lines between art and artisanship were blurred in their time. With consummate skill, they rapidly conceived and composed the works commissioned of them, because for them the distance between aspiration and achievement in art was almost nonexistent, once they had mastered the tools of their trade. Besides, Bach and Mozart lived with a worldview according to which everything happened as God willed. They understood pain as well as Beethoven\u2014the Agnus Dei of Bach's Mass in B minor and all four movements of Mozart's String Quintet in G minor come immediately to mind as exemplars of that pain\u2014but, unlike Beethoven, they weren't constantly demanding to know _why_ pain was endemic to and ever present within the human condition. This is not meant to belittle Bach or Mozart: Their music is as great as Beethoven's! But Beethoven was a modern man. He did believe in some form of divinity as a Source or Prime Mover, but he took nothing at face value; everything had to be probed and questioned. Despite his colossal gifts and skills, he was unable to proceed directly from aspiration to achievement; even determining the substance of his aspirations was no easy task for him. The first part of his creative process was the struggle, not to decide where he wanted to go but to understand where he _needed_ to go, and then to clear what seemed to him the best possible trail for reaching his destination.\n\nAs he aged and as his deafness worsened, eventually cutting him off almost completely from normal social intercourse, Beethoven became increasingly preoccupied by abstract problems, and the more such problems preoccupied him the harder it was for him to reconcile his mental, spiritual, and creative life _\u2014real_ life, for him\u2014with what other people called real life. He paid an inestimably high price for the privilege, if privilege it was, of making such unprecedented explorations. (Was it a privilege for _him_ to enrich _our_ lives? The notion is appallingly selfish on our part.) He had helped to initiate and had then developed and completed an entire cycle in the history of musical expression, yet it is significant that Grillparzer, in the funeral address, felt compelled to refer to what many had considered misanthropy on Beethoven's part. \"He fled the world because, in the whole range of his loving nature, he found no weapon to oppose it,\" said the poet, who had observed Beethoven firsthand. \"He withdrew from mankind after he had given it his all and received nothing in return.\" But, as Elsa Morante wrote, \"Those who flee from love cannot find peace in solitude.\"\n\nI found myself thinking about that love, that withdrawal, and that turmoil as I left the courtyard and entranceway of the house at Ungargasse 5 in Vienna, crossed the street, looked back at the building, and imagined Beethoven walking through its doorway on May 7, 1824, en route to the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater for the first performance of what would remain his last symphonic gift to humanity.\n\n* Pierre Boulez, during a public interview (conducted by Ara Guzelimian at the Judy and Arthur Zankel Hall, Carnegie Hall, New York, on January 17, 2008), mentioned that in writing highly virtuosic passages in his composition _Sur Incises_ , what had interested him was precisely the risk factor, not the virtuosity in itself. Generally speaking, the most inventive composers write for talented performers who are willing and able to work hard and take risks.\n\n* Schindler's stupid, insensitive remark about the Piano Sonata in C minor, op. 111, which was to remain Beethoven's final\u2014and, many would say, his most extraordinary\u2014statement in a genre that he had immeasurably enriched and indeed transformed in the course of three decades, was reported by Schindler himself in his untrustworthy biography of the composer: \"I ventured in my innocence to ask Beethoven why he had not written a third movement appropriate to the character of the first.\" If Schindler's tale is to be believed, the composer responded with evident sarcasm, which Schindler did not pick up: \"He replied casually that he had not had time to write a third movement, and had therefore simply expanded the second.\" The concrete fact is that Beethoven still had four active years ahead of him after he had completed op. 111 and could easily have added another movement had he so desired; the less concrete fact is that the second movement of op. 111 takes the listener so profoundly into Beethoven's heart and\u2014allow me the hyperbole\u2014into the heart of the universe that anything that followed it would have been impossibly anticlimactic.\n\n* The Grosser Redoutensaal, used in Beethoven's day mainly as a ballroom but occasionally as a concert venue, still exists, although it has undergone several major renovations in the last two centuries; the most recent and extensive reconstruction was necessitated by major fire damage in 1992. But the complaints voiced by more than one early-nineteenth-century observer about the hall's overly reverberant acoustics can easily be understood today: however lovely it is to look at, the Redoutensaal is essentially a vast shoebox made up of hard, reflecting surfaces. The echo effect must have turned loud passages played by numerous musicians into gibberish.\n\n* The quotation is from Act III:\n\n_Helena:_ So sage denn, wie sprech' ich auch so sch\u00f6n?\n\n_Faust:_ Es ist gar leicht, es muss von Herzen gehn. Und wenn die Brust von Sehnsucht \u00fcberfliesst, Man sieht sich um und fragt\u2014\n\n_Helena:_ \u2014wer mitgeniesst.\n\n_Helen:_ So tell me, then, how may I, too, speak so beautifully?\n\n_Faust:_ It's quite easy, it must come from the heart. And when the breast overflows with longing, One looks around and asks\u2014\n\n_Helen_ :\u2014who will partake.\n\n# \n#\n\n## **_The Establishment reestablished_**\n\nEven if the Austrian emperor and his family had been in Vienna and had attended the premiere of the Ninth Symphony at the K\u00e4rntnertor Theater, they would not have been inclined to pay much attention to the finale's message of brotherhood, joy, and, implicitly, freedom. They were absolutists who, like monarchs in much of the rest of Europe, had recently lived through a quarter century of violent challenges to the established order; now that that order had been reestablished, they were prepared to use any means at their disposal to prevent further upheavals.\n\nAs a political concept, the term \"restoration\" means that a system or regime once ousted from power has been restored to its former position. Each restoration has its own complex network of underlying conditions, but one condition\u2014resentment\u2014is probably common to all: resentment on the part of the winners for having been ousted in the first place, and resentment on the part of the losers for finding themselves in a new-old situation\u2014one they thought had been eliminated once and for all, but that has come back to dominate their lives. Restoration is a recipe for long-term, all-around bitterness. But in Europe during the years in which Beethoven was writing the Ninth, the bitterness was tempered by exhaustion.\n\nBetween 1789 and 1815, the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars had torn Europe apart. From the Atlantic's eastern shores all the way to Moscow, clashing ideologies had been transformed into clashing armies; the liberty-equality-fraternity banner was quickly bloodied by the revolutionaries' excesses, and its motto was then subverted by Napoleon, who used the ideal of exporting the Revolution as a tool for achieving domination of the whole Continent. However shocking the effects of the infant French Republic's guillotine may have been, the eighteen to forty thousand chopped-off heads that it produced during the Terror of 1792\u201396 were a statistical trifle in comparison with the results of the foreign wars that followed. Between 1796 and 1815, an estimated two and a half million soldiers and one million civilians met their deaths in the Napoleonic Wars. During virtually any one of Napoleon's major battles, two or three times as many people were killed as had been executed by order of the Committee of Public Safety or other French Revolutionary groups throughout their existence. In the battle of Borodino alone, on September 7, 1812, the opposing armies of Russia and France jointly lost far more soldiers than the United States would lose during a dozen years of fighting in Vietnam, and the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars lasted twice as long as the Vietnam War, four times as long as the Second World War, and six times as long as the First World War.\n\nLittle wonder, then, that in April 1814, when the defeated Napoleon (who, by the way, was Beethoven's senior by only sixteen months) was sent into exile on the Tuscan island of Elba, an enormous sense of relief pervaded millions upon millions of Europeans, including many of those who had approved of the emperor's goals or had in any case opposed the restoration of power to their countries' most reactionary forces. Entire peoples were worn out, entire nations drained, by warfare that had begun to seem eternal, and the Old World's old leaders did not fail to grasp the fact that their power, so long threatened or usurped, would soon be secure again. They arranged to meet in Vienna the following September to decide how the \"liberated\" Continent was to be carved up among them.\n\nThe Congress of Vienna ran on for the better part of a year. Toward the end it was thrown into confusion by news of Napoleon's clandestine return to the Continent and attempt to regain power, but his defeat at Waterloo in June 1815 and his subsequent exile to the remote African island of Saint Helena truly ended an era of upheaval. Dominating the Congress from start to finish were the four chief architects of Napoleon's downfall: the British foreign minister, Viscount Castlereagh (Robert Stewart, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry), in representation of the prince regent, the future King George IV; Tsar Alexander I of Russia, representing himself\u2014although several of his advisers, including the influential Count Karl Robert von Nesselrode (of German origin), were on hand; the French foreign minister, Talleyrand (Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-P\u00e9rigord), negotiating on behalf of King Louis XVIII\u2014younger brother of the beheaded Louis XVI (the latter's son, Louis XVII, had died in a revolutionary prison at the age of ten); and, most important, the Austrian foreign minister, Prince Klemens von Metternich, representing the Hapsburg king, Francis I. Another significant participant, King Frederick William III of Prussia, came accompanied by his relatively liberal-minded chief advisers, Prince Karl August von Hardenberg and Baron Wilhelm von Humboldt, and was much wooed by other delegates, most of whom agreed that Prussia had to be prevented from forming too close an alliance with Russia. All of these men were intent on gaining the best possible advantages for their respective countries, and, reasonably enough, none of them completely trusted any of the others: According to a well-known adage of diplomacy, nations have interests, not friends, and the same may be said of their chief representatives.\n\nThe Congress of Vienna. _(Drawing by J.-B. Isabey, 1815.)_\n\nNo good reason surfaced for trying to reestablish the Holy Roman Empire, the thousand-year-old supranational political structure that had already been tottering toward extinction before Napoleon officially abolished it in 1806. In its place, and from the ruins of Napoleon's crumbled Confederation of the Rhine, Metternich created a German Confederation\u2014thirty-nine states of various sizes, of which Austria and Prussia were the most powerful and over which Austria presided. In terms of territorial extension, however, the greater part of the vast, reconstituted Austrian Empire\u2014Beethoven's home for most of his life\u2014lay outside the German Confederation's boundaries and included not only present-day Austria but also most or all of present-day Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia, as well as large chunks of present-day Germany, Romania, Italy, and Poland. Prussia and Russia divvied up the rest of Poland; Sweden annexed Norway; and Russia kept Finland\u2014which it had taken in 1809\u2014along with the various territories and political entities that later formed much of the European part of the Soviet Union. Talleyrand, one of the greatest figures in the history of diplomacy\u2014thus also one of the most ambiguous ones\u2014managed to ensure that France would maintain most of its prewar borders, on the understanding that it would support Austria and Great Britain in preventing Russia from expanding westward and would look unfavorably upon any Russo-Prussian entente.\n\nRegency Britain and Louis XVIII's France were constitutional monarchies\u2014liberal not by the standards of our day but by those of theirs\u2014whereas Russia, Prussia, and Austria were absolutist monarchies. This significant difference and, to a lesser extent, religious divergences among the nations (European state religions included Roman Catholicism, Russian Orthodoxy, Anglicanism, several Protestant faiths, and, in parts of the Balkans, Islam) inevitably created mistrust and misunderstandings, but so high had been the cost of the Napoleonic Wars that there would be no further Continent-wide conflicts for a whole century. The seeds of this long period of relative peace, and of the repression that was part of the bargain, were sown at the Congress of Vienna.\n\nPartly because he shone at gala social events and was an inveterate rake, partly because he wished to make the Congress drag on for an outrageously long time so that he would increase his chances of wresting concessions from visiting colleagues eager to return home, Metternich made sure that Vienna would provide the most splendid entertainments for its illustrious visitors. Among the cultural activities organized for the Congress's guests was a concert at the Grosser Redoutensaal on November 29, 1814\u2014a concert that consisted entirely of music by Beethoven. According to Lewis Lockwood, Beethoven's international standing was so high that he easily became the Congress's \"musical hero,\" despite the fact that \"most of the gathered nobility preferred ballroom music to Beethoven.\" (Metternich himself loved Italian opera and detested Beethoven's music.) Beethoven \"shamelessly cultivated this role\" at the Congress, says Lockwood, \"by hurriedly composing the bombastic cantata _Der glorreiche Augenblick_ ('The Glorious Moment') for the assembled heads of state, along with a flashy polonaise for piano\" dedicated to the tsarina.\n\nBeethoven's recent _Wellingtons Sieg (Wellington's Victory_ \u2014another, more spectacular potboiler, for full orchestra with percussive sound effects), and the Seventh Symphony, which had been given its first public performance a year earlier, were heard together with _Der glorreiche Augenblick_ on the concert of November 29. With the exception of the symphony, these works were blatant attempts to curry favor with the aristocrats present in the city and to ride the tide of patriotic euphoria that followed hard upon Napoleon's defeat. But as a freelance musician the composer could ill afford to pass up an opportunity to earn much-needed cash\u2014especially under disastrous postwar economic conditions\u2014through the publication and dissemination of potentially popular works. The concert was so successful that it was repeated, for the composer's financial benefit, on December 2 and again on Christmas Day. Beethoven then \"let himself be persuaded,\" according to Lockwood, to participate in a concert at the Rittersaal (Knights' Hall) on January 25, 1815. He also let his pupil Archduke Rudolph, the Austrian emperor's brother, and Count Razumovsky, the Russian ambassador to Austria, present him to the assembled crowned heads and other dignitaries.\n\nAlthough the entertainments that Metternich provided for his foreign guests included not only music but also complicated erotic entanglements, many of the delegates complained about the Congress's length. According to the tsar, Metternich was \"the best master of ceremonies in the world,\" but he added that \"it would be hard to find a worse minister.\" Talleyrand\u2014evidently frustrated by the slow pace of the proceedings\u2014claimed that his Austrian colleague \"held aloof inertia to be a kind of superior genius,\" and he described most of his fellow delegates as \"too frightened to fight [that is, argue with] each other, too stupid to agree.\" Nevertheless, the Congress did eventually come to an end, and its final declarations were presented for signature on June 9, 1815, a few days before the battle of Waterloo.\n\n## **_Relief + regret + repression = Romanticism?_**\n\nOne of the most remarkable and panoramic descriptions of the battle of Waterloo unfolds in _The Charterhouse of Parma_ , a novel written in 1839 by Marie-Henri Beyle\u2014better known by his nom de plume, Stendhal\u2014who had been attached to the French army off and on throughout Bonaparte's rule as first consul and reign as Emperor Napoleon I. Over a hundred years later, the English novelist and man of letters Ford Madox Ford declared that \"the most depressed pages of Tolstoy's _War and Peace_ read like inadequate witticisms\" in comparison with Stendhal's description of the Waterloo battlefield. Early in _Charterhouse_ , Fabrice del Dongo, the novel's impetuous young protagonist, runs away from his aristocratic, ultraconservative father's home to serve Napoleon; he observes the battle that puts a decisive end to his hero's career, then wonders how he can possibly make something of himself now that the revolutionary-imperial adventure has been snuffed out. And the same predicament dominates the lives of the wholly different young male protagonists of Stendhal's two other, earlier, fictional masterpieces, _The Red and the Black_ and the unfinished _Lucien Leuwen_. All three characters seem to be consciously or subconsciously obsessed with one question: What do we do, now that Napoleon is gone and all the enthusiasm-engendering excitement is over?\n\nStendhal, who was born in 1783, was curious about how the Napoleonic era, viewed as a bygone epic, would affect post-Waterloo youths, because he knew so very well what the emperor's reign\u2014which he called \"the despotism of glory\"\u2014had meant to young people of his own generation. He had witnessed and subscribed to the initial idealism, to the notion that France's mission was not only to repulse the armies of the foreign monarchies allied against the forces of the Revolution but also to liberate all of Europe from the tyranny of absolutism. As the wars dragged on, however, he had seen those ideals subverted, reduced to hollow, meaningless slogans and used as an excuse for conquest, with all of its accompanying devastation. Later, in the aftermath of Napoleon's defeat, Stendhal became one of the first literary figures to perceive the relationship between the death of the Revolution and the flowering of Romanticism\u2014Romanticism understood as a sublimation of the liberating principles of a revolution that had first exploded across Europe and then imploded on itself. (For the sake of clarity: The term \"Romanticism\" generally refers to late-eighteenth-century and early- to mid-nineteenth-century artistic and intellectual tendencies that combined anti-dogmatic Enlightenment ideals with a strong emphasis on emotion and instinct. The German writer and musician Ernst Theodor Amadeus Hoffmann [1776\u20131822], a protagonist of the movement, considered Haydn and Mozart, as well as Beethoven, to have been Romantic composers; the fact that today Haydn and Mozart are generally considered exemplars of the Classical style and Beethoven is seen as a transitional figure from Classicism to Romanticism demonstrates the terminology's fluidity. Writing in 1810, Hoffmann described Beethoven in particular as \"a pure Romantic,\" whose music \"sets in motion the lever of fear, of awe, of horror, of suffering, and awakens that infinite longing which is the essence of Romanticism.\")\n\nStendhal. _(Portrait by S. Valen.)_\n\nA good case can be made for the notion of Romanticism as a child of the French Revolution and a grandchild of the Enlightenment. Although the Revolution had failed in the short run, it partially succeeded in the long run: The various forms of parliamentary democracy\u2014liberal-conservative, social democratic, federalist, and so on\u2014that seem to be solidly in place today in most of Europe and North America and in many parts of the rest of the world, are to a great extent descended from the Enlightenment and the Revolution. But during the period from 1815 to 1848, Europeans did not know that within a few generations freedom of speech, of the press, and of religion would be available to a significant portion of humanity. Members of Beethoven's generation witnessed the last years of the Enlightenment and then the birth, transformation, subversion, and demise of the Revolution, and members of the following generation had the still more depressing experience of witnessing only the phases of subversion and demise. The inward-searching nature of artistic developments after the Congress of Vienna was in part a subconscious, self-defensive tactic for avoiding despair over the condition of Restoration Europe.\n\nAnyone who has lived under repressive regimes in more recent times will understand the phenomenon: In order to survive, you are forced to pretend to believe in something in which you do not believe and that you may, in fact, detest; at the same time, you cannot help but wonder of what conceivable use or consequence your survival could be under such circumstances. But the Romantics, who lived not only before Hitler and Stalin but also before Darwin, Marx, Freud, and Einstein, did not possess as vast a gamut of uncertainties\u2014not to mention nihilistic beliefs and attitudes\u2014as later generations would have at their disposal. Although the despair factor was as present in the human psyche in the early nineteenth century as it is today and as it has been throughout human history, the search for absolute meaning was still a reasonable option two hundred years ago. Many commentators have described Romanticism as the inspiration behind Europe's striving toward freedom, but that notion seems to me less sustainable than the converse: The European aspiration for freedom was the inspiration behind Romanticism. And what Stendhal seems to have grasped earlier than anyone else is the fact that the Romantics were not the children of the Revolution, but rather its orphans.\n\nThe British historian Eric Hobsbawm treaded on thin ice when he declared, in his 1962 study, _The Age of Revolution: 1789\u20131848_ , that \"artists were in this period directly inspired by and involved in public affairs.\" Never before had they been more politically committed, he said, and he added that \"even the apparently least political of arts, music, had the strongest political associations.\" He called Mozart's _Magic Flute_ (1791) a propagandistic opera on behalf of the highly politicized Masonic Order; pointed out that Beethoven had dedicated the \"Eroica\" (1803\u20134) to Bonaparte \"as the heir of the French Revolution;\" reminded readers that Goethe was \"a working statesman and civil servant\" and Pushkin a political exile; and described Balzac's _Com\u00e9die Humaine_ novels as \"a monument of social awareness.\"\n\nIt is true that artists, like everyone else, exist within given periods and environments; whatever their character, whatever the range of their intelligence and emotions, and however long- or shortsighted their ideas and beliefs may be, they are children of their time and place. Every artist works within and reacts to a given social reality or series of realities, and in this sense the artists who were active between 1789 and 1848 were no different from those who were active at any other time in the past or who are active today. The French Revolution did indeed have a liberating effect on artists and intellectuals, some of whom began to take sides on humanistic and occasionally even on political issues, and the repression that followed the Congress of Vienna managed to put only a partial, temporary halt to dissenting expression. Up to this point, Hobsbawm's ideas are reasonable. But he seems unwilling to confront the fact that the calm brought about by repression was greeted with a great sigh of relief by many artists and thinkers.\n\nTake, for instance, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, who was born in 1770\u2014the year of Beethoven's birth\u2014and who lived through the entire French revolutionary and Napoleonic period. A little over a year after Waterloo, Hegel, who greatly influenced later generations of ethical and political philosophers, gave his inaugural lecture as professor of philosophy at the University of Heidelberg. In it, he declared that the time had at last arrived when \"philosophy may expect attention and love again; when this science, well-nigh stricken dumb, can lift up its voice again and may hope that a world which had become deaf to it may lend an ear to it once more.\" (Replace the words \"philosophy\" and \"science\" with \"music\" and \"art,\" and Beethoven could have pronounced the sentence verbatim.) Referring to the just-ended war decades, Hegel said that the \"distress of our time\" had emphasized \"the petty interests associated with the meaner side of our daily life,\" and that the pressures and struggles of the \"real world\" had been not only a constant, concrete occupation but also a constant mental preoccupation: They had absorbed \"all the power and force of mind.\" During the years of strife, people's lives had been so completely dominated by \"the objective world\" that a \"higher inner life, a purer spirituality, could not maintain itself in freedom, and better natures were captivated by those interests and to some extent sacrificed to them.\" To achieve inner life, the spirit had to be able to \"turn inward and concentrate itself within itself.\" According to Hegel, the new, peacetime conditions presented an opportunity for the development of religious devotion and pan-German patriotism, but he also hoped that \"alongside the political and other interests bound up with our everyday life,\" the arts and sciences\u2014the life of the mind\u2014would \"flourish once more.\"\n\nG.W.F. Hegel. _(Lithograph by J. L. Sebbers, 1828.)_\n\nIn this same lecture, Hegel, again harking back to the just-ended revolutionary and Napoleonic period, described the \"German nation\" as having \"hewn its way out of the crudest conditions\"\u2014imposed by those nasty French, of course\u2014and of having \"saved its nationality, the basis of all vital life.\" He was convinced that philosophy, for instance, had \"disappeared without a trace\" from other European countries (once again, he was referring mainly to France), whereas \"the German nation has pursued it as a possession peculiarly its own\" and has \"acquired the higher calling of being custodians of this holy fire.\"\n\nThis is but one among many examples of how the defeat of Napoleonic France led to ethnic and nationalistic reactions against French culture's century-long reign in western Europe\u2014and nationalism became one of the main strains of Romanticism. The Italian poet and essayist Giacomo Leopardi referred to this developing situation at the beginning of his \"Discussion of the Present State of Customs in Italy\"\u2014an essay drafted in March 1824, just a few weeks after Beethoven had completed the Ninth Symphony. Leopardi, who was by no means anti-French, noted that \"a sort of equality of literary, civil, and military reputations\" among the major European nations had emerged during the nine years since Waterloo and the conclusion of the Congress of Vienna, and he allowed that this newfound equilibrium was in part \"a result of the growth of commercial exchange and the habit of traveling,\" accompanied by the desire of \"every nation\" (by which he meant those nations' educated classes) \"to get to know as deeply as possible the languages, literatures, and customs of other peoples.\" The wars that Napoleon had undertaken to extend French influence had, in fact, produced the opposite effect: Since the time of Louis XIV, said Leopardi, all other European nations had conceded cultural primacy to France, but because France was now \"abased by her losses\" the other nations were able to flourish.\n\nGiacomo Leopardi. _(Wood engraving after a contemporary painting.)_\n\nNot that France had lost its intellectual way: In the year 1824 alone, the French mathematician and physicist Nicolas L\u00e9onard Sadi Carnot published his book _R\u00e9flexions sur la puissance motrice du feu (Reflections on the Motive Power of Fire)_ , which comprised what later became known as the second law of thermodynamics; the French engineer Claude Burdin invented and built the first real hydraulic turbine; the gifted painter Th\u00e9odore G\u00e9ricault\u2014creator of the astonishing _Raft of the Medusa\u2014_ died at the age of thirty-two while trying to complete a remarkable series of paintings of deranged and insane people; Charles Augustin Sainte-Beuve and other leading literary figures founded the pro-Romantic newspaper _Le Globe;_ and twenty-two-year-old Victor Hugo published his first book, _Nouvelles odes et po\u00e9sies diverses_ , to immediate acclaim. France was still in excellent mental shape. But Leopardi's point was simply that other European nations were beginning to achieve intellectual and cultural parity with France.\n\nLeopardi lived most of his brief life (1798\u20131837) in an isolated corner of one of central Italy's culturally repressed Papal States. The belief, which he stated in the 1824 essay quoted above, that \"Europe's civilized nations, that is, principally, Germany, England, and France herself, have set aside their age-old national prejudices,\" proved to have been wishful thinking, to everyone's misfortune, yet his comments on the newly resumed flow of ideas demonstrate his keen awareness of the opening up of international travel, commerce, and communication in post-Napoleonic Europe. Virtually no one travels for pleasure or on nonessential business in a war zone, and much of Europe had been a war zone for two decades. Since Waterloo, however, people who had long kept as close to home as possible were now able to go virtually wherever they wished, if they had the means to do so\u2014to such an extent that by 1824 even Samuel Taylor Coleridge, who was not normally given to cranking out doggerel, gave in to the temptation to satirize British tourists.\n\nSome are home-sick\u2014some two or three,\n\nTheir third year on the Arctic Sea\u2014\n\nBut O, what scores are sick of Home,\n\nAgog for Paris or for Rome!\n\nNay! tho' contented to abide,\n\nYou should prefer your own fireside;\n\nYet since grim War has ceas'd its madding,\n\nAnd Peace has set John Bull* agadding,\n\n'Twould such a vulgar taste betray,\n\nFor very shame you must away!\n\nKeep moving! Steam, or Gas, or Stage,\n\nHold, cabin, steerage, hencoop's cage\u2014\n\nTour, Journey, Voyage, Lounge, Ride, Walk,\n\nSkim, Sketch, Excursion, Travel-talk\u2014\n\nFor move you must! 'Tis now the rage,\n\nThe law and fashion of the Age.\n\nOf all the children of John Bull\n\nWith empty heads and bellies full,\n\nWho ramble East, West, North and South,\n\nWith leaky purse and open mouth,\n\nIn search of varieties exotic\n\nThe usefullest and most patriotic,\n\nAnd merriest, too, believe me, Sirs!\n\nAre your Delinquent Travellers!\n\nBut tourism hardly constituted the principal stuff of which post-1815 Europe was made, nor was it even a significant factor in the new scheme of things. The physical difficulty and high cost of travel in those last years before railroad tracks began to spread across the Continent meant that pleasure trips were reasonable undertakings only for those with strong constitutions and fat wallets. The word that most fittingly characterizes Europe during the decade that elapsed between the opening of the Congress of Vienna and the completion of the Ninth Symphony is \"repression,\" not \"travel\" or even \"communication.\" The regimes represented at the Congress spent the following years enforcing the basic tenets of ultraconservatism that had been established there. Dissensions inevitably broke out and amendments and regroupings proved necessary, but the overall situation was clear. By 1818, Restoration France had demonstrated that it was not about to rock the boat again; consequently, it was admitted not only to the reorganized, Continent-wide family of nations, known at the time as the Concert of Europe, but to equal partnership with the leading members. At the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle in October of that year, the Quadruple Alliance (Austria, Britain, Prussia, and Russia) became a Quintuple Alliance that included France. In 1822, when a rebellion broke out in Spain, the alliance gave France the responsibility of dispatching troops to maintain the status quo\u2014just as, two years earlier, Metternich's Austria had intervened to quash revolts in the Italian kingdoms of Piedmont-Sardinia and the Two Sicilies. Among the major powers, only Britain opposed such interventions, on the grounds that most of the rebels were seeking constitutional reform under their respective monarchs rather than opting for out-and-out revolution. But trans-Channel objections were overruled on the Continent, and Britain virtually withdrew from the Concert of Europe.\n\nThe brutal measures imposed by the interventionists were in keeping with Metternich's policy of total repression of any word or deed that smacked even slightly of liberalism. A generation earlier, during the reigns of Joseph II (1780\u201390) and Leopold II (1790\u201392), Austria had been one of the most enlightened nations in Europe. According to the historian Adam Bunnell\u2014a Roman Catholic priest\u2014Emperor Joseph \"wanted to eliminate the wide gap that separated the rich from the poor in his lands. He wanted all to have a chance to be educated, to be enlightened Christians as he thought he and his circle were. Above all, he wanted to eliminate what many considered... the preying of the church on the superstition of those who knew no better. He introduced tolerance for non-Catholics and believed in bettering _this_ world through education and reform.\" Leopold, who succeeded Joseph in 1790, made sure that his sons, and especially Crown Prince Francis, were brought up with modern ideals. \"The princes must, above all, be convinced of the equality of man,\" he had written. \"They should be made to realize... that their entire existence must be subordinate to their duties. They must regard it as their highest duty to listen and to comfort.... They must understand that one may never receive individuals in a bored, disdainful, distracted, ill-humored, or choleric manner; that one must give one's full attention to such persons, whatever their station.\"\n\nTo the end of his reign, Francis stood by his father's precepts\u2014he was famously kind and attentive to individual subjects\u2014but the French Revolution had made him alter his way of applying them. As early as 1793, only a year after Francis had ascended to the throne, and the year in which his aunt Marie Antoinette, queen consort of Louis XVI of France, was guillotined, his chief of police, Count Johann Anton Pergen, had written to the governors of Austria's provinces: \"In the present conditions when the cult of liberty has gained so much ground and all monarchical governments face great unrest, the ordinary arrangements for peace and security are inadequate. Every government must secretly set all forces in motion for the good of the state, in order to convert those in error and to wipe out through effective countermeasures all dangerous impressions that might have been instilled in any class of subjects by sneaking agitators.\"\n\nThe young Beethoven, who had arrived in Vienna from his native Bonn in 1792, laughed at the idea of a French-style revolution in his adoptive city. Although he wrote to a friend in Bonn, on August 2, 1794, that \"several _important people_ 16 have been locked up\" and that \"it is said that a revolution is to break out,\" he immediately added: \"I believe that so long as an Austrian has his _brown beer_ and _sausages_ , he won't revolt.\" In the same letter, however, he mentioned that the gates to the suburbs were to be shut each night at ten o'clock, that the soldiers had loaded their muskets with live ammunition, and that people dared not speak up for fear that the police would take them into custody.\n\nTwo upheaval-strewn decades later, the authorities' attitudes had congealed to such an extent that even hard-won previous concessions\u2014such as the abolition, back in Joseph II's day, of the papacy's secular authority\u2014were renounced in order to bolster the monarchy's power. \"Many eras witnessed tyrannical governments,\" commented the historian E. H. Gombrich, \"but what gave a special characteristic to life under Metternich was the sense of deep and widening disappointment.\" Count Joseph Sedlnitzky, Pergen's successor as police chief, proved to be the most dedicated of watchdogs, and he was dog-like also in his devotion to his masters, Metternich and the emperor. At first, the student associations, known as _Burschenschaften_ , and other nationalist organizations throughout the German Confederation demonstrated angrily against the repressive measures, but in 1819, when a member of one such group assassinated the reactionary playwright and diplomat August von Kotzebue, Metternich demanded that the _Burschenschaften_ be outlawed, that publications that expressed political dissent be banned, and that university students and professors who deviated or seemed to deviate from official policy be expelled. These repressive new laws, known as the Carlsbad Decrees, were made permanent in 1824, and they effectively turned the confederation's member nations\u2014especially Austria\u2014into prototypes of the modern police state. Professional spies and amateur informants flourished throughout the Hapsburgs' domains, and nowhere more so than in Vienna, where every market and tavern was plagued by at least one pair of ears eager to intercept any untoward opinion in order to show off their possessor's fidelity to the emperor. Even Beethoven's conversation books demonstrate the uneasiness of average citizens: Not many months after the Carlsbad Decrees had been issued, someone abruptly ended a caf\u00e9 chat with the composer by writing in one of the books: \"another time\u2014just now the spy Haensl is here.\"\n\nBeethoven, whose relatively liberal sympathies, love of freedom, and contempt for authority were well known, was considered too eccentric and out of touch to be potentially dangerous; others were less fortunate. Even the nationalistic but otherwise largely apolitical poet and playwright Franz Grillparzer was constantly forced by state censors to rewrite parts of his works, some of which were banned altogether simply because the censors were afraid of having overlooked hidden subversive meanings that were not, in fact, to be found in the texts. And in 1820, twenty-three-year-old Franz Schubert was arrested, allegedly for having insulted the police but really because he was on friendly terms with the poet Johann Senn, who was arrested at the same time, imprisoned, and sent into exile. So far as is known, Schubert was not punished by the police, but he must have been deeply frightened by his too-close encounter with imperial repression. What is certain is that he and Senn never met again.\n\nThe seething magma of protest in the German-speaking world would eventually erupt into the revolution of 1848, but throughout the 1820s and '30s it remained mostly subterranean. In three short lines, the poet Hoffmann von Fallersleben (the pseudonym of August Heinrich Hoffmann) broadly satirized the timid, caf\u00e9-frequenting rebels of the day: \"And they chatter, leaf [through the gazettes], search, \/ And finally come to the conclusion: \/ 'Another little piece of apple pie!'\" No matter how intensely artists and intellectuals detested the political situation in which they found themselves, they could express their aversion in only the most oblique ways. Aversion led to introversion, to the concentration on intensely personal thoughts, feelings, and states of being and the transformation of them into artistic expression\u2014to Romanticism, in a word.\n\nBritain's government may have looked liberal in comparison with the politically antediluvian regimes excogitated and run by Metternich and his likeminded brethren in Germanic Europe, but the tactics it adopted to quell domestic unrest were no gentler than those deployed in more reactionary nations. In particular, workers' protests over their miserable living conditions were immediately and sometimes violently repressed. Eleven protesters were killed and four hundred injured in Manchester's Peterloo massacre of August 1819, and three months later Parliament passed the infamous Six Acts, which severely limited freedom of speech and assembly. Yet in 1824, the year of the Ninth Symphony, Parliament first passed a law that allowed workers to unionize and then\u2014in an early, tentative move toward democratic progress\u2014established the National Gallery, \"for the benefit of all.\"\n\nAt the same time, however, Britain continued to expand its empire by conquering more and more of Africa and southern Asia after having lost much of its North American stronghold to the young United States. In 1824, the British occupied Mombasa, in Kenya; Rangoon, in Burma; and Melville Island, off the northern coast of Australia, and signed treaties with Holland for the acquisition of the latter's possessions in India and the Malay Peninsula, including the island of Singapore. The British favored the struggles for independence of Spain's South American colonies, not out of benevolence toward the colonists, much less toward the indigenous populations, but in order to ensure that Spain would never be in a position to reacquire its lost wealth, power, and influence. In December 1823, with the encouragement of King George IV's government, U.S. president James Monroe issued a declaration\u2014now known as the Monroe Doctrine\u2014that warned European countries to cease all interference, especially attempts at colonial expansion, in the Western Hemisphere; support from Britain, the world's greatest naval power, was imperative, because the United States was not yet strong enough to enforce such a policy on its own. This entente helped the South American liberators Sim\u00f3n Bol\u00edvar and Antonio Jos\u00e9 de Sucre to abolish the last remnants of Spanish rule on their continent\u2014a mission that they accomplished in the year of the Ninth Symphony.\n\nThe same message to Congress in which President Monroe asserted his now famous doctrine\u2014which was tucked in among reports on the postal service, road repairs, the surveying of harbors, and the like (in 1824, the Erie Canal neared completion, and Upper Canada's Welland Canal, which would also benefit the United States, was begun)\u2014contained an anomalous but remarkable paragraph, much neglected in history books, about, of all places, Greece.\n\nA strong hope has been long entertained, founded on the heroic struggle of the Greeks, that they would succeed in their contest, and resume their equal station among the nations of the earth. It is believed that the whole civilized world takes a deep interest in their welfare. Although no power has declared in their favor, yet none, according to our information, has taken part against them. Their cause and their name have protected them from dangers which might ere this have overwhelmed any other people. The ordinary calculations of interest and of acquisition, with a view to aggrandisement, which mingle so much in the transactions of nations, seem to have had no effect in regard to them. From the facts which have come to our knowledge, there is good cause to believe that their enemy has lost forever all dominion over them; that Greece will become again an independent nation. That she may obtain that rank is the object of our most ardent wishes.\n\nIn the eyes of educated western Europeans as in those of the American president, Greece was significant not only as the cradle of Occidental civilization but also as the birthplace of democracy; for many of them, the Greek wars of independence from Ottoman Turkey symbolized or at least hinted at the democratic ideals that were being repressed all across Europe. Had people spoken out in favor of freedom at home, they would likely have faced unpleasant consequences, but their Christian governments could not easily have prevented individuals and private organizations from supporting the oppressed\u2014and conveniently distant\u2014Christian Greeks in their opposition to the dominant Muslim Turks. (Note, by the way, the odd fact that Monroe did not name the power from which the Greeks were seeking independence.) But unlike the young American republic, which was ill positioned, politically, economically, and geographically, to intervene in European affairs, governments east of the Atlantic could have aided the Greeks but didn't. For instance: George Canning, Britain's foreign minister at the time, favored the Greek cause but opposed direct intervention in it. Yet in England as elsewhere in Europe, the Greek insurrection became a romanticized, sublimated form of rebellion, and the man who most potently symbolized Romantic rebellion became fatally involved in the Greek struggle.\n\n## **_Lord Byron fights \"freedom's battle\"_**\n\nIt is the evening of May 7, 1824. In Vienna, the Ninth Symphony's plea for universal brotherhood is being heard in public for the first time. But seven hundred miles to the southeast, in the mud-choked Greek town of Missolonghi, a sealed coffin containing the crudely embalmed corpse of George Gordon Byron, 6th Baron Byron, floats in the darkness of a caulked cask filled with 180 gallons of spirits. The most idolized poet of the age has been dead for two and a half weeks, but his remains have yet to begin the five-week-long sea voyage that will take them back to his native England.\n\nLike Beethoven, who was seventeen years his senior, Lord Byron appeared to his contemporaries as an embodiment of Romanticism\u2014a wild genius, unaccountable to common standards of behavior, dominated only by his ego. But, again like Beethoven, Byron is known today as a far more complicated personality. Aristocratic pride and radical political beliefs, an overheated libido and a great capacity for tenderness, a tremendous appetite for women counterbalanced by strong homoerotic tendencies, a beautiful countenance offset by a clubfoot (about which he was even more sensitive than Beethoven was about his deafness), extremes of morbidity and mordancy, of blackguardly egotism and boundless generosity: These and many other contradictory characteristics combined to make the poet one of the most engagingly enigmatic figures in our culture's history.\n\nByron was born in London in 1788 to a good-hearted but irascible mother\u2014a descendant of King James I of Scotland\u2014and to a profligate father who died when his son was three. Young Byron's early childhood was as impoverished as Beethoven's had been, but the future bard's penury came to an abrupt end when a childless great-uncle left the Byron family's title and estates to his ten-year-old nephew. Byron attended Harrow and Cambridge, began to publish remarkably accomplished poetry when he was eighteen, and at twenty-one set out on a two-year trip, through parts of Portugal and Spain but mainly around the eastern Mediterranean.\n\nIn Greece he conceived and set to work on the autobiographically tempestuous narrative poem _Childe Harold's Pilgrimage_ , which, if we indulge our imaginations, can be seen as a counterpart to segments of Beethoven's early storm-and-stress works in minor keys, including the Piano Trio op. 1, no. 3; the piano sonatas op. 2, no. 1, op. 10, no. 1, and op. 13 (\"Path\u00e9tique\"); the Cello Sonata op. 5, no. 2; and the String Quartet op. 18, no. 4. There is much more posturing in _Childe Harold_ than in Beethoven's early published works (although, on second thought, maybe we simply have a harder time identifying musical posturing than verbal posturing), but dark, roiling elements are common to both. Byron's poem also contains clearly reasoned musings on various subjects, especially the disastrous modern condition of the once-glorious Hellenic world. In the second of _Childe Harold_ 's four cantos, Byron upbraided contemporary Greeks as \"the hopeless warriors of a willing doom\" and invoked a \"gallant spirit\"\u2014someone who would call the nation back \"from the tomb.\" Was he baiting himself? The seeds of the half-idealistic, half-suicidal adventure that would lead him to an early death fifteen years later seem to have been sown in 1809.\n\nAfter his return to England, Byron's first speech in the House of Lords was an ultraradical declaration on behalf of the frame workers, or weavers, of Nottinghamshire. Many of these factory employees were being driven out of work by the introduction of a new, more efficient type of mechanical frame, or loom, into the textile industry; there had been rioting, and many of the new frames had been broken\u2014as a result of which a bill had been introduced in Parliament to make frame breaking a capital offense. In a letter written two days before he made his speech, Byron explained his position on a problem that affects our postindustrial society two centuries later as profoundly as it affected laborers at the time of the Industrial Revolution. He described the workers as \"a much injured body of men sacrificed to [the] views of certain individuals who have enriched themselves by those practices which have deprived the frame workers of employment.... My own motive for opposing [the] bill is founded on it's [sic] palpable injustice, & it's [sic] certain inefficacy.\u2014I have seen the state of these miserable men, & it is a disgrace to a civilized country.\u2014Their excesses may be condemned, but cannot be subject of wonder.\"\n\nThe speech established Byron's liberal credentials and brought him notoriety in political circles, but the publication a few days later of the first two cantos of _Childe Harold's Pilgrimage_ brought him immediate fame in all educated circles within Britain and, soon thereafter, throughout the Western world. Other works followed quickly, and all were virtually automatic bestsellers. Byron's celebrity and good looks led him into a series of affairs with well-connected married women, including, most scandalously, his half sister, Augusta Leigh. Early in 1815 he married Annabella Milbanke, also of aristocratic descent, but by the time their daughter was born at the end of the year the marriage had broken down, in part thanks to widespread rumors about Byron's liaison with Augusta.\n\nThe scandal had one even more dramatic consequence than Annabella's decision to leave her husband: Byron's permanent departure from England in the spring of 1816. He spent several months in Switzerland\u2014much of the time in the company of Percy Bysshe Shelley and his circle (including the social philosopher William Godwin's stepdaughter, Claire Clairmont, who bore Byron a second daughter early in 1817)\u2014then moved on to Italy, where he lived for nearly six years. There he began to purge his poetry of the Romantic melancholy and high-flown self-dramatization that had already given the adjective \"Byronic\" to the English language and to write in the sharper, wittier style that had always characterized his robust, pungent, and exhilaratingly entertaining personal correspondence. The tempestuous, self-absorbed _Childe Harold_ of Byron's twenties gave way to the alternately waspish and meditative _Don Juan_ of his thirties.\n\nLord Byron, by H. Meyer. _(After G. H. Harlow, stipple engraving, 1816.)_\n\nAt Venice, his base for two years, he turned out a remarkable quantity of literature while indulging his sexual appetites with a succession of short-term mistresses and numerous local prostitutes. Then, in 1819, a more serious attachment to the nineteen-year-old Countess Teresa Guiccioli led him to abandon Venice, first for Ravenna, where Teresa and her elderly husband lived, then for Pisa, to which the countess's father and brother had to flee because of their connection with the subversive Carbonari movement for Italian reunification\u2014a movement with which Byron also became involved\u2014and finally to Genoa.\n\nBy early 1823, domestic life with Teresa had begun to bore Byron, and he readily accepted an invitation from the London Greek Committee to represent them on-site in aiding the Greeks' struggle against the Turks. A considerable portion of his fortune was channeled into the project: Byron not only leased and equipped a ship to transport him to Greece but also helped finance Greek military efforts\u2014no easy task, since the Greeks were split into conflicting factions, each of them eager to enlist the support of the famous and, above all, wealthy Englishman. For months after his arrival in August 1823 on the island of Cephalonia, a British protectorate, Byron dedicated himself to creating a semblance of unity among the various factions, and only in December (the same month in which President Monroe declared his support for Greek independence) did he feel ready to travel to the mainland. After a close brush at sea with the Turks, he arrived at the town of Missolonghi on January 5, 1824, and there, together with the Greek nationalist leader Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos, he began to plan the capture of the remaining Turkish strongholds on the Gulf of Corinth.\n\nIt is easy to wax ironical about Byron's motives in the entire Greek affair\u2014easy to point to his interest in smart uniforms and his fixation with heroic deeds. But Byron had almost always sided with radical-libertarian causes at home and abroad and had loved Greece since his first visit there in 1809\u201310. His support for Greek independence was sincere, and once he arrived in Missolonghi he threw himself wholeheartedly into the fray. \"His house was filled with soldiers,\" reported Julius Millingen, a young, pro-Greek English physician who had attached himself to Byron's entourage. \"His receiving room resembled an arsenal of war, rather than the habitation of a poet. Its walls were decorated with swords, pistols, Turkish sabres, dirks, rifles, guns, blunderbusses, bayonets, helmets, and trumpets...; and attacks, surprises, charges, ambuscades, battles, sieges, were almost the only topics of his conversation with the different capitani.\"\n\nPerhaps Millingen had expected Byron to discuss pentameters and hexameters with \"the different capitani,\" and to decorate his makeshift Missolonghi dwelling with objets d'art. But the poet's internal life was an unknown to the young doctor as to the military people. Byron had fallen in love with his page, Loukas Chalandritsanos, a handsome fifteen-year-old boy; his love was unreciprocated. Two and a half weeks after his arrival at Missolonghi, Byron wrote what later generations have seen as his valedictory poem.\n\n\"On this day I complete my Thirty-sixth Year\"\n\nMissolonghi, Jan. 22, 1824.\n\n'T is time this heart should be unmoved,\n\nSince others it hath ceased to move:\n\nYet, though I cannot be beloved,\n\nStill let me love!\n\nMy days are in the yellow leaf;\n\nThe flowers and fruits of love are gone;\n\nThe worm, the canker, and the grief\n\nAre mine alone!\n\nThe fire that on my bosom preys\n\nIs lone as some volcanic isle;\n\nNo torch is kindled at its blaze\u2014\n\nA funeral pile.\n\nThe hope, the fear, the jealous care,\n\nThe exalted portion of the pain\n\nAnd power of love, I cannot share,\n\nBut wear the chain.\n\nBut 't is not _thus_ \u2014and 't is not _here\u2014_\n\nSuch thoughts should shake my soul, nor _now_ ,\n\nWhere glory decks the hero's bier,\n\nOr binds his brow.\n\nThe sword, the banner, and the field,\n\nGlory and Greece, around me see!\n\nThe Spartan, borne upon his shield,\n\nWas not more free.\n\nAwake! (not Greece\u2014she _is_ awake!)\n\nAwake, my spirit! Think through _whom_\n\nThy life-blood tracks its parent lake,\n\nAnd then strike home!\n\nTread those reviving passions down,\n\nUnworthy manhood!\u2014unto thee\n\nIndifferent should the smile or frown\n\nOf beauty be.\n\nIf thou regret'st thy youth, _why live?_\n\nThe land of honourable death\n\nIs here:\u2014up to the field, and give\n\nAway thy breath!\n\nSeek out\u2014less often sought than found\u2014\n\nA soldier's grave, for thee the best;\n\nThen look around, and choose thy ground,\n\nAnd take thy rest.\n\nThis is not one of Byron's finest poems, but it strikes the reader by its zigzagging from the private to the public and back again. Byron contrasts the fact that he is in the autumn of his life\u2014\"the yellow leaf\" (he felt old at thirty-six, yet in his day European males who survived childhood lived to an average age of nearly sixty.) with the youthful \"fire that on my bosom preys\" and with the \"hope,\" \"fear,\" \"care,\" and \"pain\" of love that he still experiences. But he then contrasts these private woes with public concerns for Greece\u2014although these, too, are made personal by his thirst for carrying out what he perceives as heroic deeds. Yet while he is indulging in a final self-exhortation, in the name of heroism, to extinguish his \"reviving passions,\" show indifference to \"the smile or frown of beauty,\" and seek an \"honourable death,\" he is also saying that for purely private reasons he prefers death to the loss of his youth; that a soldier's grave is worthier of him than any other sort of grave; and that he is ready to look around, choose his ground, and take his rest.\n\nThe emotional structure of this poem differs radically from the one that Beethoven hit upon for the Ninth Symphony. Byron's poem crescendos from private anguish to public heroism but then diminuendos back to private anguish and preoccupation with death\u2014soul death and physical death; content-wise, it is in A-B-A form. Beethoven's symphony, as I understand it, swirls continuously upward from despair to struggle to acceptance to joy; content-wise, it is in a dynamic A-B-C-D form within which its creator's private miseries are transformed into something all-embracing, something that exists here and now but also everywhere and at all times in human experience. Byron remains touchingly intimate. Beethoven forces us to climb to a higher vantage point: He universalizes the intimate.\n\nIn February 1824, just as Beethoven was completing the Ninth and a few weeks after Byron had written \"On this day I complete my Thirty-sixth Year,\" the poet took ill. He had not yet fully recovered when, early in April, he developed a persistent fever, and this led his physicians to recommend bleeding. That Byron was fully aware of the perils of entrusting himself to the medical men of his day is clear from a letter that he had written to his friend Francis Hodgson in 1810, during his first visit to Greece. In it, he characterizes the doctors who had looked after him during an illness as \"assassins\" and says that he was so sure that one of them, Romanelli, would cause him to die that he actually wrote his own facetious epitaph: \"Youth, Nature, and relenting Jove \/ To keep my _lamp in_ strongly strove, \/ But _Romanelli_ was so stout \/ He beat all three\u2014and _blew_ it _out_.\"\n\n\"Youth, Nature, and relenting Jove\" had bested Byron's doctors in 1810, but in 1824 medical incompetence joined forces with persistent illness, disappointment in love, and disillusionment with the greedy and untrustworthy soldiers available to him for his grand undertaking, and killed him. Byron died at Missolonghi on April 19, eighteen days before the premiere of the Ninth Symphony.\n\nFour decades later, the English poet and critic Matthew Arnold compared Byron and Shelley unfavorably, as writers, with their fellow High Romantics Wordsworth, Coleridge, Keats, and Sir Walter Scott, but prophesied that posterity would remember Byron and Shelley much longer than the others. Wordsworth and company did not \"apply modern ideas to life,\" according to Arnold, whereas Byron and Shelley had attempted to bring a liberating spirit to English letters. Arnold's predictions count for little today\u2014all six of the writers he was assessing, with the possible exception of Scott, are considered major figures in English literature\u2014but the fact that Byron, four decades after his death, was still seen as a battler for the modern spirit says a great deal about his significance for nineteenth-century liberal thinkers.\n\nByron and Beethoven were vastly divergent in background and personality. Byron's self-absorption, which subsided considerably from his twenties to his thirties, from the \"pure\" Romanticism of _Childe Harold_ to the irony-tempered Romanticism of _Don Juan_ , might have diminished even further had he, like Beethoven, lived into his fifties. They were similar insofar as they felt contempt for most human beings, but Beethoven seems to have been more concerned than Byron with reaching out toward humanity in the abstract. What is compelling, however, in the convergence of Byron's death and the unveiling of Beethoven's final symphony is the fact that the handsome, wealthy, amoral, urbane poet and the unkempt, economically unstable, moralistic, rough-hewn composer had simultaneously come to similar conclusions about contemporary European civilization. Although revolutionary and Napoleonic Europe had turned into a vast graveyard, both men believed that postrevolutionary and post-Napoleonic Europe had become an equally vast prison for the human spirit. Byron, whose ego displayed itself through histrionics rendered tolerable by self-mockery, would probably have greeted the ideals and sentiments expressed in the Ninth Symphony's finale with a mixture of hope, skepticism, and barbed irony. Beethoven, on the other hand, wanted to help light the way for humanity; he wanted human beings to realize their high ethical potential, and he probably felt, deep down, that such a feat would coincidentally have made them worthy of himself. Yet however great was the distance that separated the two Bs' world outlooks, Byron's martyrdom\u2014which is how the poet's death was perceived in liberal circles\u2014and the premiere of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony remain the most emblematic events of 1824 in the history of Romanticism's evolution.\n\n## **_Absolute rulers and an anarchic writer_**\n\n\"You are sad about Byron, but I am very glad of his death, as a sublime theme for poetry.\" Alexander Sergeyevich Pushkin was only twenty-five years old in June 1824, when he made this bitterly ironic statement in a letter to Prince Pyotr Andreyevich Vyazemsky, a friend from school days, but the poet had already crammed experience after experience into his life. He was familiar with glory and misery, freedom and despotism, exaltation and depression, sexual excess and rejection in love.\n\nNews of Byron's death two months earlier was spreading across Europe; the English poet's remains were on the high seas as Pushkin wrote his letter to Vyazemsky, and the letter also contains Pushkin's opinion of the cause for which Byron had given his life: \"About the fate of the Greeks one is permitted to reason, just as of the fate of my brothers the Negroes\u2014one may wish both groups freedom from unendurable slavery. But it is unforgivable puerility that all enlightened European peoples should be raving about Greece.\" He had seen plenty of Greek \"bandits and shopkeepers\" in Odessa in the previous weeks and months, and they didn't seem to have much to do with \"Themistocles and Pericles\"\u2014in other words, with fifth-century B.C. Athens, where democracy was born and the arts flourished.\n\nPushkin's phrase about \"my brothers the Negroes\" refers to his descent, on his mother's side, from Abram Hannibal, an Abyssinian who had been sold into slavery and later adopted and ennobled by Peter the Great; Hannibal's great-grandson was proud of his African ancestry. On his father's side, Pushkin was descended from the old Russian boyar nobility. These double aristocratic ties had made his parents into snobs, although there was precious little cash to support their arrogance. They didn't care much for their son, but good connections and a partially successful exam helped him to land, in 1811, in the first class of students at the new Imperial Lyceum, the prestigious secondary school that Tsar Alexander I had founded at Tsarskoye Selo, near Saint Petersburg. Pushkin's versifying talent, like Byron's, was precocious and prodigious\u2014by the age of fifteen he was publishing high-quality poetry\u2014and there was considerable resemblance between their talents for dissipation as well. Nor did belonging to the aristocracy prevent Pushkin from developing radical political ideals any more than it had impeded similar tendencies in Byron. Some of the poems that Pushkin wrote in his late teens expressed liberal notions and could be circulated only in manuscript, in a sort of tsarist-era samizdat. But the imperial censors did their job well: In May 1820, at the time of his twenty-first birthday, Pushkin was banished to Russia's southern provinces, by direct order of the tsar.\n\nExile humiliated the proud young poet and frustrated the enthusiastically debauched Saint Petersburg social butterfly; when\u2014even whether\u2014that exile might end depended entirely on the unpredictable states of mind of the tsar and his advisers. But exile was a boon to Pushkin's long-term personal and artistic development, thus also to world literature. By the end of 1820, Pushkin had been allowed to travel in Caucasia and the Crimea, had begun to study English\u2014mainly in order to read Byron in the original\u2014and had set to work on his narrative poem \"The Prisoner of the Caucasus,\" which, after its publication two years later, so touched the tsar that he considered pardoning Pushkin\u2014although in the end he allowed reasons of state to prevail over his feelings. Through the first half of 1824, Pushkin was in Odessa, the Black Sea port where, he said, \"everything breathes, diffuses Europe.\" It was from there, at about the time of the Ninth Symphony's premiere in Vienna, that he sent a letter that got him into worse trouble than ever with Russia's absolute ruler. He told a friend that when he read the Bible,\n\nthe Holy Spirit is sometimes to my liking, but I prefer Goethe [who was still alive] and Shakespeare. You want to know what I am doing. I am writing the motley stanzas of a romantic poem\u2014and I am taking lessons in pure atheism. An Englishman is here, a deaf philosopher, the only intelligent atheist I have yet met. He has covered some thousand pages with writing to prove _qu'il ne peut exister d'\u00eatre intelligent Cr\u00e9ateur et r\u00e9gulateur_ [that an intelligent being, a Creator and regulator, cannot exist], destroying in passing the flimsy evidence of the immortality of the soul. His philosophic system is not so consoling as it is usually thought to be, but unfortunately it is the most plausible.\n\nAlexander Sergeyevich Pushkin. _(Portrait by A. P. Yelagina, after original [1827] by V. A. Tropinin.)_\n\nThe \"romantic poem\" was Pushkin's novel in verse, _Eugene Onegin\u2014_ generally considered his masterpiece, and certainly the work by which he is best known\u2014which he had begun the previous year and would finish in 1831. The deaf English philosopher was a medical doctor named Hutchinson who later became an Anglican minister\u2014which suggests that Pushkin took the doctor's speculations more seriously than their propounder did. The imperial censors intercepted and read the letter, and the drift of its contents was reported to the tsar, whose religious beliefs were becoming ever more orthodox, not to say bigoted. Fortunately, the ruler of all the Russias did not see the tribute to his old archenemy Napoleon that Pushkin wrote into his poem \"To the Sea\" (\"K moriu\"), which also dates from 1824:\n\nHe vanished, mourned by freedom,\n\nLeaving the world his crown.\n\nSound forth, rise up in storm:\n\nHe was, O sea, your singer.\n\nLike you, he was powerful, deep, and gloomy.\n\nLike you, he was indomitable.\n\nThe fate of the earth is everywhere the same:\n\nWhere there is a drop of virtue, already on watch\n\nIs either enlightenment or tyranny.\n\nThis poem, written three years after Napoleon's death, supports Stendhal's hypotheses about the profound, ineradicable impression that the emperor had made on early-nineteenth-century youths all over Europe, regardless of whether their countries had been France's allies or enemies, and the despair that young people felt after Napoleon's defeat by the forces of reaction. Rightly or wrongly (or both), to Pushkin and his contemporaries Napoleon had represented the principles of the French Revolution, and he was even seen by young Romantics like Pushkin as a fellow spirit, \"powerful,\" \"deep,\" \"gloomy,\" \"indomitable,\" and a \"singer\" of the sea, or, in other words, of the world's mysterious abysses.\n\nBut even without the ode to Napoleon, Pushkin's letter on atheism was sufficient to make the tsar decide to increase the young man's punishment by having him transferred from pleasant Odessa, with its temperate climate, Italian opera house, and flirtatious aristocratic ladies, to a remote estate that belonged to the poet's mother's family at Mikhailovskoye in the province of Pskov, eight hundred miles to the north. There Pushkin spent the last two years of his six-year exile, increasingly frustrated over his confinement but finding consolation, or at least occupation, in his work. During that period he made considerable progress on _Onegin_ and completed his play _Boris Godunov_ and his poem \"The Gypsies,\" all of which had been started in 1823 or '24 and touch upon the subject of individual suffering. In _Boris Godunov_ , however, as in the Ninth Symphony, intense individual suffering is expressed within the context of humanity's suffering and striving for freedom\u2014hopeless striving in Pushkin's work, idealized striving in Beethoven's; and, as in Byron's \"On this day I complete my Thirty-sixth Year,\" so in _Boris_ questions of personal ambition are set off against questions that concern large segments of our species. Pushkin considered _Boris_ 32 one of his most important works, but the tsar's censors could not tolerate it.\n\nThe real Tsar Boris (ca. 1551\u20131605) was responsible for many constructive policies as well as an unusual degree of openness toward western Europe, but his highly suspicious nature led him to commit unjust and often brutal acts against his enemies, actual or only potential. Pushkin's main concern, however, was not biographical accuracy. From the play's first scene, he created parallels between sixteenth-century Russian history and recent European history\u2014parallels that no reasonably perceptive reader of the day would have failed to notice. One of the characters, Prince Vortynsky, in his dialogue with another prince, mentions the old Varangian guards\u2014the Varangians having been a noble class from which they both were descended\u2014but goes on to say:\n\n... 'Tis no easy thing for us to vie\n\nWith Godunov; the people are not wont\n\nTo recognise in us an ancient branch\n\nOf their old warlike masters; long already\n\nHave we our appanages forfeited,\n\nLong served but as lieutenants of the tsars,\n\nAnd he hath known, by fear, and love, and glory,\n\nHow to bewitch the people.\n\nHere, the Varangians look suspiciously like Europe's prerevolutionary aristocracy\u2014both represent a decadent, ineffectual Establishment\u2014and Boris is made out to be the same sort of daring usurper as Napoleon.\n\nPushkin's contemporaries would also have made an automatic connection between what one of the play's characters refers to as the dynastic political \"sins\" and \"dark and evil deeds\" of sixteenth-century tsars and the complicity of the current tsar, Alexander I, in the murder of his father, Paul I. Nor can passages like the following lament have gone over well with the authorities:\n\n...Is there any safety\n\nIn our poor life? Each day disgrace awaits us;\n\nThe dungeon or Siberia, cowl or fetters,\n\nAnd then in some deaf nook a starving death,\n\nOr else the halter. Where are the most renowned\n\nOf all our houses, where the Sitsky princes,\n\nWhere are the Shestunovs, where the Romanovs,\n\nHope of our fatherland? Imprisoned, tortured,\n\nIn exile. Do but wait, and a like fate\n\nWill soon be thine.\n\nDespite the lip service paid to the Romanovs\u2014Alexander I's family, which reigned over Russia from 1613 until the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917\u2014the list of cruel and arbitrary punishments meted out by an unpredictable, despotic tsar cannot have been appreciated on high, especially since Pushkin went so far as to put this rebellious speech in the mouth of a nobleman named Pushkin, and to have Tsar Boris say, a little further on: \"I like not the seditious race of Pushkins.\"\n\nToward the end of the play, the dying Boris tells his young son how to govern with the cruel cynicism proper to an absolute ruler:\n\nFor many a year experienced\n\nIn rule, I could restrain revolt and treason;\n\nThey quaked with fear before me; treachery\n\nDared not to raise its voice....\n\nOf late I have been forced to reinstate\n\nBans, executions\u2014these thou canst rescind;\n\nAnd they will bless thee....\n\nAt the same time, little by little, tighten\n\nAnew the reins of government; now slacken;\n\nBut let them not slip from thy hands.\n\nAnd in the final scene, when the false pretender Dmitri is proclaimed tsar and the people are incited to \"Shout: Long live the Tsar Dmitri Ivanovich!\" the play ends with the extraordinary stage direction: \"The PEOPLE remain silent.\"\n\nPushkin wrote _Boris Godunov_ during the worst period of his internal exile; his isolation was in many respects comparable to that of the deaf Beethoven of the 1820s, and what literary historian and Pushkin scholar Stephanie Sandler has written about how to absorb _Boris Godunov_ could also provide a clue for how to listen to the Ninth Symphony, or, for that matter, for how to approach any work of art. \"Whether we can take pleasure in reading or watching _Boris Godunov_ depends on how much we are able to be like Pushkin,\" she says, adding that \"we must be something other than a passive audience,\" and that \"we as listeners must work to imagine what it was like for Pushkin to write the play as he did.... We must be willing to see ourselves in this play, willing to play the parts assigned to us.\"\n\nIn other words, if we try to imagine the work as its creator conceived it, we will have a more vivid, multidimensional view of it. But Pushkin, who was nearly three decades younger than Beethoven, differed from the composer inasmuch as he still hungered for acceptance, recognition, and more: \"I want glory so that your ears will be stricken \/ With the sound of my name every hour, so that you \/ Will be surrounded by me, so that everything, everything \/ Around you will reverberate loudly with talk of me,\" he wrote in 1825. Beethoven, by 1825, had known the hollowness of recognition and glory and was beyond longing for acceptance.\n\nBy the time _Boris Godunov_ was ready for publication, Alexander I had died, a revolt by antiauthoritarian liberals had been staged and easily put down, and the rebels\u2014later called Decembrists, because their uprising took place in December 1825\u2014had been imprisoned, exiled to Siberia, or executed. Pushkin had been on friendly terms with several leading Decembrists, some of whose deeds had been inspired, at least in part, by his poetry. But the new tsar, Nicholas I\u2014Alexander's younger brother\u2014recognizing Pushkin's popularity as an author, decided to put an end to the poet's exile and, in the fall of 1826, granted him a lengthy private audience in Moscow. Nicholas seems to have appreciated Pushkin's frankness\u2014the young author told him that had he been present at the time of the Decembrist revolt he would have been among the rebels\u2014and when Pushkin complained of the absurd rigors of official censorship, the tsar declared that from then on he himself would read Pushkin's works in manuscript and act as his personal censor.\n\nFor a short time, Pushkin was euphoric over Nicholas's promise, but he soon realized that the tsar, who was no literary expert, merely handed the troublesome poet's manuscripts to the chief censors, who acted in what they believed to be their master's interests. In the case of _Boris Godunov_ , this meant that publication was permitted only after a six-year delay and the imposition of many textual changes. The play was not performed until long after Pushkin's death, and only recently has an uncut edition of the uncensored version, completed in 1825, been issued.\n\nThe fact that Pushkin began to work on _Boris Godunov_ in the year of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony is, on the face of things, purely coincidental; the Russian poet may never even have heard of the German composer, and it was above all his intensive reading of Shakespeare in 1824 that made him want to write for the theater. There may well be a connection, however, to Byron, since the English poet's verse dramas exercised a strong influence on his Russian counterpart\u2014as did Byron's death. But the fact that Pushkin chose to write about despair and oppression just when Beethoven and Byron were dealing with the same matters, and when the likes of Alexander I, Metternich, and Charles X were doing their best to make despair and oppression as endemic as possible throughout Europe, is, I believe, not mere coincidence: The theme was airborne across the Continent, and it was a cause as well as a manifestation of Romanticism, which was both inspired by and an inspirer of Europe's aspiration toward freedom.\n\n## **_Interlude_**\n\nIf there is a hidden thread that connects Beethoven's Ninth Symphony to the works created in and around 1824 by other significant artists, it is precisely this quest for freedom: political freedom, from the repressive conditions that then dominated Europe, and freedom of expression, certainly, but above all freedom of the mind and spirit. To a hypothetical observer who, in 1824, had heard of Beethoven, Byron, Pushkin, and the other major figures who have appeared or will appear here, the points of contact among them would have seemed tenuous, perhaps even nonexistent. But from a twenty-first-century perspective, the connection seems almost too obvious.\n\nNapoleon had nearly managed to unify Europe, despite the Continent's geographic, climatic, ethnic, linguistic, gastronomic, and religious diversity. Notwithstanding his ultimate defeat, he had brought mutually distrustful national cultures closer together, sometimes on purpose, more often by accident. Cultural cross-pollination undoubtedly moved more slowly and affected fewer classes of people in 1824 than it does today, but among the European aristocracy and bourgeoisie it was already strongly present.\n\nWe have so far observed a composer from the Rhineland living in Vienna, an English poet dying in Greece, and a Russian poet moving through various parts of his vast homeland; we will now have a look at a couple of key artistic figures in Paris, which in many ways remained Europe's cultural capital even after Waterloo\u2014the place where artists had to prove themselves in order to be taken seriously elsewhere\u2014and from there we will return to the Rhineland, to observe one of the most remarkably transnational, liberty-advocating, and modern-spirited artists of the day.\n\n## **_France after Napoleon: \nPaintbrush and pen replace cavalry and cannon_**\n\nWhile Beethoven's last symphony was being heard for the first time, while Byron's corpse was awaiting transport from Greece to England, and while Pushkin was expressing skepticism about the Greek cause, twenty-six-year-old Eug\u00e8ne Delacroix\u2014scion of a once well-to-do, now shabby-genteel family that had served the French military or diplomatic corps under all of the recent regimes\u2014was working on a painting intended to draw attention to the Greek rebellion and, by extension, to the issue of freedom versus oppression. Yet when I look at _Scenes from the Massacres at Chios_ (a Greek island), Delacroix's canvas then in progress, I sense that he was one of the many artists of the post-Napoleonic period who felt so relieved to be able to lead a normal life\u2014whatever they thought of the reactionary regimes that had resumed their stranglehold on the Continent\u2014that the presence of political-historical or even humanistic issues in their work was less important than the presence of the personal. Preoccupation with events had given way to a more intense focus on exploration of the self.\n\nOn January 25, 1824, for instance, Delacroix had used only a few words (\"j'ai commenc\u00e9 la femme train\u00e9e par le cheval\") to note in his diary that he had begun to paint the figure of a Greek woman being dragged off by a Turkish horseman\u2014an important feature of the _Massacres at Chios_. But the focus of his entry that day was entirely personal, not political. Reflecting on the characters of likable people, he wrote that they \"make you think for a moment that they are yourself, a bit; but you quickly fall back into your sad individuality.\" His concern is with psychology and personal situations, not with the world of events\u2014which helps to explain why, for all its freedom-loving spirit, _The Massacres at Chios_ is a study in pose and color rather than a paean to the Greek rebellion or a means for arousing revulsion over the horrors of war. Delacroix's friend Stendhal, who had observed such horrors firsthand, went so far as to claim that the figures depicted looked more like plague victims than war victims.\n\nAnd yet the painting also illustrates suffering unmitigated by glory, which probably explains why it offended many of its early viewers. From a later perspective\u2014our own\u2014it is a \"vast and terrible and overwhelming canvas\": This is how the narrative voice in Margaret Drabble's novel _The Sea Lady_ describes it. The work is seen as a \"masterpiece of Eros and of Death\" and \"as an emblem, as a paradigm, of two of the great intellectual and aesthetic causes of the last four decades of the twentieth century,\" which Drabble's narrator identifies as feminism and Orientalism. The novel's two protagonists\u2014a young English couple\u2014\n\n_Scenes from the Massacres at Chios_ , by Eug\u00e8ne Delacroix.\n\ngazed at the eerily silent and stoic scene of butchery. It was the beauty that appalled. To the right of the painting, the curving torso of a young Greek woman was voluptuously displayed as she was twisted backwards against the prancing horse of her Turkish conqueror. Her figure was conventionally beautiful, beautiful in the manner of conventional sado-masochistic fantasies: her upstretched arms and manacles of bondage, her swooning head, her bared breasts, her rapture, her imminent rape and her enslavement to her turbaned ravisher were designed to arouse the viewer, and not with pity. But the naked Parisian model was but one motif, rearing herself up to one side of the large and crowded canvas. Who had posed for the dark-haired, heavy-lidded dead woman in the foreground with the fair-haired child clinging to her lower body? Who had posed for the strangely indolent reclining dying man with the staring knowing eyes? Who had posed for the handsome chiselled old woman to the right of the centre of the pyramid of death, with her bared and wrinkled chest and her transfixing prophetic Sibylline gaze? It was wrong to admire, and yet the work was wonderful. Its wonder was shaming.\n\nDelacroix could not have anticipated either the feminist movement or the gravity of the clash between the Islamic world and the Western world in our day, but surely many of the people who saw _Scenes from the Massacres at Chios_ when it was new felt the same sort of disconcerted admiration that it arouses in many of today's observers. The painter himself may well have understood and even worked to elicit these mixed emotions, although his primary concern was almost certainly that of making the maximum communicative impact, regardless of the subject matter. On the very day\u2014Friday, May 7, 1824\u2014on which Beethoven was participating in the first performance of the Ninth Symphony, Delacroix, in Paris, made a diary entry about his painting in progress. \"The human spirit is strangely made,\" he said.\n\nI think I would have agreed to work on [this painting] while perched atop a bell-tower; today, the idea of completing it is only a nuisance; this is all because I was away from it for a long time; the same is true of my painting and of all possible tasks for me. A thick crust must be pierced in order to give oneself to something with all one's heart; it is an intractable terrain that repels plowshare and hoe. But with a bit of stubbornness, its hardness suddenly vanishes. It abounds in flowers and fruit.... But when something bores you, don't do it. Don't run after vain perfection. Some things that the mob considers failings are what often give life.... I don't like reasonable painting at all. I can see that my disorderly spirit needs to give itself a shake, undo things, take a hundred different tacks before reaching the goal, the need for which preys on me in everything.... If I haven't writhed like a snake in the hands of an oracle, I am cold. I must recognize and submit to this, and I am very happy to do so. Everything that I've done well has been done thus.\n\nThese statements (\"Don't run after vain perfection,\" \"If I haven't writhed like a snake in the hands of an oracle, I am cold\") could almost be described as a mini-manifesto of Romanticism, or at least of anti-Neoclassicism. Although Delacroix described himself as a \"pure classicist,\" he was widely seen, in his day\u2014and is still seen today\u2014as the High Romantic painter par excellence. \"Painting is nothing but a bridge set up between the mind of the artist and that of the beholder,\" he wrote, thereby setting up a bridge of his own from Romanticism to Impressionism and beyond, to abstract art. But the line between conservatism and radicalism is often a blurry one. The Paris Salon of 1824, at which _The Massacres at Chios_ was exhibited, included not only another important Romantic canvas, _The Hay Wain_ , by the Englishman John Constable\u2014whose use of color influenced Delacroix\u2014but also Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres's _The Vow of Louis XIII_ , which was seen at the time as an anti-Romantic work.* Yet the \"Romantic\" radical Delacroix found Beethoven's radically individual music hard to love, whereas the \"Neoclassical\" Ingres\u2014Delacroix's senior by eighteen years\u2014adored it and considered the composer a true Olympian. \"The symphonies of Beethoven are grand, terrible, and also of an exquisite grace and sensibility,\" he said, and his sympathetic understanding was aided by his abilities as a fine amateur violinist\u2014competent enough to play chamber music with the likes of Paganini and Liszt.\n\nDelacroix was born before Bonaparte became first consul, and he lived through the First French Empire, the Restoration, the revolution of 1830, the reign of the \"bourgeois king\" Louis-Philippe, the revolution of 1848, and most of Napoleon III's Second Empire. It is no wonder, then, that, having physically survived so many regime changes, he clung to his work in order to survive mentally and spiritually. However closely his humanitarian principles may have resembled those of Beethoven, Byron, and Pushkin\u2014all of whom he outlived by many years\u2014his day-to-day concerns did not. In 1863, shortly after Delacroix's death, Charles Baudelaire, who had known him for two decades, wrote a substantial tribute to him in _L'Opinion nationale;_ his words seem to reflect the painter's ideas accurately, and they certainly sum up a way of thinking about art that was common in post-Napoleonic Europe, as well as prototypically Romantic. According to Baudelaire, Delacroix frequently repeated the formula \"Nature is nothing but a dictionary.\" In other words, nature was something to be consulted but not copied; reality and art are two different things. But Baudelaire also emphasized the concept of the artist\u2014in any of the arts\u2014as a \"translator,\" someone who converts internal impulses into expression. What, he asked, is the\n\nmysterious something that Delacroix, to our century's glory, has translated better than anyone else? It is the invisible, the impalpable, it is dreams, it is nerves, it is the _soul;_ and he did this using no other means than contour and color; he did it better than anyone else; he did it with the perfection of a consummate painter, with the rigor of a subtle man of letters, with the eloquence of a passionate musician....\n\nDelacroix was passionately in love with passion and coldly determined to seek the means by which to express passion in the most visible way. In this dual personality we find, as it happens, the two signs that mark the most solid geniuses\u2014extreme geniuses who surely are not made to please those timorous or easily satisfied souls who find sufficient nourishment in lax, limp, imperfect works. An immense passion redoubled by a formidable will\u2014such was the man.\n\nBaudelaire's insights on Delacroix say something basic about the creative personality, especially as it manifested itself in the Romantic era. You have to be either mad or bursting with the need for self-expression\u2014or both\u2014to dedicate yourself to art in a world in which art is little valued and less understood: thus the passion of which Baudelaire speaks. But only those artists who are capable of contemplating the results of that passion with the subzero coldness of self-criticism are likely to achieve anything unusual. As far as the work of art\u2014the final product\u2014is concerned, the Romantic Age was no different from any other period in cultural history, and its artists are either remembered for the excellence of what they produced or not remembered because that excellence was lacking.\n\nIn 1823, '24, and '25, Delacroix's friend Stendhal was producing essays that served as a manifesto of Romantic expression in literature and that have come down to posterity under the collective title _Racine and Shakespeare_.\n\nStendhal was an unlikely Romantic. As a young man he had studied mathematics, and throughout his life he shunned all forms of mysticism and religion. \"God's only excuse is that he does not exist,\" he said, in what Nietzsche enviously described, decades later, as the best atheistic joke ever made. In music, Stendhal adored the classically linear chiaroscuro of Mozart and Rossini as opposed to the more unsettling self-expression of Beethoven, whom he described as a composer of \"music with learned dissonances\" and \"the Kant of music\"\u2014no compliment intended. He did, however, understand something of what Beethoven was about: Referring probably to works such as the Fifth Symphony and the \"Appassionata\" Sonata, he wrote of the German composer's \"Michelangelo-like impetuosity.\" And in attacking musical conservatives for their protests over some difficult leaps in Rossini's vocal writing, he said, \"If you want discoveries to be made, let your ships sail a bit haphazardly on the high seas. If people had never allowed their ears to be astonished, would the fiery, singular Beethoven ever have followed the wise, noble Haydn?\"\n\nIn _Racine and Shakespeare_ , Stendhal used seventeenth-century France's most celebrated playwright as an example of a type of expression that had had its day, whereas the even older English Bard was held up as a proto-Romantic\u2014the greatest proponent of ever-fresh emotional communication. \"I am of the opinion that tragedies must now be fashioned to suit us rational, serious, and somewhat envious young people in the year of grace 1823,\" he wrote, pretending to be much younger than his forty years. \"In our day, the alexandrine verse [used by Racine and his contemporaries] is more often than not a disguise for foolishness.\" Stendhal's main point was that the Classicists' unbending adherence to the alexandrine verse form and to the ancient Greeks' practice of maintaining unity of time and place had straitjacketed French dramatic writing since the time of Louis XIV, well over a century earlier. He viewed the prolongation of these confining rules and procedures as sheer reactionary stubbornness, not as an aid to intelligibility.*\n\nThe essays that comprised _Racine and Shakespeare_ were severely criticized, not so much for their author's promotion of Romanticism as for his praise of poor old Shakespeare, who had been dead for more than two centuries. These rebukes had little to do with the Bard himself and a great deal to do with England's unpopularity among the French\u2014an age-old dislike that had grown exponentially thanks to Britain's role in the defeat of Napoleon. Stendhal replied to his critics by sarcastically accusing them of believing that Shakespeare had been an aide-de-camp of the Duke of Wellington. And in a letter to an anti-Romantic that he included in _Racine and Shakespeare_ (a letter dated May 5, 1824, two days before the premiere of the Ninth Symphony), the author prophesied that in forty years French playwrights would be creating mighty dramas in prose with titles like _The Return from the Isle of Elba_ , based on recent history\u2014dramas with plots that might take place \"over seven months' time and distances of five thousand leagues,\" without a care for unity of time and place. To Stendhal, Romanticism in literature was nothing more or less than \"the art of presenting literary works that are capable of giving as much pleasure as possible to peoples [that is, nations], in keeping with the current state of their habits and beliefs.\" So in a very important sense, he equated Romanticism with contemporaneity and the avant-garde, and he set it in opposition to hidebound conservatism.\n\nIn the repressive atmosphere of the time, Romanticism in the arts was often a proxy for, or at least a symbol of, forbidden political liberalism. In 1824, while Stendhal was writing his essays, ultraroyalists were creating greater divisiveness within France than the country had known since Napoleon's fall a decade earlier. Louis XVIII possessed sufficient political acumen to realize that a return to pure, prerevolutionary absolutism was impossible in his country, but the assassination by a Bonapartist of Charles-Ferdinand Bourbon, Duc de Berry, Louis's nephew, in 1820, had given the upper hand to the political faction that was more royalist than the king. When Louis died, in September 1824, his ultraconservative younger brother, who ascended the throne as Charles X, immediately pressed for such unpopular, illiberal measures as compensation for aristocrats who had lost property during the Revolution (this move alone cost the country a billion francs), reinstatement of some of the Roman Catholic Church's secular authority, and silencing of the press. Shortly before Charles took the throne, Stendhal had written that for ten years, \"France, which had seen its press enslaved\" under Napoleon, \"has enjoyed semi-freedom; but so far no man of genius, or even of talent, has shown up to take advantage of censorship's impotence.\" Under Charles, however, that half freedom was eliminated; the press simply had to comply with government decrees.\n\nStendhal believed in democracy, yet he was an intellectual elitist who knew that freedom of the press would not turn bad poets and writers into good ones. On the contrary, as he wrote shortly before Charles's accession,\n\nto avoid the ridicule that would undoubtedly affect them, these noble versifiers have prudently joined the political party in power. This party has currently managed to buy, openly or secretly, all but one or two of Paris's newspapers, so that the eccentric absurdities that these pseudo-bards want to pass off as Romantic poetry either sneak by unnoticed or are exaggeratedly extolled by the newspapers of the party under whose protection their authors are tidily lined up.\n\nHe was too much a child of the Enlightenment to be taken in by the self-indulgence and pompous self-esteem of fraudulent Romantics. \"There are about a dozen poets in Paris who try, in their writings, to be as somber and eccentric as Lord Byron in his blackest fits,\" he wrote in an article published in the _New Monthly Magazine_ in London in May 1824, shortly after Byron's death. \"But their works resemble his more or less as tinplate thunder at the Op\u00e9ra resembles a storm in the Alps.\"\n\nFor Stendhal, as for Delacroix, Pushkin, Byron, and Beethoven, artistic and intellectual achievement depended almost entirely on personal depth and professional excellence, rather than on their respective countries' political vicissitudes. But these artists were not apolitical; they internalized and sublimated revolution in an age of political repression and transformed it into what we call Romanticism. Some artists, however, more openly expressed their contempt for the regimes in power.\n\n## **_The French-German Christian-Jewish Romantic ironist_**\n\nOn May 24, 1824\u2014the day after the Ninth Symphony's second performance, in Vienna's Grosser Redoutensaal\u2014the poet and essayist Heinrich Heine was writing a letter to a friend when someone brought him a piece of news. He immediately set down his reaction. \"As I write this I hear that my cousin, Lord Byron, died at Missolonghi. So that great heart, too, has ceased to throb!\" he said. \"Yes, that man was great; he discovered new worlds in anguish; Prometheus-like, he defied miserable men and their more miserable gods, and the fame of his name penetrated the icebergs of Thule and the burning deserts of the east.\"\n\nHeine was referring not only to Byron's accomplishments as a poet, but also and above all to his stature as an opponent of received ideas, bourgeois morality, and the most obtusely reactionary, repressive regimes of the day. The twenty-seven-year-old German poet's observations about his spiritual \"cousin\" were particularly heartfelt because at the time he was, in a sense, a captive\u2014an unwilling and anything but intrepid law student at the University of G\u00f6ttingen, which he was attending only because the wealthy uncle who supported him was threatening to cut off funds if his nephew dropped out. Heine had already published some of the most beautiful lyric poetry in the German language and had been lionized in Berlin's highest cultural circles; how he felt about his exile in provincial G\u00f6ttingen is clear from a devastatingly satirical segment of _Die Harzreise (The Harz Journey)_ , an account of a walking tour that he made in central Germany's Harz Mountains only a few weeks after Byron's death. He mockingly describes G\u00f6ttingen as \"famous for its sausages and university\" and says that its inhabitants are \"generally divided into students, professors, philistines and cattle,\" of which \"the cattle class is the most important.\" Along the road that leads out of town, he meets two university officials who, he claims, were \"charged with watching carefully that... no new ideas are smuggled in by a speculating assistant professor, instead of undergoing their regular decades of quarantine before coming to G\u00f6ttingen.\"\n\nHeine was a native of D\u00fcsseldorf, which is only about forty miles north-northwest of Beethoven's native Bonn. The two men's geographic and linguistic origins were similar, and their strong, irrepressible love of freedom was comparable, yet they could hardly have been more unalike in nature and in their approach to life. Beethoven was born into a dysfunctional, lower-class Catholic family; Heine was born (in 1797, within a year and a half of Delacroix and Pushkin) into a close-knit, middle-class Jewish family. As a boy, he idolized the French soldiers who occupied the Rhineland and abolished the ghettos in which the Jews had been forced to live. The Heines lost their comfortable bourgeois status when the father's business failed, and several family members, including the poet, eventually converted to Christianity in order to be able to accede to positions that were off limits to Jews; conversion was \"an admission ticket to European culture,\" he said. Yet the Heines, unlike the Beethovens, remained united and loving.\n\nHeine's perspective on history, politics, the creative mentality, Romanticism, and life in general not only characterized his poetry and prose but to a great extent also generated it. \"Heine's eyes must have been as many-faceted as those of a fly,\" observed Ford Madox Ford. \"He is at once romanticist, realist, impressionist, folksong folk-lore German lyricist, French lost soul, Jewish Christian, and the one man who cannot have been descended from the brute beasts.\" He may have been \"the most exquisite of all the world's lyrists since the great Greeks, perhaps the greatest of all the world's realistic-bitter romantics;\" he was \"of no place and of no race,\" and \"there is no poet\u2014there is, indeed, no other man\u2014who resembles him.\" Writing less exaltedly only a few years after Heine's death, Matthew Arnold succinctly evaluated the \"seven closely-printed octavo volumes\" that comprised the American edition of the German poet's writings: \"In the collected edition of few people's works is there so little to skip,\" he said.\n\nHeinrich Heine. _(Woodcut facsimile after an engraving by L. E. Grimm, 1827.)_\n\nAt one time or another Heine was personally acquainted with many of the leading lights in German thought and literature of his day\u2014Goethe, Hegel, the poet and translator August Wilhelm von Schlegel, not to mention Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, among others\u2014but he was the most modern of them all, including even Marx, his junior by twenty-one years. In their individual ways, the others were all idealists, whereas Heine, although he considered himself one as well and certainly kept in mind several important ideals for humanity, was too sharply observant and too much the ironist to have allowed ideals to blot out reality. His poem \"Fragen\" (\"Questions\"), for instance, from the _Nordseebilder (North Sea Pictures)_ \u2014written not many months after Beethoven completed the Ninth Symphony\u2014employs High Romantic diction to express a proto-existential concept:\n\nBy the sea, by the desolate night-time sea,\n\nStands a youth-man,\n\nHis breast full of woe, his head full of doubt,\n\nAnd with mournful lips he asks the waves:\n\n\"O solve life's riddle for me,\n\nThe agonizing, age-old riddle,\n\nOver which many heads have already brooded,\n\nHeads in hieroglyph-bedecked caps,\n\nHeads in turbans and black skullcaps,\n\nBewigged heads and a thousand other\n\nPoor, sweating human heads\u2014\n\nTell me, what is the meaning of man?\n\nWhere does he come from? Where is he going?\n\nWho lives up there, on golden stars?\"\n\nThe waves murmur their eternal murmur,\n\nThe wind blows, the clouds fly by,\n\nThe stars twinkle, indifferent and cold,\n\nAnd a fool awaits an answer.*\n\nIt is no surprise that Nietzsche, the great anti-idealist and idol smasher of the late nineteenth century, admired Heine's writings\u2014although Heine, toward the end of his life, seemed to come down on God's side and on the side of his own Jewish heritage. In any case, the German-speaking public of Heine's day, which loved his lyric poetry, could not tolerate his barbed, unsparing wit or, probably, the fact that the poetry they so enjoyed was written by a Jew, albeit a converted one. Metternich liked Heine's lyrical works but felt compelled to proscribe his writings in Austria and its dominions. At about the time of France's \"July Revolution\" of 1830, which terrified absolutists across Europe, Heine's mordant attacks on every sort of established order and right-thinking belief led to the banning of his books in other German states, too, and the issuing of a warrant for his arrest. A Prussian foreign minister even requested that Heine be sentenced to death, perhaps as a result of the poet's verbal assault on Prussia's \"philosophical-Christian soldiery, this conglomerate of pale beer, lies and sand.... The King of Prussia is a very devout man; he is a good Christian... and he believes in holy symbols,\" Heine wrote. \"But, ah, I wish he believed in Jupiter, the father of the gods, who punishes perjury\u2014perhaps then he would give us the promised constitution.\"\n\nWhen the German federal diet included Heine in a decree promulgated \"against the wicked, anti-Christian, blasphemous literature that wantonly treads all morality, modesty and decency underfoot,\" Heine replied that he had\n\na better opinion of the Deity than those pious souls who imagine that He created man only for suffering. Yes, here on earth I would establish, by means of the blessings of free political and industrial institutions, that beatific state which, according to the opinions of the pious, will be realized only on the Day of Judgment and in heaven.... We have measured the earth, weighed the forces of Nature, reckoned the resources of industry, and behold!\u2014we have found that the earth is spacious and wide enough for everyone to build his hut of happiness on it\u2014that the earth can feed us all decently, if only every one of us works, and no one lives at another's expense\u2014that it is no longer necessary to preach the blessedness of heaven to the large masses of the poor.\n\nIn 1831 Heine fled to Paris, where he immediately felt very much at home. \"If anyone asks you how I am,\" he wrote to a friend, \"tell him 'like a fish in water,' or rather, tell people that when one fish in the sea asks another how he is, he receives the reply: 'I am like Heine in Paris.'\" This was because he saw the French as the \"chosen people\" of \"the new religion, the religion of our day\": liberty. Its \"first gospels and first dogma\" were written in French, he said; \"Paris is the new Jerusalem, and the Rhine is the Jordan which separates the holy land of liberty from the country of the Philistines.\" All the greater, then, was his disillusion once he realized what France's revolutions had actually produced: \"Not for themselves did the people bleed and suffer, but... for that bourgeoisie which is worth just as little as the noblesse whose place it took, with the same egoism.... The people have won nothing with their victory except regret and greater depravity.\" Nor did he hold higher hopes for American democracy, where, he said,\n\nall men are equal\u2014equal dolts, with the exception, naturally, of a few millions, who have a black or a brown skin, and who are treated like dogs. Actual slavery, which has been abolished in most of the northern American states, does not revolt me as much as the brutality with which the free blacks and the mulattoes are treated.... Americans make much of a to-do about their Christianity, and are zealous churchgoers. This hypocrisy they have learned from the English, who have bequeathed to them their worst characteristics. Material pursuits are their true religion; money is their God.\n\nHeine spent the last twenty-five of his fifty-nine years in exile in Paris\u2014the last eight of them confined to his room, as a result of a debilitating disease that eventually killed him. Long before Heine had immigrated to France, however, his writings, with their extraordinary mixture of High Romantic lyricism and disenchanted irony, were in many ways more Gallic than Teutonic. Although he was a poet, not a novelist, he often comes across as a sort of German Stendhal: Both writers observed life clearly, enjoyed to the full whatever delights it brought them without ever losing sight of the ridiculousness of all human enterprise, and chronicled the present while keeping an eye\u2014a remarkably accurate, prophetic eye\u2014on the future, to which both made themselves available in a \"Beethovenian\" way, through a striking combination of here-and-now self-assurance and awareness of their total insignificance in the cosmos.\n\nHeine, by the way, showed little understanding of Beethoven's music\u2014especially the late works, of which he said, \"To me, it is a very meaningful fact that Beethoven was deaf at the end of his days, and even the invisible world of notes no longer had any reality in sound for him. His notes were only memories of notes, ghosts of lost sounds, and his last creations bear frightening marks of death on their foreheads.\" But Heine shared with Beethoven the belief that art had to be independent while remaining strongly connected to real life. \"I am for the autonomy of art,\" he wrote in 1836. \"It is not to be regarded as the handmaiden of religion or politics; it is its own definite justification, just like the world itself\"\u2014whereas barely a generation earlier very little art that lacked church, state, or aristocratic patronage had reached the public. But, Heine warned, \"just as the giant Antaeus remained invincible so long as his feet touched the earth, so the poet remains strong and mighty so long as he stands on real ground, but loses his strength at once when he rises ecstatically into the blue.\"\n\nMaybe the most similar element in the creative makeup of those two most dissimilar Rhinelanders, Beethoven and Heine, and the only element that allows us to bring them near each other in the pantheon of our collective Western cultural imagination, is the urgency with which they both needed to show humanity what it is\u2014and what it could become. Just as Beethoven hoped, against all odds, for the day when \"all men become brothers,\" so the clear-eyed Heine nevertheless managed to prophesy a \"great confederation of peoples\u2014the Holy Alliance of Nations\" under which \"we shall no longer need to sustain standing armies of many hundreds of thousands of murderers because of mutual distrust. We shall use our swords and horses to plow with and we shall win peace, prosperity, and freedom.\"\n\nIn a statement that could easily have been made by Beethoven, Heine wrote: \"I know not if I deserve that a laurel wreath should one day be laid on my coffin. But lay on my coffin a _sword_ , for I was a brave soldier in the Liberation War of humanity.\" Eighty-five years after Heine's coffin was lowered into the ground in Paris, his grave was demolished by order of Adolf Hitler. His ever-popular poem \"Die Lorelei\" continued to be printed in Nazi Germany, but it was identified as \"a folk lyric of unknown authorship.\" What more fitting tributes could have been paid to the enduring power of Heine's pen\/sword?\n\nIn a sense, every human being who has ever used his or her brain for nondestructive purposes counts as a brave soldier in humanity's War of Liberation, but the conjunction of Beethoven's last symphonic masterpiece with crucial works or events in the lives of so many other outstanding artists made 1824 a particularly fertile year in the history of that struggle. The fact that the Ninth Symphony, Byron's death, Pushkin's _Boris Godunov_ and \"To the Sea,\" Delacroix's _Massacres at Chios_ , Stendhal's _Racine and Shakespeare_ , and Heine's _Harz Journey_ and _North Sea Pictures_ all furthered, in one way or another, Romanticism's rear-guard action against repression underlines the significance of that speck of time. And perhaps these brief glances at those artists and their states of being at that moment will have helped to remind readers\u2014as they reminded this author\u2014that spiritual and intellectual liberation requires endless internal warfare against everything in ourselves that narrows us down instead of opening us up and that replaces questing with certitude.\n\nNearly two centuries later, the world still overflows with people who believe that truth not only exists but that it is simple and straightforward, and that _their_ truths\u2014be they political, religious, philosophical, moral, or social\u2014constitute The Truth. Federico Fellini's characterization, a generation ago, of the fascist mentality as \"a refusal to deepen one's individual relationship to life, out of laziness, prejudice, unwillingness to inconvenience oneself, and presumptuousness\" describes the obedient adherents of most prefabricated beliefs, everywhere and at all times. The others\u2014the disobedient, the nonadherents, those who think that the world is not easily explained and that human experience does not fit into tidy little compartments\u2014are still fighting the eternally un-winnable War of Liberation. Until our sorry species bombs or gluts itself into oblivion, the skirmishing will continue, and what Beethoven and company keep telling us, from the ever-receding yet ever-present past, is that the struggle _must_ continue.\n\nThe uniquely vital expressive power of the Ninth Symphony, which is one of the most striking products of human beings' attempts to continue the struggle, as well as to deepen their individual relationships to life, is the subject of the next part of this book.\n\n* British equivalent of Uncle Sam.\n\n* Constable's compatriot William Blake, who was sixty-seven and ailing, began his pen and ink and watercolor painting of _Beatrice Addressing Dante from the Car_ in 1824 and worked on his illustrations to _The Book of Job_. Blake considered himself, and indeed was, independent of every artistic trend or movement, yet his very independence jibed in many ways with Romantic individualism. \"I must Create a System, or be enslav'd by another Man's,\" he had written in his poem _Jerusalem_. \"I will not Reason & Compare: my business is to Create.\"\n\n* Two whole generations after Stendhal, the novelist Anatole France was still able to joke that he would be willing to convert his deepest, darkest secrets into alexandrine verses and have them declaimed every evening at the Com\u00e9die-Fran\u00e7aise, secure in the knowledge that no audience member would be paying attention to what was being recited.\n\n* Parts of this poem could be read as a realistic counterfoil to some of the ecstatic lines from Schiller's \"Ode to Joy\" that Beethoven set in the Ninth Symphony: \"Brothers, a loving Father must live \/ Above the canopy of stars. \/ Dost thou fear the Creator, world? \/ Seek him above the canopy of stars! \/ He must dwell above stars.\"\n\n# \n#\n\n## **_The musical image_**\n\nWhen I was in my mid-twenties and beginning what was to be a short-lived career as a conductor, I took a summer course in France with Louis Fourestier, the nearly eighty-year-old former music director of the Paris Op\u00e9ra and Op\u00e9ra-Comique who had been a co-founder, with Ernest Ansermet and Alfred Cortot, of the Orchestre Symphonique de Paris, and chief conductor of French repertoire at the Metropolitan Opera. On one occasion, Fourestier, whose musical personality had been shaped by such teachers as Vincent d'Indy and Paul Dukas, representatives of late French Romanticism, told me that in his opinion the best way to remember how one wanted a particular piece to \"go\" was to create a mental picture to fit it. The example he used was the third movement of the Ninth Symphony: When he was standing on the podium, ready to begin it, he would think of a young couple sitting on a park bench under a starry sky, holding hands and looking up at the empyrean in a mixture of awe and love; this image would put him in the right frame of mind, he said.\n\nFourestier was a highly trained, thoroughly professional musician and a lovable character, but his description and the philosophy behind it seemed to me patent nonsense. Music that does not accompany words presents no image whatsoever to me; I experience it in a nonvisual, nonverbal, yet thoroughly intellectual and at the same time intensely emotional way. I love to grasp a piece's form as it reveals itself and, simultaneously, to experience and absorb whatever it is communicating to me. But I cannot say what that \"whatever\" is.\n\nThe lack of verbal and visual connections in my perception of non-vocal music may be the result of my having had little contact with opera during my formative years. I came to \"classical\" music first through my own efforts at the piano keyboard and then by listening to enormous quantities of live and recorded orchestral, chamber, and solo performances. Even my love of German lieder, which began in my mid-teens (first Brahms, then Schubert, then the others), had little to do with the texts, at first, although I made the effort required of a non-German-speaking youngster to understand them; it was generated, rather, by the direct emotional communication of the musical settings\u2014and this despite the fact that I already loved literature almost as much as I loved music. To me, music resisted and resists verbal description.\n\nCertain pieces\u2014they are usually in duple meter and begin on a single-note upbeat in a quick tempo, such as the first movements of Mozart's String Quartet in G Major, K. 387, and String Quintet in G minor, K. 516, or of Beethoven's String Quartet in C minor, op. 18, no. 4, or of Brahms's Fourth Symphony\u2014do seem to me to recount stories in a ballad-like way. Those upbeats, all of which lead immediately into chorded downbeats, pull me into a dramatic narrative. But the narrative is wordless and imageless; it speaks through purely musical structures and progressions and creates what I think of as purely musical emotions. I am capable of saying that the opening of the Mozart quartet seems to glow, that that of the quintet seems anguished, and so on, but I cannot normally proceed beyond short descriptive epithets or state-of-being adjectives of this sort\u2014and even these undeveloped characterizations will no doubt contrast with those that many other attentive listeners might hazard. Similarly, I admit that the climax of the _Symphonie fantastique's_ first movement seems to me to represent a male orgasm as clearly as the climax of the Liebestod from _Tristan und Isolde_ seems to represent a female orgasm (although in the latter case Wagner's story line and text set the listener up to grasp the meaning), and that Chopin's Prelude No. 13 in F-sharp Major seems just as manifestly and intensely erotic as the climaxes of the Berlioz and Wagner pieces, although in a much subtler, more radiant, more caressing, more protractedly sensual way. But in these examples, too, I can suggest only states of being rather than specific verbal associations or visual depictions. I always feel that the music I love is telling me something, and the instrumental music that I love most\u2014music by Bach, Mozart, Beethoven, Schubert, Chopin, Schumann, Brahms, Bart\u00f3k, Stravinsky\u2014is music in which a great deal of telling is telescoped into concentrated time spans. But precious little of my perception of the telling that goes on in music can be expressed verbally, despite the fact that, as a writer, I am deeply and continually concerned with verbal expression.\n\nIn recent years, the English conductor Sir Roger Norrington has been speaking out in favor of the sort of approach to music of which Fourestier was an exponent. \"In the earlier part of this [the twentieth] century, music went through an abstract patch,\" Norrington said in an interview, \"and it was thought that all music was abstract and mustn't tell a story, that it's cheap to think that music is telling a story. But in 1804, when the [\"Eroica\"] symphony was written, and for many years later during the nineteenth century, it was not immoral for music to tell a story; it was essential.\"\n\nI certainly don't believe that making use of such stories is \"immoral,\" but neither can I believe that it is or ever was \"essential\"\u2014that thinking of starry nights, hand-holding lovers, or any other image, be it vague or definite, silly or sophisticated, would necessarily aid anyone's musical perceptions. Wagner, whose attitudes toward musical performance were typical for his day, liked to develop descriptive stories, or \"programs,\" for pieces of instrumental music, yet there is a telling passage on this subject in one of the diaries kept by his second wife, Cosima. Richard was sitting at the piano one evening in 1879, playing \"the return to the tremolo and the opening\" (technically, the retransition to the recapitulation) of the first movement of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony and describing it as \"'the cauldron, the daemonic one which has been seething throughout.'\" Cosima\u2014who was also Liszt's daughter\u2014intervened:\n\nI admit to R[ichard] that in this work I feel no need for a program, and I even put his [program for it], based on Faust, right out of my mind. R. says everyone conjures up his own images for it\u2014but in my case not even that happens, and I can compare what goes on inside me only with the springing up of mysterious seeds and buds, the spirit being just a guide to the enchanted ground where this magical act of creation is taking place, its role merely that of a myrmidon, bereft of all power.\n\nIn other words, the music itself communicated to her something very direct but nonverbal and nonvisual. And in this respect, Cosima Wagner's thinking was more modern than that of her husband.\n\nI am profoundly interested in the historical and biographical background behind the music and composers I love, but I do not want either to build stories onto compositions or to perceive compositions as having been built on stories. However inadequate and fluid my perceptions are, for me they are sufficient and complete at any given encounter with a piece. Extraneous elements would fragment, divert, or dilute my concentration rather than unify, focus, or strengthen it. Saul Bellow, a master of words, wrote that through music, \"the logically unanswerable was, in a different form, answerable. Sounds without determinate meaning became more and more pertinent, the greater the music.\" Bellow would probably have agreed\u2014as I agree\u2014with the German conductor Wilhelm Furtw\u00e4ngler's observation: \"It is in the very nature of music that the clarity of the language it uses is different from the clarity of words: but the language is none the less definite for all that.\" And Furtw\u00e4ngler may have been familiar with Felix Mendelssohn's statement on this subject\u2014a statement written only fifteen years after Beethoven's death: \"The thoughts which are expressed to me by music that I love are not too indefinite to be put into words, but on the contrary, too definite. And so I find in every effort to express such thoughts, that something is right but at the same time, that something is lacking in all of them.\" Even Wagner, who was not given to admitting his own fallibility, confessed toward the end of his life that although he had attempted to describe the Ninth Symphony at length, \"what this [first] movement is cannot be expressed in words.\"\n\nIn his essay \"Is Music Unspeakable?\" the Franco-American cultural historian Jacques Barzun tells the story of a composer who goes to the piano and plays, for some guests, a piece he has just written. Afterward, one of his listeners asks him what the piece's meaning is; the composer responds by returning to the piano and playing the piece a second time. \"The composer's answer was entirely right,\" says Barzun. \"The meaning is inside any work of art and it cannot be decanted into a proposition.\" Or, as Stravinsky put it, \"Music means itself.\" But Barzun goes on to point out, \"If music merely tickled the ear, it would still be agreeable, but it would remain a trifling pastime. We know it is much more, and it is plain that the composer can use sounds to set off a particular stirring within us. But the stirring is nameless, so that if it does not accompany the words of a text and yet we want to refer to it, we have to make up some analogy.\" The analogy chosen will vary from one listener to another, regardless of whether the listener is a professional musician (or musicologist or critic) or a music lover who does not pretend to have inside information. But what most musicians, including this book's author, hear and feel and imagine in outstanding pieces of music is\u2014music.\n\nYet we know that composers of \"pure\" instrumental music may have mental pictures, verbal texts, reminiscences of people or places or situations, or any of countless other ideas or images consciously or unconsciously in mind while they are planning or writing their works. Many composers attempt to communicate identifiable ideas, images, and\/or stories through given instrumental pieces; the myriad examples range from Vivaldi's _The Four Seasons_ to the tone poems of Richard Strauss and Debussy, from Berlioz's _Harold in Italy_ to Gershwin's _An American in Paris_ and beyond. But it is highly unlikely that a person hearing these works for the first time without knowing their titles and\/or \"programs\" would be likely to grasp the ideas or visualize the images that the composer intended to express or depict, no matter how musically sensitive the listener in question might be and notwithstanding such \"special effects\" as the terrifying drumrolls in Strauss's _Till Eulenspiegel_ or the honking car horns in the Gershwin piece. For that matter, if one were to play wordless, instrumental arrangements of \"O patria mia,\" \"Dich, teure Halle,\" or \"Pr\u00e8s des remparts de S\u00e9ville\" for ten people who had never heard _Aida, Tannh\u00e4user_ , or _Carmen_ , one would probably receive ten different opinions as to what the subjects of those arias might be.\n\nThink for a moment of the striking example of the introduction to _The Creation_ , in which Haydn makes a semi-cacophonic orchestral \"Representation of Chaos\" lead into a tremendously affirmative choral-orchestral outburst in C Major on the final word of the phrase, \"und es ward Licht\" (\"and there was light\"). Barzun points out that although \"the words of Haydn's oratorio are one analogy for the burst of C Major... other events would go with the music just as well\u2014say, the escape of a prisoner unjustly condemned; or Dante's first sight of Beatrice; or a wanderer in the desert reaching an oasis; or even Archimedes leaping out of his bath and shouting 'Eureka!' because he has found the solution to his problem. Viscerally, these correspond.\"\n\nAn example of how far afield instrumentalists may stray when they invent stories to explain the music they perform is pianist Mitsuko Uchida's description, in an interview, of one of Schubert's last works, the Sonata in B-flat Major, D. 960: \"In the first movement you are basically dying,\" she said, \"and in the slow movement you are already dead. In the scherzo, the daughters of the Erlk\u00f6nig are dancing around, and in the last movement the gate closes in front of your nose: Bang!\"\u2014and so on. Inventing stories of this sort may help some performers to sort out their interpretive ideas, but such tales are gross simplifications of whatever stories\u2014if any\u2014composers may have had in mind when they wrote their music.\n\nAnd Beethoven? Most of us who listen attentively to his music believe that we can distinguish among the playful, serious, self-assertive, angry, tragic, joyful, meditative, consolatory, and other characteristics in his works, and we know that he often had specific emotions or even situations in mind at certain points in those works\u2014not only in compositions that he prefaced with verbal hints (the second movement of the \"Eroica\" Symphony, for instance, or all five movements of the \"Pastoral\" Symphony, or the third movement of the String Quartet in A minor, op. 132), but in parts of virtually all of his instrumental works. Yet when he composed major works with verbal texts\u2014 _Fidelio_ , the _Missa Solemnis_ , and the Ninth Symphony's finale are the most obvious and significant examples\u2014he undertook a much more ambitious project than the expression, through sound, of emotions or soul states, however powerful the emotions or however complicated the soul states. He aimed to contribute directly and specifically to the course of human development.\n\nFor instance, _Fidelio_ , Beethoven's only opera, cost him extraordinary effort and was particularly dear to him because he believed that a parable that described clear-cut choices between good and evil was the best sort of story to set to music, for the edification of large numbers of people. As a result, although the music that he wrote for _Fidelio_ is highly dramatic, the work is not a drama in any traditional sense, whatever Beethoven may have believed it to be. Despite its engaging musical character sketches of the good-hearted but fearful jailer, his romantically misguided daughter, her thwarted suitor, and the demonic prison governor, _Fidelio_ is essentially a musical-theatrical representation of spiritual progress, of the triumph of virtue over baseness, and of mankind's struggle to move forward from ignorance, bondage, obscurity, and turmoil toward wisdom, freedom, illumination, and peace. \"Gott! welch dunkel hier!\" (\"God! What darkness here!\") are the first words sung by Florestan, the opera's victim-hero, and they are charged with the most evident of subtexts. Florestan's subsequent hallucinatory vision of hope as he languishes in his underground prison cell is nothing other than imagined light, or perhaps a glimmer of real light from the torch carried by his heroic wife, who is about to arrive and save him. \"Ist nicht mein Grab mir erhellet?\"\u2014\"Is it not true that my tomb is being illuminated for me?\" he wonders.\n\nThe _Missa Solemnis_ , too, is a study in the contrasts and conflicts between wishes and reality: peace versus strife, acceptance versus rejection, hope versus despair, lightness versus density, assonance versus dissonance, and, once again, illumination versus obscurity. And so, in part, is the Ninth Symphony, which is a secular companion piece to the _Missa:_ Beethoven completed them within a year of each other. J.W.N. Sullivan, in his classic 1927 study, _Beethoven: His Spiritual Development_ , refers to the \"intolerable yearning\" that forced the composer to try, in the Ninth Symphony's finale, to \"make himself one with the whole human family, considered as the children of a Heavenly Father.\" According to Sullivan, this \"solution is a natural one, and is apparently as 'lofty' as could be desired, but it is nevertheless felt as an inadequate culmination of the spiritual process portrayed in the first three movements.\" Sullivan believed that this presumed inadequacy was not the result of the introduction of human voices, as some of the movement's other critics have suggested, but rather of an inherently defective goal. \"We feel that the spirit which has climbed up the heights of those three movements should now, like Moses on Sinai, be granted a vision of God Himself,\" rather than mere joy on earth. Such a vision is revealed in the _Missa Solemnis_ , Sullivan says, but not in the Ninth, whose vocal-instrumental finale is \"the one instance of [Beethoven's] failure, in a major work, to rise to the height of his great argument.\"\n\nBeethoven in 1818. _(Pencil drawing by August von Kloeber.)_\n\nSullivan's evaluation of the symphony is that of a thinker who has read Schiller's diffuse, almost dithyrambic ode and Beethoven's excerpted, reorganized version of it; found them wanting in comparison with the timeless, otherworldly aspirations of the Roman Catholic Mass's unalterable text, as it had been established by Pope Pius V in 1570; and automatically put the symphony's music in the same category as the words it sets. He seems not to have noticed that the music of the Ninth's finale first transforms the words, then leaves them in a trail of dust. In the _Missa_ , Beethoven had to limit his interference with the text to rudely thrusting into the background the parts of it that he evidently didn't like. In the Agnus Dei, however, his settings of the three words \"Dona nobis pacem\" (\"Grant us peace\") are at times sweetly dream-like\u2014as if to say, \"We know that we're asking for something impossible, something that will never happen, but we can't help wishing it would anyway\"\u2014and at other times ferociously demanding, even raging: \"Where is this long-promised peace of yours, God? Are you or are you not going to grant it to us? How much longer are we going to have to put up with the horrible mess you've made for us? GRANT US PEACE, damn it!\" In 1796, Haydn had briefly used martial trumpets and drums in setting the same words in his Mass in C Major\u2014the _Missa in tempore belli_ (Mass in time of war)\u2014but he was referring to real, physical war: The French army had invaded Austria, and the work was a prayer for victory first, peace later. Beethoven, on the contrary, used the sounds of war as a symbol of spiritual strife.\n\nAlfred Einstein, a pioneering musicologist in the first half of the twentieth century, described the _Missa_ as \"a tremendous and intensely subjective disputation between man and God,\" which proceeds from \"awe, entreaty and unquestioning faith\" to \"perturbation and unrest.\" I do detect, in Beethoven's setting, the disputation, awe, and entreaty, not to mention the dramatic recounting of the death and resurrection of Christ as symbols of human suffering and hope, but at no point do I perceive any hint of \"unquestioning\" faith. I would almost connect the violent protest in Beethoven's setting of the _Dona nobis pacem_ with Woody Allen's facetious complaint about God \"reneging on every promise.\" In their way, the German composer's interpretations of this allegedly heaven-inspired and heaven-directed text are barely more respectful than the American writer-director's ironic observation. If I were a believer, I would consider Beethoven's treatment of the _Dona nobis pacem_ as blasphemous as Allen's joke.\n\nThe _Missa_ , through the Roman Catholic liturgy and sometimes at cross-purposes with it, restates and goes beyond _Fidelio's_ tale of struggle for illumination and peace; the Ninth Symphony does likewise, purely through music during its first three movements and through a mixture of music and humanistic poetry in the finale. \"In its freedom and recklessness of expression and means the Ninth Symphony forms an antithesis to the Mass and a complement,\" said Alfred Einstein. It \"throws a bridge over abysses of despair, distraction, and fond yearnings to the goal of mankind reconciled in brotherly love and certainty of God's fatherly goodness.\" Nowhere is Beethoven's search for transcendence\u2014what I have already described as his yearning to exist in an ideal Elsewhere and as a member of an ideal Humanity\u2014more unmistakably evident than in these works.\n\nThe music of the Ninth Symphony's finale does to Schiller's poem what the music of the _Missa Solemnis_ does to the Latin Mass: It comments on the text, creates fantasies around it, focuses on certain details, eliminates others, and forces listeners to confront a brave new emotional, spiritual sound universe in which multiple galaxies of mind and \"soul\" coalesce. Indeed, the _Missa_ and the Ninth are two sides of the same coin. Or, more precisely, both works are both sides of similar coins: Each of them attempts to comprise the entire, blackness-surrounded essence of human existence, but from a unique angle. In the _Missa_ , Beethoven turns the Nicene Creed and other ancient pieces of ecclesiastical doctrine into a humanistic, nondenominational \"plea for inner and outer peace.\" (The words are his, written in the original manuscript at the first appearance of the words \"Dona nobis pacem.\") In the finale of the Ninth, on the contrary, Beethoven gathers up his\u2014and humanity's\u2014all-too-earthly struggles, places them in an ideal world of pure spirit\u2014\"over the canopy of the stars,\" as the text states\u2014and resolves them, ideally. And he seems to tell us that _this is how it shall be_. Never mind the when and the how: _This is how it shall be_ , because to believe otherwise, he implies, is to negate the very possibility that either we ourselves or a Supreme Force, if there is one, can give any purpose to human life.\n\n## **_What does music communicate?_**\n\nBut let's take a step backward. Although Beethoven was one of the greatest masters at depicting rapidly shifting emotions in music, he was by no means one of the first. At least as early as the fourteenth century, in the works of the French composer Guillaume de Machaut, emotional fluctuations, both obvious and subtle, were a key element in \"cultivated\" music. Beethoven's immediate predecessors\u2014eighteenth-century composers of vocal-instrumental music\u2014particularly concerned themselves with such contrasts, and the attempt to move from darkness to light, from spiritual confusion to comprehension, seems to have been as much a preoccupation for them as it became for him. In Bach, the emotion generally emerges over relatively substantial time spans, as, for instance, in the almost unbearably beautiful, suffering plea expressed throughout the opening Kyrie of the Mass in B minor, or in the slowly surfacing, hard-to-achieve, but eventually triumphal hopefulness that seems to be expressed by the Mass's final \"Dona nobis pacem.\" In Haydn and Mozart, as in Beethoven, the contrasts usually take place over shorter stretches, between one theme and another or even within a single phrase. One of the best-known examples of the long-night's-journey-into-day problem that Beethoven later took up at a more abstract level is the plaintive but mysterious request made by the fable-like hero of Mozart's _The Magic Flute_ , in the opera's first-act finale. In the despairing key of A minor, Tamino asks, \"O ew'ge Nacht! wann wirst du schwinden?\u2014wann wird das Licht mein Auge finden?\" (\"O eternal night! when will you fade?\u2014when will the light find my eye?\") Less than a minute later, after mystical voices have told Tamino that his beloved Pamina \"still lives,\" the delighted young man sings a happy little ditty in sunny C Major. And at the end of the opera, when the \"good\" Sarastro has eliminated the \"bad\" Queen of the Night, the former proclaims, \"Die Strahlen der Sonne vertreiben die Nacht!\" (\"The sun's rays banish the night!\")\n\nYet there was a difference, maybe even a line of demarcation, between the approach and intentionality of Beethoven and that of his predecessors. This was partly because Bach, Haydn, and Mozart worked almost entirely on commission: They composed for specific patrons\u2014individuals or organizations\u2014and usually for specific occasions. Music publication, as we have seen, was a relative rarity before and during Bach's day; it became more common during the second half of the eighteenth century, when Haydn and Mozart flourished, but even then it was considered an \"extra\"\u2014a desirable extra, to be sure, that allowed works to circulate widely and that might bring in a bit of income beyond what composers and performers were paid by their patrons, but not one that raised serious thoughts of artistic immortality. As professional musicians, Bach, Haydn, and Mozart were aware of and admired some of the music by composers of the past, but they knew that few members of the general public were interested in works written a generation or two\u2014let alone centuries\u2014earlier. Musical fashions changed: This was a fact of life. Those three masters would no doubt have been overjoyed to know that millions of people in the twenty-first century would listen to and love their music and that today's musicians would be debating more hotly than ever questions of how eighteenth-century and older music ought to be performed, but they would also have been puzzled, perhaps even shocked, and certainly frightened by such foreknowledge. They wrote for their contemporaries and did not expect their music to endure for hundreds of years.\n\nTo a considerable degree, they and their predecessors indirectly owe their posthumous lives to Beethoven, whose belief in writing for posterity gradually became central to his creative impulse and who thus, largely inadvertently, helped to create the reverent attitudes toward artistic genius that have come to symbolize the Romantic era for later generations. Composers before Beethoven certainly understood the concepts of self-expression and originality, as musicologist Robert L. Marshall pointed out in a friendly exchange of opinions with Charles Rosen in _The New York Review of Books_. Marshall quoted from a letter written by the twenty-one-year-old Mozart: \"I cannot write in verse, for I am no poet. I cannot arrange the parts of speech with such art as to produce effects of light and shade, for I am no painter. Even by signs and gestures I cannot express my thoughts and feelings, for I am no dancer. But I can do so by means of sounds, for I am a musician.\" And, Marshall said, \"Mozart was quick to report from Vienna in 1784 about a work in progress\u2014his never-finished opera _L'oca del Cairo: '_ I guarantee that in all the operas which are to be performed until mine is finished, not a single idea will resemble one of mine.'\" Rosen agreed with Marshall that \"Mozart's concern with originality\" is \"underrated\" and that the composer was \"proud of the originality of his piano concertos, and knew that no one in Vienna had ever heard anything like them.\" But Rosen made the point that Mozart's intention, in his music, was to express his thoughts and feelings rather than \"his personality or his biography.... No doubt the music does express his personality and is influenced by his life; but this was not a specific intention of Mozart, as it would be for some later artists.\"\n\nBeethoven's convictions about the composer as artist rather than artisan and about the arts ranking above nearly everything else in the hierarchy of human endeavors were convictions whose time had come. And the main tool for realizing his goal of reaching out to posterity was the burgeoning music publishing industry. As the bourgeoisie grew, so did its interest in the \"finer things in life\" that had once been an exclusive province of the aristocracy. Increased demand led to increased supply: From 1795, when the twenty-four-year-old Beethoven published three piano trios as his opus 1, until the end of his life, more than three decades later, the sale of his music to publishers in various countries was one of his major sources of income, thus also one of his most time-consuming concerns. Although he, like his predecessors, wrote works that were commissioned of him, usually for specific occasions, the commissions often served him more as starting impulses than as primary motivators. He wrote for publication, and the great majority of his most significant works and many of the minor ones were, in fact, published during his lifetime; whatever he may or may not have believed about an otherworldly afterlife, he certainly hoped that his compositions would win him a long afterlife here on earth.\n\nThe importance of getting into print can hardly be overestimated. Writers since Gutenberg's day had been accustomed to the notion that literature could be so widely disseminated as to become virtually deathless\u2014to such an extent that some authors have felt obliged to disabuse their readers of the notion that this is necessarily the goal of publication. Edith Wharton, for instance, declared in her memoirs\u2014written half a millennium after Gutenberg\u2014that she had \"hesitated for some time\" before setting out to describe her writings, \"since any attempt to analyze work of one's own doing seems to imply that one regards it as likely to be of lasting interest, and I wish at once to repudiate such an assumption.\" She then explained:\n\nEvery artist works, like the Gobelins weavers, on the wrong side of the tapestry, and if now and then he comes around to the right side, and catches what seems a happy glow of colour, or a firm sweep of design, he must instantly retreat again, if encouraged yet still uncertain; and once the work is done, and he hopes to contemplate it dispassionately, the result of his toil too often presses on his tired eyes with the nightmare weight of a cinema \"close-up.\"\n\nWharton was not giving up hope that her work would be \"of lasting interest;\" she simply refused to assume that this would be the case or to let her readers assume that she wrote for distant posterity. And her Gobelins-weavers analogy was not far removed from the attitudes of such twentieth-century composers as Stravinsky and Hindemith, who\u2014tired, perhaps, of the Romantic notion of genius on a pedestal\u2014began to talk again of the musician as craftsman. But Beethoven, who lived when that notion was just beginning to take hold and when music publication, as opposed to literary publication, was only beginning to become a serious business on a massive scale, was of a wholly different mind. Especially in the works composed during his last decade, he was intentionally writing for those who would follow. In the Ninth Symphony, the path that Beethoven wants us to follow\u2014from despair to joy\u2014is a well-thought-out sequence, a progression, not a random series. Beethoven was not a musical manic-depressive. His works do not bounce us back and forth between emotional highs and lows. Whatever, whoever Ludwig van Beethoven may have been in everyday life (and however well we think we know him, our knowledge is rendered ridiculously inadequate by our temporal distance from him and his environment) Ludwig van Beethoven's music is a distillation, not a representation, of his life experience\u2014a distillation that passed through the chastening refinery of his spiritual and compositional processes. And notwithstanding the Ninth Symphony's vast proportions and the exuberant communicativeness of its finale, nowhere else in Beethoven's orchestral music\u2014indeed, nowhere else in the symphonic literature\u2014has the distilling process been adopted with greater severity.\n\nMany scholars have pointed out that although Beethoven was fascinated by philosophy, he described music as an even higher calling. The opinion might easily be dismissed as a musician's prejudice except for the fact that in using the word \"philosophy\" Beethoven was not referring to the philosophy of language or to any other form of knowledge or wisdom that was not closely and concretely attached to questions of human beings' behavior toward one another. To Beethoven, the word \"philosophy\" could probably have been defined as ethical guidance; when he said that music was a higher calling than philosophy, he meant that it was potentially more important as a moral force. Artists, he believed, must strive to contribute to humanity's well-being\u2014must help mankind to find the right path. This is why he condemned Mozart's _Don Giovanni_ on moral grounds, despite his admiration for the opera's music, and why the Viennese triumph of Rossini's operas, which, by Beethoven's lights, lacked moral fiber, greatly upset him, as did the local public's adoration of vocal and instrumental virtuosity for its own sake. It is true that he had arranged a good deal of folk music and written dance tunes to earn some easy money, produced some musical doggerel to entertain his friends, and cranked out a few potboilers for special occasions\u2014most notably in _Wellington's Victory_ and _The Glorious Moment_. It is also true that in most of his works, Beethoven's strong and often boisterous sense of humor puts in a welcome appearance. Nevertheless, he was on the whole opposed to the notion of music as _only_ entertainment, and his opposition was based not so much on musical principles as on ethical ones: \"Bad\" music was a sign of \"the frivolous and sensuous spirit of the times,\" he is reported to have remarked.\n\nLike many of his predecessors, Beethoven hoped to give basic solace and sometimes to amuse through his work. Central to his existence, however, was the longing to help mankind raise itself up out of the muck of ignorance and pain. \"To see or listen to Beethoven's _Fidelio_ without taking into account its concern with injustice, heroism and freedom... would be so strange that we would normally say that anyone who claimed to be indifferent to its political and moral qualities was simply not responding to the work,\" wrote the philosopher Michael Tanner in an essay on art and morality. \"If such a person said that they were only moved by the music,... we would wonder how they could be moved appropriately by the music without acknowledging that it was articulating the dramatic action. Of course one could listen to the music in a purely abstract way, regarding the voices simply as instruments, but that would not be listening to _Fidelio_ , but only to an aspect of it.\"\n\nIn Beethoven's last decade, this moral imperative became an ever more pressing desire, bound up as it was with his exceptionally strange and acute personal misery\u2014and with his genius\u2014and it brought Beethoven to levels of abstract expression and of rarefied, distilled emotion that no one else in the history of Western music has reached. This is not to say that Beethoven is \"greater than\" Bach or Mozart: Furtw\u00e4ngler wisely commented that \"to compare Bach with Beethoven is like comparing an oak tree with a lion,\" and he could easily have extended the analogy to include a comet-like or solar Mozart. Each of these musical giants, and others as well, possessed unique qualities that will probably continue to be a source of intellectual and emotional stimulation\u2014and of pure pleasure\u2014unless and until human beings take a sharp evolutionary turn or are wiped (or wipe themselves) off the face of the earth. Beethoven's uniqueness lay in his ability to make the intimately personal experience that he transformed into sound symbols function in tandem with his strong sense of intentionality vis-\u00e0-vis the future and with his intense longing to improve the human condition. Like Bach and Mozart, Beethoven lived, loved, suffered, created, and died, but unlike them, he undertook to suffer and to create for posterity.\n\nHegel, writing during the same period in which the Ninth Symphony was created, said, \"Philosophy has the universal for its object, and, in so far as we think, we are universal ourselves.\" In this sense, we may think of Beethoven as a philosopher-in-music.\n\n## **_An attempt to describe the indescribable_**\n\nCan the Ninth Symphony be deciphered? Did Beethoven intend to make us, or at least let us, perceive certain determinable meanings in this work? If he did, can those meanings be grasped today? What _happens_ in the Ninth? What _is_ the Ninth?\n\nThere are no clear answers to these questions, with respect not only to the first three movements, which are purely instrumental, but also to the vocal-instrumental finale, despite the guidance provided by the verbal text. Yet the fact that Beethoven added words to a symphony, for the first time in the history of the form, forces us to accept the idea that he attributed concrete meaning to this work. But to what degree, and of what sort?\n\nMusicians who attempt to perform Beethoven's music conscientiously will carefully analyze its harmony and structure and the ways in which its rhythmic and melodic motives develop. Anyone with reasonably advanced musical training can see and hear what Beethoven accomplished in the Ninth and\u2014since a great deal is known about his working methods\u2014can understand how he accomplished it, from a technical point of view. But no one can know the internal processes that led to that accomplishment or be certain of the specific significance that the composer may\u2014or may not\u2014have attached to any number of details. As early as 1838, only fourteen years after the Ninth's completion, Hector Berlioz cautioned (using the first person plural to mean himself): \"To analyze such a composition is a difficult and dangerous task that we have long hesitated to undertake, a bold attempt that we can excuse only by our persevering efforts to view things from the author's perspective, to penetrate his work's intimate meaning, to feel its effect, and to study the impressions that it has so far produced.\"\n\nMaynard Solomon, one of the most brilliant and controversial Beethoven scholars, has written about \"the musical symbolization of the sacred\" in the composer's later works, including the Ninth Symphony. Solomon does not claim that Beethoven's late works were \"inspired by or written in emulation of the great cosmological ladders of the world's sacred books and myths, or, more specifically, of such images of world-shaping ascents as 'the laborious climb' in Dante's _Purgatorio_ or the ascent through the planetary spheres in the _Paradiso,\"_ but he believes that some of these ladders and images can be interpreted as Beethoven's construction of a parallel musical tradition. One may or may not agree with this or any other interpretation. It is no surprise that Berlioz\u2014given his above-expressed reluctance to make off-the-cuff analyses\u2014avoided seeking \"personal ideas that the composer might have wished to express in this vast musical poem\" and insisted that the work's form is \"justified by an intention independent of all philosophical or religious notions\"\u2014\"a purely musical and poetic intention\"\u2014and that it is \"equally as reasonable and beautiful for the fervent Christian as for the pantheist and for the atheist.\"\n\nBerlioz was probably familiar with Benjamin Constant's treatise _De la religion_ , in which the French writer and statesman essentially equated true religion with spirituality\u2014a quality natural to all human beings, he said\u2014whereas formal, imposed religion is inimical to the human spirit. \"Religion has been disfigured,\" Constant wrote. \"Man has been pursued right to his last place of asylum, to this intimate sanctuary of his existence. Persecution provokes rebellion.... There is a principle in us that becomes indignant at every intellectual fetter. This principle can be whipped into a furor; it can be the cause of many a crime; but it is connected to everything that is noble in our nature.\" Surely Constant's anti-dogmatic, anti-Establishment, nondoctrinaire, informal, open-ended, open-minded, and indeed Romantic approach to spirituality is closely related to Beethoven's beliefs. The fact that the part of his treatise quoted above was first published in 1824 makes his statement all the more interesting for our purposes.\n\nI stated at the very beginning of this book that the Ninth Symphony has been appropriated by exponents of every sort of political and social philosophy, but never have ideologues theorized about it as wildly as in recent times. Lockwood mentions, specifically, the German social philosopher Theodor Adorno, whose Marxist politics and elitist aesthetic ideas were often at war with each other, and who, seeing the Ninth as optimistic, couldn't bear its apparent populism; the musicologist Susan McClary, who \"denounced the first movement as an example of 'horrifyingly violent' masculine rage,\" says Lockwood; and the feminist poet Adrienne Rich, who \"reviled the entire work as a 'sexual message' written by a man 'in terror of impotence or infertility, not knowing the difference.\" Lockwood courageously denounces the for-us-or-against-us dogmas that are implicit or explicit \"in the current phase of ascendant 'cultural studies,' in which modern political and social content is read into every work of art or literature,\" including those of the distant past, and he reminds his readers that \"there is no recourse or final court of appeal\" against ideologues. (A wise individual once said that the only difference between academic ideologues and political dictators is that the academics don't have armies at their disposal.)\n\nBut there is one inescapable fact: For the duration of time in which it is being played and\/or listened to, in whole or in part, the Ninth Symphony belongs to each person who participates in performing it or who attempts to listen to it attentively, whether at a live concert, through a recording, by reading the score, or via aural memory. In this sense, it does not differ from even the crudest, most uninteresting piece of music, and indeed it can provide the same sort of superficial enjoyment that a crude or uninteresting work can provide. The philosopher George Santayana's description of music as nothing but \"a drowsy reverie interrupted by nervous thrills\" seems to support Richard Strauss's contention that for people who lack musical training, listening to music is \"a purely sensual, aural feast, unmitigated by any mental activity,\" and that such people are presumptuous to assume that they understand music \"better than, for example, Turkish.\" But Santayana was merely a lazy listener, or an uninterested one, and Strauss's attack made a bad situation seem even worse than it really is. Many of the psychological subtleties of a powerful piece of music can be communicated to a person who is sensitive to music and accustomed to a given musical language even if that person is musically illiterate. Not to mention the fact that being musically literate or even being a professional musician does not automatically guarantee sensitivity to those subtleties.\n\nYet there can be no doubt that any attempt to describe the musical discourse in a technically, emotionally, spiritually, and\/or intellectually complex work is severely limited without detailed technical references to harmony, rhythm, form, and all of music's other elements. Furtw\u00e4ngler put the matter thus: \"The discussion of purely musical forms on the one hand or simple descriptions of the processes of the soul on the other get us nowhere, for what actually matters is that the spiritual should be perceived in terms of the musical and the latter in terms of the spiritual, that both should be considered one and indivisible, so that the very attempt to divide them is a fatal mistake.\"\n\nAnd yet, despite all these caveats from myself and others, and notwithstanding Alexander Pope's much-quoted line about fools rushing in where angels fear to tread, I have gone ahead and written a highly personal description of what takes place in the Ninth Symphony. I have done it because I think it could help to alert casual music lovers to the expressive specificity of music in general and of the Ninth Symphony in particular, and perhaps also stimulate those professional musicians who feel wearied by the daily application of their craft to think again about what's behind the notes on the page. And\u2014I admit\u2014I have done it mainly because I felt an internal compulsion to do it, after half a century of familiarity with and love for this symphony and its composer. But precisely because my description is intended for all sorts of listeners, from the most casual to the most accomplished, I must parachute myself and my readers into a fogbound canyon of mainly nontechnical descriptions of musical phenomena. Let's hope that all of us, Beethoven included, will land safely.*\n\nAn ominous sound\u2014not quite music, as the term was understood in the early nineteenth century, yet certainly not random noise, either: This description fits the opening of the fourth movement\u2014the celebrated \"storm\"\u2014of the Sixth (\"Pastoral\") Symphony, and it fits the beginning of the Ninth Symphony's first movement as well, although in an entirely different way. The \"Pastoral\"'s storm music is largely onomatopoetic, and Beethoven probably amused himself a good deal in dreaming up his sound effects; so, presumably, had many earlier composers when they attempted to represent extramusical auditory phenomena\u2014chaos, for instance, in the opening of Haydn's _The Creation_. But the invention of the Ninth's opening sonorities cannot have been an amusing process. It must have grown out of Beethoven's confrontation with the bleakest realities of existence, such as the fact that we signify virtually nothing in the universe and that in cosmic terms we count no more during our brief lives than we counted before we were born or will count after we die. As early as 1815, he had written, in a note to himself, that \"refined music is not to be thought of in these times,\" and the rawness, hollowness, fragmentariness of the Ninth's opening bars, their grim-gray colors, their amoral brutality or brutal amorality, demonstrate that Beethoven had taken that idea as far as it would go. These bars are Beethoven's rendering in music of the abyss that the circumstances of his life had forced him to look into, and they are meant to force us, too, to look into it.\n\nApart from the music itself, Beethoven left one hint about this movement's significance to him when he scrawled the word \"Verzweiflung\"\u2014despair\u2014on one of his sketches for the piece, as if to remind himself not to lose track of the feeling he needed to capture and convey. A cynical commentator might hypothesize that Beethoven was despairing over lack of progress in his work\u2014a dilemma commonly known as writer's block. But unlike us lesser mortals, and unlike most of his great predecessors, including Bach, Haydn, and Mozart, Beethoven did not usually compose major works to deadline, and this was especially true during his last decade. Even the _Missa Solemnis_ , as I mentioned earlier, was not completed until three years after the occasion for which it was intended. Most of Beethoven's compositions, including those commissioned of him, were written within whatever time span they required. His despair had nothing to do with creative crises; it was an all-encompassing feeling with which he was only too familiar, a state of being that he wished to communicate fully and uncompromisingly in this movement.\n\nIt is relentless, this beginning, and so is most of the rest of the movement. In the _Missa Solemnis_ , the Ninth's sister work, the atmosphere created by the opening, ten-minute-long Kyrie is devotional, calmly joyous, confident (excepting the more urgent plea for mercy in the _Christe eleison_ segment); Beethoven waits until he is well into the second section\u2014the Gloria\u2014before he begins to probe and interpret the text in ways that are not only brilliant and beautiful but also tough-minded, bold, disconcerting. In the Ninth Symphony, on the contrary, he disconcerts and indeed devastates immediately. No quarter is given.\n\nThe word \"allegro\" in the tempo indication \"Allegro ma non troppo e un poco maestoso\" (fast but not too much so and somewhat majestic) refers purely to speed, certainly not to the \"cheerful\" connotation that Italian-speaking people hear in it; on the other hand, the Italian \"maestoso,\" as used here, means much more than its English cognate, \"majestic\": Beyond pomp and solemnity, its significance includes eternal divinity and the absolute power connected to it. (The word \"maest\u00e0\" is, among other things, the name given to early Renaissance paintings\u2014by Duccio, Cimabue, Giotto, and others\u2014of the Madonna and the Christ child enthroned and flanked by saints.) By the time the first movement of the Ninth Symphony is one minute old, there can be no doubt that the icy, absolute power of God or gods or fate or chance or whatever else might determine the course of a human life is the only aspect of majesty that concerns Beethoven here. He shows us majesty's sweep but not its pomp, its terrifying grandeur but not its grandiosity, and we can do nothing but flail about helplessly, foolishly, as if we had been dropped into a hurricane or hurled to the edge of an erupting volcano's crater. Any attempt to find our bearings, to make sense of what is happening in this maelstrom, is quickly smashed by forces beyond our understanding. The first movement of the Ninth neither beguiles nor coerces us; it befalls us.\n\nDavid Benjamin Levy, in his excellent book _Beethoven: The Ninth Symphony_ (essential reading on the subject for musicians and others who understand the technical language of music), says, \"Beethoven realized, far better than his contemporaries or successors, that immensity is better achieved by a process of compression than by expansion.\" And in this movement, Beethoven compresses human life into a quarter of an hour, reduces it to the barest of essentials, and frames it with nothingness. Listeners must approach this piece of music\u2014probably the most courageous orchestral composition ever written, and the most horrifying one\u2014obliquely, circumspectly, lest it crush them.\n\nOn the thorny subject of this movement's tempo\u2014and of courage\u2014I have a story to relate. In 1996, while I was helping Sir Georg Solti to write his memoirs, we discussed many works in considerable detail. When we talked about Beethoven's Ninth, he happened to be studying it for a forthcoming performance with the Chicago Symphony Orchestra at the Proms in London, and he told me that he was determined to use Beethoven's quick metronome indication\u2014quarter note = 88\u2014or something close to it, as the basic tempo for the first movement. He asked what I thought about his plan, and I expressed the opinion that if one exceeded approximately 80 as a basic tempo, one would have to slow down substantially at many points in order to convey the music's full power\u2014at all of the big climaxes, for instance\u2014and in the violins' and violas' thirty-second-note _forte_ passages. Otherwise, the result might resemble Sir Roger Norrington's unimaginatively and unconvincingly metronomic recorded interpretation. Solti repeatedly pulled out his electronic metronome and tried to imagine how to take 88 as his point of departure and yet modify the tempo only subtly where he felt the music required greater breadth. I was not in London when he gave the performance in question, but the next time I visited him he had just received a videotape of it and was eager to have a look. I was more than a little surprised to see and hear Solti and the orchestra begin the movement at a fairly deliberate, average tempo well below the one indicated by Beethoven's metronome mark. I asked what had happened, and Sir Georg, who was eighty-four at the time, smiled as sheepishly as a schoolboy who has been caught at some mischief. \"I didn't have the courage,\" he said.\n\nCourage is indeed required here, with respect to questions of tempo and much else besides. The movement begins quietly but not calmly, in an atmosphere of uncertainty. The first and second horns have the difficult task of playing an exposed, open interval very softly and of hanging on to their respective notes for twenty to thirty seconds (depending on the tempo chosen by the conductor) without redrawing breath. The same two notes are played simultaneously in lower registers by the second violins and cellos, which, however, do not cling to the notes as the horns do: They repeat them rapidly, nervously, twelve times in each bar. (At Beethoven's quick metronome indication\u2014quarter note = 88\u2014a bar lasts about 1.4 seconds, and not even the slowest conductors make a bar last much more than two seconds\u2014which means that the violins and cellos play their repeated notes approximately six to eight times per second.) We cannot be sure whether we are in a major or a minor key; something vaguely menacing seems to be moving toward us, but we don't know what it is. The first violins give two quick two-note glimmers that are echoed by the violas and double basses (bars 2\u20135). A clarinet and then an oboe enter softly (bars 5, 9). A crescendo begins (11)\u2014but this is no ordinary crescendo: It is rapidly increasing voltage being applied to our nerve endings. One flute intervenes, another follows (11, 13); the strings become more insistent, louder; most of the other winds join in (14, 15). The atmosphere is terribly tense. And then, with the first entry of the trumpets and timpani (16\u201317), there is a violent, pitiless explosion. We know, now, that we are in a dark, minor key, and we are being buffeted about like motes of dust in a gale-force wind.\n\n\"Did you grasp that?\" Beethoven seems to ask us. Because, as if to drive his opening statement home, he brings it to an abrupt conclusion and then repeats it, in a different key and with various instrumental and other modifications, but essentially as before. This time, however, the terrible outburst is extended and accumulates even more power than it possessed the first time around. And then, unexpectedly, within less than two seconds, the volume level tapers off drastically, the violent tones evaporate (73), and we are allowed to savor a major-key passage that Beethoven has marked \"dolce\"\u2014sweet (74). What is it? Respite mixed with longing? Maybe. But after only ten or twelve seconds the sweetness is left to the wind instruments alone while the strings play a nervous, staccato accompaniment (80 and following) that makes us wonder what is coming next. The orchestra soon begins to fulminate again (92\u2013107), although this time in a major key. A tug-of-war between major and minor, between relaxation with an undercurrent of tension and tension with a veneer of relaxation, follows, and is succeeded in turn by a renewed series of outbursts closely related to those that occurred near the opening of the movement, but now in a major key, thus not as dark as before. These _fortissimo_ chords and unisons and octaves first ascend, then descend (150\u201358), giving a feeling of finality, like the last sentence of a chapter in a book. Beethoven has now completed what musicians refer to as the exposition\u2014in other words, he has finished providing us with the thematic material that will form the basis of the rest of the movement\u2014and he has prepared us to enter the development, in which that material will be torn apart, reassembled in new combinations, and variously transformed.\n\nAfter having made an abrupt, four-note-long transition from _fortissimo_ to _pianissimo_ (158\u201360), Beethoven begins the development by presenting an altered version of the movement's ominously quiet, hollow opening. He takes about 50 percent longer than he did the first time to reach a full orchestral outburst, and this outburst is less overwhelming, more ambiguous, than the initial one. A few nervous bars for the woodwinds follow (192\u201397) and are succeeded in turn by a much more thoroughly permutated version of the opening and of the outburst; the nervous woodwind bars then recur in a different key (210\u201315), and this time they lead into the development's heart\u2014a combination of several of the thematic elements that appeared in the exposition. This highly unorthodox _fugato_ (a passage in the style of a fugue, in which a subject, or theme, is repeated at different points on the musical scale) and its aftermath last approximately two whole minutes\u2014a long time, in Beethovenian musical terms, and more or less one-seventh of this entire, vast movement; within this space, a succession of rapidly moving sixteenth notes entwined with a driving eighth-note accompaniment creates an undertow of anguish. There is no getting off lightly here: Beethoven has us in his grip and won't let go. Not only in the loud, stern passages, but also, and more startlingly, in the soft, tense ones, those driving sixteenth notes wear away at us, take hold of our psyches, and prepare us for what will surely be a cataclysm greater than anything that has gone before.\n\nAnd so it is. With a hurtling, elementally forceful ten-second buildup (295\u2013300), the development comes to an end and the recapitulation\u2014an altered repetition of the exposition\u2014begins. But Beethoven now dispenses with the movement's ominously quiet, hollow opening, which he redeployed at the beginning of the development, and simply engulfs us in wave after wave of overpowering sound. Although we are, to our aural astonishment, in D Major rather than D minor, it would be hard not to concur with Levy's statement that \"never before had a major chord sounded so apocalyptic!\" What I described, in the symphony's first bars, as \"two-note glimmers\" in the first violin, viola, and double-bass parts are now transformed into glancing, too-close-for-comfort thunderclaps and lightning bolts played by the full orchestra at full volume. (If I could talk to Beethoven, one of the musical details I would question him about is why he used a triple _forte\u2014fff_ , very rare in his music\u2014at climactic moments in the _Leonore_ Overture No. 3 and the Seventh and Eighth symphonies but not at this or any other point in the Ninth, which seems to cry out for even more volume than the earlier pieces.) These tremendous blasts of sound are, in a sense, the musical embodiment of the bulging-eyed, swollen-cheeked angels sounding the trumpets of doom in Michelangelo's _Last Judgment;_ or, to put it differently, they create an art-beyond-art moment, a moment in which beauty is set aside in favor of a statement meant to stun us and to curdle our blood.\n\nThe earthquake lasts approximately one minute before it tapers off into a reprise of the dolce segment of the exposition (339 et seq.), and for well over two minutes the description that I used for the rest of the exposition applies here as well: We hear sweetness tempered by nervousness, occasional fulminations, a tug-of-war between relaxation with an undercurrent of tension and tension with a veneer of relaxation, and the series of ascending and then descending _fortissimo_ chords, octaves, and unisons that bring this chapter, too, to a close.\n\nThe chapter, yes; the story, no. Not yet. Because the movement continues for at least three minutes more, in a section that is technically called a \"coda\"\u2014literally, a tail. One could almost describe this coda as a case of the tail wagging the dog, except that the cheery connotations of the word \"wagging\" could hardly be less appropriate. In these 121 extra but organically essential bars, Beethoven continues his excursion into the abyss, penetrating into even deeper areas of dread than those he drew us into during the movement's earlier portions. He begins by redeveloping the two-note-glimmer motif from the movement's opening, but he sets it now over a syncopated, anxious bass line played by the cellos and double basses (pizzicato) and by the clarinets (427 et seq.). The passage begins quietly but crescendos into a reprise of another of the exposition's explosive motifs (453\u201362); it then drops again to _piano_ , crescendos into a repetition of the same explosive material, but suddenly pulls up short with what may be a protesting, fist-shaking gesture. This lasts only a few seconds (463\u201368) and is followed by a brief, gentle dialogue among the wind instruments\u2014first the horns, then, in rapid succession, the first oboe, first bassoon, and first flute. But the gentleness lasts only eight bars (469\u201376), after which the winds' dialogue is transformed into something much more ominous: Beethoven brings back, from the development, those rapidly moving sixteenth notes entwined with a driving, eighth-note accompaniment in the strings\u2014the relentless undercurrent of anguish described earlier. The passage is abbreviated here and ends not with a bang but a whimper\u2014a plaintive, thinned-out and slowed-down restatement of the same motif (505\u201312).\n\nAnd then begins the movement's real ending. Surely the fourteen-bar passage (513\u201326) that initiates it\u2014 _pianissimo_ at the start, with repetitive and largely chromatic accompanying figures in the strings and bassoons and a dirge-like transformation of the glimmering motif in the other winds and the timpani\u2014is the direst, most hope-abandoned moment in the entire orchestral literature. The conductor Arturo Toscanini wrote in his score, at the beginning of this passage, the following lines from the third canto of the _Inferno_ in Dante's _Divine Comedy_ \u2014the inscription over the gate to hell: \"Per me si va nella citt\u00e0 dolente, \/ Per me si va nell'eterno dolore, \/ Per me si va tra la perduta gente.\" (Through me one enters the sorrowing city, \/ Through me one enters eternal sorrow, \/ Through me one goes among the lost people.)\n\nBy the end of this passage, we have passed through the gate and have entered hell itself. The movement's remaining thirty seconds (431\u201347) pulverize us unforgivingly. The full orchestra once again plays at full force\u2014Beethoven's dynamic markings are \"loud,\" \"louder,\" \"very loud,\" \"always very loud,\" \"reinforced,\" and again \"very loud\"\u2014and when, after the last, horrific notes have been summoned from the orchestra's bowels and hurled at us, reducing us to rubble, we find a huge fermata* over the rests. This is nothing more than an instruction to the musicians who are performing the symphony to avoid jumping immediately into the second movement, but there is no harm in thinking of it also as an incitement to performers and listeners alike: Now listen to the sound of Nothing.\n\nAnd then the silence ends. No sooner have we returned to Earth, after having traversed the lunar landscape that is the Ninth Symphony's first movement, than a series of glancing rhythms jolts us into a different mental and emotional dimension. As the second movement begins, we find ourselves again, or still, in the key of D minor, which could be a harbinger of continuing bleakness. But one doesn't have to know that Beethoven wrote the words \"Molto vivace\" (very lively) at the top of this movement, or that the movement is technically classified as a \"scherzo,\" to become aware immediately that an extreme change has taken place.\n\nWith respect to communicative content, this movement is more closely related to the first movements of the Third (\"Eroica\") and Fifth symphonies than to the counterpart scherzo movements in those works. Like the second movement of No. 9, the first movements of Nos. 3 and 5 also begin with brusque, startling orchestral outbursts that seem to presage contests of wills. But what differences there are among them! The Allegro con brio of the \"Eroica,\" which was completed almost exactly twenty years before the Ninth, is fundamentally a show of strength: Its two abrupt opening chords\u2014a two-second-long synthesis of the traditional Classical symphony's introduction\u2014are like two feet being planted firmly on the ground; Beethoven, in his early thirties, flexes his muscles and glories in his control over the compositional elements that he is shaping. The movement's dark moments are exactly that\u2014passing conflicts to be dealt with in short order.\n\nThe Fifth Symphony was finished only four years after the Third, but from an emotional point of view the Fifth's first movement (also marked \"Allegro con brio\") is a much more complicated piece than its counterpart in the \"Eroica.\" The opening of the \"Eroica\"'s Allegro, in all its glorious luminosity, may be described as intense-positive, in which case the angst-ridden opening Allegro of the Fifth would have to be described as intense-negative. Self-assurance and control have given way to agitation and uncertainty, which we perceive instantaneously in the downward turn of the harsh, ultrafamous four-note opening motif and its repetitions and permutations; here, moments of light only occasionally penetrate the darkness. Man shaking his fist at inescapable fate is the interpretation that Beethoven himself was reported (albeit unreliably) to have attached to this piece.\n\nAnd then comes the scherzo of the Ninth\u2014the only one of Beethoven's symphonies in which a scherzo movement is placed second in sequence, rather than third. His decision to opt for such an arrangement must have had much more to do with what he seems to be trying to communicate in this symphony than with aesthetic questions, let alone purely musical ones. Feet are anything but firmly planted here, yet there is no angst, either. We are beyond all that now, hors de combat. Or rather, the combat has become symbolic: It is something that human nature requires of us even though we recognize its futility. The strings begin, quickly and _fortissimo_ , BUM-pa-dum (silence), BUM-pa-dum (silence)\u2014then timpani, BUM-pa-dum\u2014followed immediately by most of the orchestra: _BUM-pa-dum!_ About four seconds, in all, including the two bars of silence that follow the full orchestral interjection. (An aside for musicians: The timpani are tuned not to the first D and second A below middle C, as musicians of the day would have expected, but rather to the first and second Fs below middle C. On first hearing the work, Beethoven's contemporary colleagues might have thought that these Fs would prove useful later in the movement, when Beethoven would surely spend a lot of time in F Major\u2014the relative major of D minor; but in fact he spends virtually no time in F Major. He used the Fs because he was seeking an unusual, suspended-in-air effect\u2014an effect he achieved by having the timpani play octaves on the mediant tone of the D minor scale, rather than on the steadier and more predictable tonic and dominant.)\n\nThe initial outbursts are followed at once (bar 9) by the quiet start of a rapid, contrapuntal principal theme. Take a moment to imagine how this theme\u2014a succession of quarter notes that move mainly stepwise up and down fragments of the scale\u2014would sound if it were in D Major rather than D minor: rather banal, even pat. But in the minor key, the note sequence becomes hypnotically stealthy, sinuous, ambiguous. It begins with only the second violins and first oboe, but during the following twenty seconds Beethoven gradually adds more and more instruments while insisting that everyone play as softly as possible; then, over a stretch of not more than six or seven seconds, he calls for a massive crescendo that leads to a _fortissimo_ passage involving most of the orchestra. This segues into a few quiet bars (enlivened by the BUM-pa-dum figure in the accompanying parts) that function as a transition to the bold, almost brazen, second theme, in the broad-daylight key of C Major.\n\nIf the opening theme seems to protest, hesitantly, against the doom that the first movement has declared to be inescapable, the second theme (beginning at bar 63) is more self-assured\u2014and apparently happy in its self-assurance. But it is short-winded and quickly dissolves into a brief but deeply emotional phrase (117\u201326) played by the strings and half echoed by the winds. This, in turn, becomes a self-mocking cat-and-mouse game between the same two sections of the orchestra (127\u201338).\n\nThe entire first part of the movement lasts a little over a minute and a half and is repeated, minus the first eight BUM-pa-dum bars; the repetition is followed by a development section in which the principal motifs are elaborated in ways that are partly serious, partly playful, and sometimes both, as in the mysterious three-bar groups (\"ritmo di tre battute,\" Beethoven calls the segment, 177\u2013233) punctuated by boisterous solo timpani interjections. Roughly ten seconds of menace (248\u201367) are followed by about fifteen seconds of fury (268\u201395): This is all there is of real anger \u00e0 la midperiod Beethoven. The furious bit dissolves, and the dissolution initiates a recapitulation at the end of which the entire development and recapitulation are repeated.\n\nThe repetition is followed by another transition, this time into an elegiac section (Presto), technically called a trio; its main elements are closely related to the brief, emotional phrase (bars 117\u201326) heard in the exposition\u2014a phrase that here takes on deeper beauty and consolatory mellowness. This legato melody (see, for example, bars 422\u201338) alternates with a lilting, staccato passage shared mainly by the strings and the first oboe, except that the oboe's version of it soon ceases to be staccato. Hearing it in its smoothed-out form makes listeners realize that this melody is essentially an upside-down version of the legato melody. It is also, as Levy points out, a musette\u2014a form meant to evoke the sound of \"a small rustic bagpipe,\" thus it would have suggested \"the world of nature\" to listeners of Beethoven's day. Levy also refers to the \"studied na\u00efvet\u00e9\" of these tunes, but the word \"studied\" implies a touch of cold calculation that probably ought not to be attributed to Beethoven's music in general and certainly not to the case in point. The composer must have relished bringing these melodies to life as he relished his walks in the country, and they are as refreshing as the cool water of a stream.\n\nWhat comes after the repetition of the bulk of the trio is a sort of coda (491\u2013530) in which legato and staccato blend into a stunning, wordless, organ-like paean; the religious nature of this segment is underlined by the entrance of three trombones (traditionally considered \"solemn,\" rite-related instruments), the first two of which have not yet been heard at all in the symphony\u2014whereas the third (bass trombone) played earlier in the trio for about twenty seconds, to add support to the bass line. This hymn leads into a reprise of the entire scherzo. But when the reprise is over, a passage that seems to be turning into a repetition of the trio ends abruptly after only six or seven seconds, and then, in two seconds' worth of rushed repetitions of the notes A and D for full orchestra (minus trombones and timpani), Beethoven thrusts aside everything he has done so far and brings the whole movement to a sudden close.\n\n\u2014\u2014\n\nDespite the Ninth Symphony's proportions\u2014much more substantial than those of any previous work in the genre\u2014its psychological shifts have taken place, so far, within spans calculated in seconds or, at most, a minute or so. Composers born and raised in the eighteenth century never clobber and reclobber listeners with the \"states of being\" that they wish to create or describe; they make each point as strongly as possible and then move on to the next one. Not until the works of some of the late Romantics and post-Romantics two, three, and four generations after Beethoven did emotional overkill become a frequent feature in music. This is not to belittle the achievements of those later masters, but merely to point out the differences between them and their predecessors. When a late Romantic or post-Romantic master dwells at length on a single psychological state, the results can be extremely powerful. But after Beethoven and after the works of some members of the first generation and a half of his successors (I am thinking specifically, in this case, of Schubert, Mendelssohn, Chopin, and Schumann), and with the exception, at times, of the \"Romantic Classicist\" Brahms, one must leap to the mature works of Schoenberg, Bart\u00f3k, and Stravinsky to find comparable degrees of concision and compression in psychological content.\n\nEven the sublimely lyrical third movement of the Ninth Symphony, which is much more slowly paced than either of the first two movements, rarely proceeds in any given direction for more than a minute and a half before changing course\u2014in performances that stay within shouting distance of Beethoven's tempo markings. The extraordinary inner tranquillity of the opening bars is reminiscent of the opening of the _Missa Solemnis's_ Sanctus, except that the Sanctus's devotional feeling is absent here. In devotion there is always at least a hint of submission, but there is no element of submission in the Ninth's slow movement. What we have here is acceptance in its purest form. \"When the hurly-burly's done, \/ When the battle's lost and won\": How doubly and triply true Shakespeare's witches' phrase rings here! If the Ninth Symphony's first movement is hurly-burly of the most horrific sort and the second a half-serious, half-playful battle, the third tells us that we have both lost and won\u2014that, as aware human beings, we have no choice but to wade through the horror and anguish and then die, but that we are able, from time to time, to see beyond and soar above these facts and to understand just enough to be able to appreciate the beauty of being mortal. After all, if anguish and death did not exist, art would not exist, nor would sensitivity to beauty. Or, to put a slightly different twist on an aphorism of Nietzsche's, sensitivity to beauty is one of our strongest defenses; without it, we would perish from truth.\n\nAnd nothing more beautiful than this movement has ever been written for the symphony orchestra. \"It lifts me off the earth, removes me from the field of gravity, makes me weightless,\" Toscanini wrote. \"One becomes all soul. One ought to conduct it on one's knees.\" The bassoons' and clarinets' opening solo notes, gradually blending with the warm, expanding and contracting sound of the second violins, violas, and cellos, immediately begin to console, to suggest that we put behind us the first movement's hurly-burly and the fact that the second movement's halfhearted battle has inevitably been lost, because\u2014as Beethoven continues to repeat\u2014the battle has also inevitably been won, although not through redemption or resurrection in any orthodox Christian sense. (Beethoven probably believed in neither redemption nor resurrection, although he may have wished for both. Like Goethe, who was fascinated by the Hypsistarians\u2014a fourth-century sect in Asia Minor that tried to follow the least doctrinaire elements of paganism, Judaism, and Christianity\u2014Beethoven tended toward a form of nonconfessional pantheism, and this tendency plus his interest in Eastern religions would certainly have made him open to the idea of death as part of the life cycle.) The maelstrom has disappeared and the subsequent struggle has ended; we still cling to pieces of flotsam, but we are approaching the shore.\n\nThose first two bars\u2014bassoons and clarinets supported by some of the strings\u2014serve as an introduction or, as Levy puts it, \"a gently opening curtain that reveals some of the movement's most important motivic and harmonic material.\" The analogy brings to mind Piero della Francesca's theatrical (to modern eyes) painting _The Madonna of the Birth_ , in which angels have pulled aside a curtain in order to show onlookers a very pregnant Mary; in a painting, however, time stands still, whereas music, like theater, exists only in a temporal continuum.\n\nWith the entrance of the first violins (bar 3), Beethoven begins to present the first of two long, spun-out themes that will alternate with each other, in various permutations, throughout much of the movement. An apparent contradiction confronts performers here: Beethoven's indication at the top of the page is \"Adagio molto e cantabile\" (very slow and lyrical), but the first violins are immediately instructed to play mezza voce (half voice). The composer, however, is simply making a distinction by carefully warning the players that \"cantabile\" does not necessarily mean \"full-throated.\" What he is requesting, in all likelihood, is the firm establishment of a sense of respite and relief after everything that has gone before. A long line, yes, but no soaring\u2014not yet. The soaring will come, but it requires psychological preparation. For now, the strings (minus double basses, here and in several other substantial segments of the movement, in order to lighten the texture) alternate and sometimes overlap with the clarinets, bassoons, and horns in stating a theme that is characterized above all by its basic dynamic mark _(piano)_ and its feeling of repose. Short crescendo-diminuendo marks are scattered throughout the passage, but the crescendos are never meant to grow very strong and must always slip back into quietness.\n\nIn the last four bars (21\u201324) of this passage, the strings provide a thrumming accompaniment to the melody\u2014now dominated by the clarinet\u2014and in the last three of those bars the dynamic indications gradually subside from diminuendo to _piano_ to _pi\u00f9 piano_ to _pianissimo_. The piece seems to be evaporating almost before it has begun, but in reality these bars are conveying the listener not only away from the basic key of B-flat Major toward D Major\u2014a brighter key than B-flat, and not as warm\u2014but also toward what will be a slightly quicker tempo (Andante moderato\u2014moving along moderately) and, most surprising, toward a new time signature, as Beethoven shifts from 4\/4 to 3\/4. The new section (bars 25\u201342) proposes the second of the two themes that will dominate the movement; this first time around, the theme is stated twice by the second violins and violas, which are joined intermittently by the first oboe. Beethoven has marked the theme \"espressivo,\" but it is only at the restatement (bars 33\u201340), when the first violins and then the first flute enter with a descant over the melody, that the music begins to hint at soaring. Yet here, too, the dynamic level never goes beyond a crescendo above _piano_ , and at two points Beethoven demands a diminuendo so striking that he uses the word \"morendo\" (dying) to describe it (bars 32 and 40). The second theme ends _pianissimo_ , like its predecessor, and the ending is a transition back to the key, tempo, and time-signature of the first theme.\n\nNow, however, Beethoven weaves a variation (bars 43\u201364) around the opening theme. What was already beautiful but not quite ripe suddenly begins to blossom, and the original melodic line, made up mainly of slowly stated half notes and quarter notes, becomes a series of sixteenth notes\u2014not quickly articulated but constantly unfolding, starting to flow. Capable orchestras and conductors maintain the sense of repose that was established at the beginning of the movement while simultaneously allowing more air to fill their lungs, metaphorically speaking (thus not only for the wind players!). This variation, like the original statement of the theme, ends with four bars of thrumming in the strings beneath the clarinets' melodic line, which again diminishes almost to the point of disappearing.\n\nAnd again there is a transition, this time to a variation (bars 65\u201382) on the second theme, which, however, is now in G Major rather than D Major. Instead of second violins and violas, the first flute, first oboe, and first bassoon now carry the melodic line, but the first violins again add a descant\u2014of a very different sort\u2014in the second half of the variation, over an accompaniment characterized mainly by gentle pizzicatos in the second violins and violas. Here, too, Beethoven uses the word \"morendo\" at the points parallel to those at which he used it in the original statement of the theme, and the variation ends with a transition to the first theme's second variation, in E-flat Major.\n\nThis variation (bars 83\u201398) seems at first to resemble the original theme much more closely than did the first variation: slow, sweet half notes and quarter notes again emanate from the winds, with an occasional calm pizzicato interjection from the strings. But then there is some stepwise eighth-note movement in the wind parts, and we hear a melodic fragment that reminds us of something\u2014we're not sure just what it is. Ah, but of course! Beethoven meant this fragment to be a subliminal prefiguration of something that will be heard in a little while, but we who have heard the finale's \"Ode to Joy\" theme thousands of times grab the minuscule hint, consciously or subconsciously. The prefiguration ends with an almost self-deprecating little up-and-down scale for the fourth horn\u2014who, by the way, has been working quite hard throughout this variation with no help from his or her three colleagues. Suddenly, those calm pizzicatos make a big crescendo, accompanied by increasing numbers of crescendoing wind instruments, until\u2014behold!\u2014the most beautiful transition in the entire symphony has taken place almost before we know it.\n\nIt has brought us back to B-flat Major (bar 99), the main key; the crescendo drops immediately to a _piano_ and the basic tempo is essentially unaltered, but the entire orchestra (minus the trumpets\u2014and there are no trombones at all in this movement) is now involved, the time signature has changed to 12\/8, and the whole soundscape has taken on a different aspect. A sense of tremendous breadth and great beauty overwhelms the listener, and the first violins\u2014who must play like gods here lest they destroy Beethoven's vision\u2014soar and will continue to soar through most of the rest of the movement. Beethoven has brought off a musical miracle: He uses the 12\/8 meter to maintain a steady, four-to-the-bar rhythmic underpinning while giving an almost vertiginous, waltz-like feeling to the six sixteenth notes or three eighth notes that are grouped within each of the four main beats. What is more, this section is simultaneously the first theme's third variation and the second theme's second variation, because elements from both subjects are combined within it. Once again, Beethoven maintains a subdued volume level and even sets the word \"dolce\" at the beginning of the section; for the first minute and a half the dynamics vary from _pianissimo_ to short crescendos above _piano_ , but since the full orchestra is now involved, the overall impression is that all the earlier restraints have been lifted. If the previous quietness was that of a convalescent, of someone who is relearning to face life, this new quietness is the strong, conscious quietness that emanates from recuperated wholeness, from regained perspective.\n\nAs if to demonstrate this newfound or newly reawakened awareness and power, Beethoven pulls us up short and breaks into a brief, emphatic declaration (bars 120\u201323) that seems a cross between a military fanfare and a shouted \"Credo!\" Maybe it is a proclamation of self-sufficiency and generosity, of the sort that Walt Whitman would deliver only a few decades later in \"Song of Myself\": \"I celebrate myself, and sing myself, \/ And what I assume you shall assume, \/ For every atom belonging to me as good belongs to you.\" Or maybe it isn't. Whatever it may or may not signify, it lasts not more than ten seconds before a pair of diminuendos marked \"espressivo\" leads back to what seems to be a reprise of the lyrical, dolce soaring of the first violins. After only two bars, however, the power begins to surge upward again, and Beethoven brings us\u2014more gradually than before\u2014to a repetition of the emphatic fanfare-cum-Credo. This time, the outburst is followed by the movement's darkest, most somber passage (133\u201336): deep, slow-moving, organ-like B-flat minor and E-flat minor chords punctuated by grim, dirge-like, repeated short notes played by the second violins. The passage is brief\u2014about fifteen seconds\u2014and ends with a transition back to the weaving, soaring music that preceded it, although the soaring begins an octave lower than before\u2014in third gear rather than fifth\u2014and quickly gentles down again, gliding into a sort of coda (beginning at bar 139).\n\nThe movement's remaining minute and a half is characterized by a series of brief, intense, alternating buildups and drops that are lyrical at even the most emotionally powerful points; in the last few bars, the timpanist must at times play both drums gently but simultaneously\u2014a technique previously uncalled for in the symphonic repertoire. The final bar disappears on a soft pizzicato chord in the strings and four delicate, repeated, _pianissimo_ chords in the winds and timpani. Beethoven seems, here, to have \"come to the end of what is necessary\"\u2014to borrow a phrase from John Updike. A life could end beautifully as this movement diminishes tranquilly into nonexistence. Beethoven is at peace; the world is at peace.\n\nBut not for long.\n\nThe third movement is the only one of the four that does not end with a fermata over the final rests. Does this mean that Beethoven wanted the orchestra to launch into the finale after only the briefest of pauses\u2014the duration of an eighth note, or less than a second? Some conductors have had their orchestras attack the fourth movement almost immediately after the close of the third, for dramatic effect, but there is a technical reason why this cannot have been Beethoven's intention. The first and second horns and both trumpets are pitched in B-flat in the third movement and in D in the fourth, and the third and fourth horns are pitched in E-flat in the third movement and in B-flat at the opening of the fourth. In Beethoven's day, horns and trumpets did not have valves; they could not switch automatically from one fundamental pitch to another. In order to change the fundamental pitch, a player had to remove one piece of tubing, called a crook, from the instrument, and insert a longer or shorter one, as each case required. This process in itself would have taken even the most deft of players at least ten or fifteen seconds to bring off, and additional time was needed to blow some warm air into the instrument, to try to bring the newly inserted, cold piece of metal more or less up to the temperature of the rest of the instrument\u2014otherwise bad intonation was guaranteed. We can safely assume that Beethoven expected a break of at least half a minute and probably longer between the end of the Adagio and the beginning of the finale.\n\nThe problem still exists for horn and trumpet players in orchestras that make use of period instruments (unless each musician keeps a second instrument at hand), whereas an instantaneous switch is possible for players who use modern instruments. But regardless of whether the break lasts five seconds or five minutes, and regardless of whether one is hearing the Ninth Symphony for the first time or the thousandth time, the contrast between the marvelously peaceful conclusion of the third movement and the jagged, dissonant, blaring opening blast of the fourth never fails to jar. After all that has happened so far, after having proceeded, during roughly three-quarters of an hour, from terror and despair to anger and then to acceptance, why are we now being shaken out of our seats by fifteen wind instruments plus timpani blowing and hammering at bust-a-gut volume in what German musicians call the _Schreckensakkord_ \u2014the terror chord (B-flat, D-flat, F, and A natural)\u2014with which the finale begins? Haven't we passed beyond that phase? Can't we be allowed to sit back and enjoy something joyful, or at least pleasant?\n\nPerhaps someday an intrepid scholar will unearth a heretofore unknown document that will prove that Beethoven had a good laugh at his listeners' expense when he realized how their teeth would be set on edge and their hair would stand on end at the unleashing of the _Schreckensakkord_. Yet his original intention was probably not to shock in any sense, but rather to remind\u2014to remind us of what this work is, and of what we are in the universal scheme (or nonscheme) of things.\n\nThe terror chord, and the six seconds of rapid-fire notes in the winds (mainly eighth notes) and timpani (sixteenths) that follow it, certainly grab listeners' attention immediately, and our attention is held by the lower strings' gruff reply to this attack. This is the first part of a dialogue in which cellos and double basses comment on brief declarations made by other segments of the orchestra; under this first \"comment\" Beethoven wrote a phrase in not very good French, with one German spelling and two Italian words thrown in: \"Selon le caract\u00e8re d'un Recitativ mais, in tempo.\" This translates roughly as \"In keeping with the character of a recitative but in tempo.\" This is self-contradictory because, as Beethoven well knew, one of the salient characteristics of a recitative is, precisely, its nonadherence to a single tempo, especially if the basic tempo is extremely fast, as it is here (Presto). Most conductors have interpreted Beethoven's statement as meaning \"Give these passages the expressive freedom of a recitative but don't let the tempo drag.\" After having heard a few \"authenticist\" conductors' attempts to have their musicians slam-bang through the recitatives strictly in tempo\u2014in other words, as if the recitatives were not recitatives\u2014I cast my vote in favor of the majority interpretation. This is not a vote against the \"authenticists\" in general but merely against the outcome of this specific experiment. Furthermore, thanks to a series of remarks that Schindler wrote in one of the conversation books, we know\u2014from Beethoven's implicit responses to his interlocutor\u2014that a strict tempo is wrong here.\n\n[Schindler:] how many double basses should play the Recitative?\n\ncould this be possible? All of them!\n\nthere would be no difficulty to play it strictly in time, but to play it singing [that is, in a vocal manner] will require great pains in the rehearsals.\n\nif old Krams were still alive, there would be no need to worry about it, because he led 12 Basses who had to do what he wanted.\n\nso really just so, as if words were placed below [the notes]?\n\nif necessary, I will put words below, so that they learn to sing\n\nAs its name indicates, a recitative has to do with recitation, with the rhythms of speech. Musical recitatives are almost always free-form settings of vocal texts. Prior to writing the bulk of the Ninth Symphony, Beethoven had already used vocal-style recitatives in instrumental music, most notably\u2014in open or disguised form\u2014in some of his last piano sonatas, and he would use them again in several of the late string quartets. In each case, he seemed to be trying to say something specific and at the same time tempting listeners to ask, \"What could the missing words be?\" But there are none, and there must be none. Furtw\u00e4ngler may have exaggerated when he claimed that \"the musician in [Beethoven] felt inhibited, not inspired, by a text,\" but there can be little doubt that pure musical abstraction was Beethoven's greatest strength and that he is nearly always conveying something that can be expressed only through music, not through words.\n\nYet in the example at hand\u2014the ninety-one bars of the finale that precede the first statement of the \"Joy\" theme\u2014there can be just as little doubt that Beethoven was leading listeners in specific directions and was coming as close to rendering instrumental music verbal as anyone has ever done. His plan seems fairly clear. The first blast, including the terror chord, is meant, as I suggested above, to remind us of what this work is and of what we are (not much!) in the universal scheme of things; the recitative response, although emphatically stated, nevertheless seems to be meant to have a calming effect, but it is interrupted by a second blast, similar to the first (here, the _Schreckensakkord_ consists of D, F-sharp, A, C, and E-flat), which is, in turn, followed by a slightly mellower response from the cellos and basses. The orchestra rebuts with two brusque _forte_ chords, but then begins, abruptly, to play a mysterious version of the opening of the symphony's first movement, as if to say, \"What are we to do now? Go back to this?\"\n\nEqually brusquely, the cellos and basses interrupt to say that this theme will no longer do: We've already been through that cataclysm, and survived; it's time for something less punishing. When this brief recitative fragment tapers off, the orchestra offers an eight-second reminder of the scherzo's main theme. Still imperiously but a little more gently, the recitative reenters, casting off the second suggestion just as it cast off the first. \"All right, then, would you like something gentler?\" ask the wind instruments as they present the first two bars of the third movement's main theme. The cellos and basses now take up the recitative very quietly but are nonetheless insistent in reiterating that what is needed is not a summary of what we have already heard, but rather something completely different\u2014something that will take us into a new dimension. (One thinks of Heine's poem \"Die alten, b\u00f6sen Lieder\": \"The old, nasty songs, \/ The bad, evil dreams, \/ Let us bury them now, \/ Fetch a large coffin.\" Music lovers know this text from Schumann's setting of it in his _Dichterliebe_ cycle, which dates from 1840, but the young Heine wrote it in 1822 or 1823, precisely when Beethoven was working on the Ninth Symphony.)\n\n\"Hm, then perhaps this?\"\u2014and the winds begin to sing (\"sweetly,\" Beethoven commands) hints of the new theme.\n\n\"Yes, that's it!\" reply the cellos and basses, whose cry is punctuated by happy outbursts from the winds and timpani. And then, suddenly, we are hearing the first statement, hushed but complete, of the \"Joy\" theme (bars 92\u2013115), played by\u2014who else?\u2014the cellos and basses.\n\nMusicologist Elaine Sisman has written that this echoing of the first three movements' main themes is \"elicited by a 'rememberer', the agent of memory, who is, uniquely, inside the piece,\" and she argues persuasively that \"the cello\/bass recitative voice... needs to recollect past ideas in order to find the source of a subject [that is, a musical theme] that can be used.\" As soon as the cellos and basses have presented the first complete statement of the \"Joy\" theme, the violas and bassoons add their voices, and during the following twenty-four bars the theme takes on some ornamentation. Then the violins enter (140), blending greater glow and density into the texture, and in the last eight bars of this segment all who are playing begin to intensify their sound until the entire orchestra bursts into a full-throated restatement of the theme (164\u201387). To this, Beethoven adds a little coda that includes an upward-striving, excitement-stimulating harmonic sequence (192\u201398) from which Wagner was to learn a great deal not many years later. There is a brief pulling-back in instrumentation, volume, and tempo, but then another jubilant outburst leads to...\n\nJust a moment\u2014what's this? Something we are not meant to expect at all: a renewed blast of the _Schreckensakkord_ and the rapid-fire, menacing bars that follow it! Beethoven wants his listeners to be thrown into total confusion, to lose their sense of direction, and to wonder why, after having found the \"right\" theme, the orchestra seems to be shooting at random into the crowd. But then the bass soloist stands and sings the first words ever meant to be sung in a symphony\u2014words written by Beethoven himself: \"O friends, not _these_ * sounds! Let us rather sing more agreeably, and more joyfully.\" The music that accompanies the first part of this declaration (in the original: \"O Freunde, nicht diese T\u00f6ne!\") is in part a repetition of the cellos' and double basses' initial, protesting recitative, but it is followed by an increasingly warm, gentling intervention by the string section, which provides a comforting background to the words \"Let us rather intone more agreeably\" (\"Sondern lasst uns angenehmere anstimmen\"). The orchestra shouts four happy chords, and the solo bass takes a deep breath and sings his final words in a melismatic, twenty-six-note, eleven-or twelve-second-long outpouring: \"and more joyfully!\" (\"und freudenvollere!\")\u2014a technical feat so risky that many singers make a caesura, in order to catch their breaths, before the last seven notes.\n\nWe ought to take a deep breath\u2014symbolically\u2014with the singer, because we have, in a sense, \"made it.\" We have survived the first movement's brutality and despair, participated in the second's harsh struggle, and been purified by the third's glowing acceptance of life as it is. What Beethoven wants us to experience now is all-embracing joy. For this is the moment in the work in which Beethoven most unequivocally declares his aim of helping to liberate mankind through art.\n\nLittle wonder that volumes have been written about the Ninth's finale: The mere fact that this was the first symphonic movement to function as a setting of a preexisting verbal text\u2014a text, moreover, that the composer manipulated to suit his own purposes\u2014is in itself enough to make musicologists and cultural historians salivate profusely. And the terrain for research and theorizing looks even richer when we realize that Beethoven had wanted to set this particular text to music for over thirty years; that Schiller, like Beethoven, had believed that humanity needed to achieve freedom through the experience of art before it could achieve political freedom; that as far back as 1794\u201395, Beethoven had created a version of what would become the \"Ode to Joy\" theme in a song with the unlikely title of _Gegenliebe (Requited Love);_ that in 1808 he had reused the _Gegenliebe_ theme in his Fantasy for Piano, Chorus, and Orchestra (the so-called Choral Fantasy); and that the Choral Fantasy's text\u2014which, it seems, was virtually dictated by Beethoven to the poet Christoph Kuffner\u2014bears a relationship to the text of the \"Ode to Joy,\" as, for instance, in the stanza \"Peace and joy float amicably \/ like the play of the waves. \/ Anything rough and hostile that intrudes \/ will become part of the elation.\" Soaring above all of these facts, however, is the overwhelming, incontrovertible sensation that even in the non-text-based segments of the symphony's finale Beethoven all but screams the word \"MEANING!\" at us.\n\nAfter shouts of \"Freude\" (\"Joy\") from the solo bass and the bass section in the chorus\u2014the first choral entry in the work\u2014the solo bass sings the first of those verses of Friedrich von Schiller's \"Ode to Joy\" that Beethoven chose to insert into the symphony:\n\nFreude, sch\u00f6ner G\u00f6tterfunken, | Joy, beautiful divine spark, \n---|--- \nTochter aus Elysium, | Daughter of Elysium, \nWir betreten feuertrunken, | We enter, drunk with fire, \nHimmlische, dein Heiligtum. | Thy heavenly sanctuary. \nDeine Zauber binden wieder, | Thy magic reunites \nWas die Mode streng geteilt; | What habit brusquely separates; \nAlle Menschen werden Br\u00fcder, | All men become brothers \nWo dein sanfter Fl\u00fcgel weilt. | Wherever thy gentle wings tarry.\n\nAt the beginning of this solo passage, Beethoven wrote the indication \"angenehm\" (agreeably or pleasantly), and the orchestral accompaniment is cheerful\u2014and minimal: one oboe, one clarinet, and strings playing soft pizzicati. But when the whole, four-part chorus (sopranos, altos, tenors, and basses) enters to repeat the last four lines, most of the rest of the winds join in, the string players take up their bows again, and everyone is given a _forte_ indication.\n\nThe second verse's setting is a variant of the first's; it is sung by all four solo voices (soprano, alto, tenor, and bass), again with a light orchestral accompaniment (one flute, one bassoon, two horns, and cellos).\n\nWem der grosse Wurf gelungen, | He who has had the good fortune \n---|--- \nEines Freundes Freund zu sein, | To be a friend's friend, \nWer ein holdes Weib errungen, | He who has found a beloved woman, \nMische seinen Jubel ein! | Let him add his jubilation [to ours]! \nJa, wer auch nur eine Seele | Yea, he who can call his own \nSein nennt auf dem Erdenrund! | Even a single soul on this whole earth! \nUnd wer's nie gekonnt, der stehle | And he who cannot\u2014he must steal away \nWeinend sich aus diesem Bund! | Weeping from this gathering!\n\nAs in the first verse, here, too, the chorus reiterates in bolder tones the last four text lines, with strong orchestral accompaniment.\n\nBeethoven follows the same pattern for the third verse, but trilling strings and quicksilver winds begin to make the temperature rise:\n\nFreude trinken alle Wesen | All creatures drink joy \n---|--- \nAn den Br\u00fcsten der Natur; | At Nature's breast; \nAlle Guten, alle B\u00f6sen | All the good, all the bad \nFolgen ihrer Rosenspur. | Follow her rose-bedecked trail. \nK\u00fcsse gab sie uns und Reben, | She gave us kisses and grapevines, \nEinen Freund, gepr\u00fcft im Tod; | [And] a friend true unto death; \nWollust ward dem Wurm gegeben, | Pleasure is given [even] to the worm, \nUnd der Cherub steht vor Gott. | And the cherub stands before God.\n\nAgain, the chorus exuberantly repeats the last four lines, but whereas in each of the first two verses the choral part is eight bars long, followed by a four-bar orchestral mini-postlude, here Beethoven eschews the postlude and extends the variation itself by ten bars, with the chorus singing full force to the end. In addition, after nearly a hundred bars of sitting solidly in D Major, we are suddenly airlifted into a different key. At first it feels like A Major, but then comes the passage's final explosion on the repetition of the words \"vor Gott\" (before God), with a tremendous, long-held F-Major _fortissimo_ chord on the word \"Gott\"\u2014and we're not at all sure which key we've landed in.\n\nThis midmovement climax, toward which Beethoven has been building since the first complete statement of the \"Joy\" theme nearly six minutes ago, is so powerful and resplendent that a receptive person listening to the work for the first time would be likely to wonder what could possibly follow it. Two feasible solutions were available to the composer: either something much bigger\u2014almost impossible to imagine, under the circumstances\u2014or something much smaller, something so lightweight that it cannot be compared to the heaven-rending depiction in sound of cherubs standing before the Lord that the listener has just experienced. Beethoven opted for the latter response. No sooner has the hall stopped reverberating from the grandiose cry of \"Gott\" than we hear what would sound like a mistake were it not being made by four different instruments at exactly the same time: low, lower, and lowest B-flats played softly by the two bassoons and contrabassoon, respectively, together with a dull thud on the bass drum. (Upon hearing these B-flats, musicians will understand that the huge F-Major \"Gott\" chord was simply the dominant of B-flat. We finally know which key we're in.) And less than two seconds later they do it again, and then again and again and again and again, now at intervals of less than a second. For the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth repetitions, the four instruments are joined by two horns, also playing B-flats, and two clarinets playing Ds. When this group welcomes a piccolo, a triangle, and cymbals into its midst, all in martial rhythm, we realize that what we are hearing is a village band approaching from the distance, playing a syncopated, fragmented variation on the \"Joy\" theme, in the form of what was known in Beethoven's day as a Turkish march. A few more winds enter, _sempre pianissimo;_ there are four extremely soft punctuating phrases by the strings, and the trumpet quietly hints at military bugle calls. After about half a minute of this lighthearted introduction (in 6\/8 time, and with the indication \"Allegro assai vivace,\" fast and very lively), the solo tenor enters, brightly singing an embellished version of the variation's fragmented melody:\n\nFroh, wie seine Sonnen fliegen | Happily, like suns flying \n---|--- \nDurch des Himmels pr\u00e4cht'gen Plan, | Across the sky's splendid plane, \nLaufet, Br\u00fcder, eure Bahn, | Run your course joyfully, brothers, \nFreudig, wie ein Held zum Siegen. | Like a hero [going] toward victory.\n\nAs the tenor begins a difficult final passage and prepares to soar up to a high B-flat, the male voices in the chorus enter to provide weight and support, and the orchestra's contribution grows in size, volume, and outright heart-on-sleeve joyousness. Musicologist Robert Hatten has pointed out that in this variation Beethoven does not merely lighten the musical atmosphere by introducing what sounded, to Europeans in 1824, like popular music; he \"transcends the humble comic origins of the Turkish march\" and endows it with \"universality\" by showing that not only heroes but also common people are included among \"all men\" who someday \"will be brothers.\"\n\nThis variation's thunderously festive ending leads without a break into an extended orchestral variation on the variation\u2014a splendid, hundred-bar-long riff (beginning at bar 431), during which joyful and serious moments alternate but the energy level of the strings, woodwinds, and horns never subsides. At the end of this section the orchestra quiets down to a whisper. Two horns, playing a syncopated rhythm, seem to be warning us that something different is on its way, while two oboes and two bassoons, accompanied only by the note B in the strings, quietly intimate the three opening chords of the \"Joy\" theme and repeat them somberly in the minor. Then a brief crescendo leads into a huge, sonorous reentry of the theme, shouted by the entire chorus (repeating the first verse of the text), woodwinds, and horns, all of which fit together with the variation-on-the-variation music played vigorously by strings, trumpets, and timpani. But when this segment comes to an exceptionally brusque halt (bar 594), and after a pause of a few seconds, the male voices in the chorus, accompanied by cellos, double basses, and the third trombone (this is the first use of a trombone in the finale), enter with what sounds like a very different theme but is, in fact, only a wildly divergent variant of the \"Joy\" theme:\n\nSeid umschlungen, Millionen! | Be embraced, you millions! \n---|--- \nDiesen Kuss der ganzen Welt! | By this kiss for the whole world!\n\nBeethoven's tempo indication is \"Andante maestoso,\" and the prevailing tone is at first solemn, even liturgical. It becomes glorious and full of awe, however, when the same words are repeated by the chorus's female voices, accompanied by woodwinds, all three trombones, and all of the strings. The pattern is essentially repeated in the setting of the next two lines of verse:\n\nBr\u00fcder! \u00fcberm Sternenzelt | Brothers, a loving Father must live \n---|--- \nMu\u00df ein lieber Vater wohnen. | Above the canopy of stars.\n\nAt the beginning of his setting of the following highly unorthodox yet in some sense deeply religious verse, Beethoven provides a highly unorthodox yet deeply religious indication, not just of tempo but of \"tone\": \"Adagio ma non troppo ma divoto\" (slow but not too much so but devout, or with devoutness); \"divoto\" is also a precise translation of the German indication \"Mit Andacht\" that Beethoven wrote at the beginning of the _Missa Solemnis's_ Sanctus.\n\nIhr st\u00fcrtzt nieder, Millionen? | Do you bow down, you millions? \n---|--- \nAhnest du den Sch\u00f6pfer, Welt? | Dost thou fear the Creator, world? \nSuch' ihn \u00fcberm Sternenzelt! | Seek him above the canopy of stars! \n\u00dcber Sternen mu\u00df er wohnen. | He must dwell above stars.\n\nHere, flutes, clarinets, bassoons, violas, and cellos accompany the chorus, with firm interjections by the three trombones on the syllables \"Welt?\" and \"zelt!\" All of these instruments plus the oboes strongly declaim the first statement of the final line. Then, suddenly, the violins and double basses join the rest of the strings in a mysterious _pianissimo_ chord. With the entry of woodwinds first, then the chorus\u2014sopranos and altos, followed by tenors and basses accompanied by horns and trombones\u2014a shimmering, mystical, mesmerizing repetition of the final line begins: \"He must dwell above the stars.\"\n\nAs soon as the hypnotic final phrase has faded away, Beethoven launches into an unusual and exuberant new variation, labeled \"Allegro energico e sempre ben marcato\" (energetically fast and always well accentuated), in which a quick, syncopated version of the \"Joy\" theme (\"Freude, sch\u00f6ner G\u00f6tterfunken,\" and so on) is thrust together with and juxtaposed against its most recent, more slowly paced variant (\"Seid umschlungen, Millionen!\" and so on). This is an exceptionally difficult passage for the chorus, especially for the sopranos, who have a series of loud high As, including one that they are asked to hold on to for eight and a half bars in 6\/4 time. Those chorus members who survive this exertion without having to be carried from the stage on stretchers must immediately drop their voices down to _piano_ and convey the nervous, confused feeling that Beethoven asks for in repeating the \"Ihr st\u00fcrtzt nieder, Millionen?\" verse. The first four words are sung by the basses, the next five (\"Ahnest du den Sch\u00f6pfer, Welt?\") by the tenors, and the following four (\"Such' ihn \u00fcberm Sternenzelt!\") first by the altos and then, in a crescendo, by everyone. And the section ends with warm but emphatic exclamations of \"Br\u00fcder!\" and a swirling, ascending, but softer and softer restatement of the phrase \"He must dwell above stars\" (bars 745 62).\n\nAfter the briefest of pauses, off goes a brisk Allegro ma non tanto, which means, roughly, \"fast, but don't overdo it;\" yet, the section must be quite quick-paced for a variety of reasons: The nature of the music demands it, the time signature is _alla breve_ (2\/2\u2014by implication, twice as fast as 4\/4), and the soloists\u2014who have now been sitting onstage for an hour without a great deal to do\u2014will be heading toward vocal disaster if too slow a tempo is taken. This is the second-to-last section of the symphony and the second-to-last variation on the \"Joy\" theme; the text is that of the first verse (\"Freude, sch\u00f6ner G\u00f6tterfunken,\" and so on). At the start (763\u201381), quicksilver but quiet strings and woodwinds alternate with somewhat more tranquil solo voices, but then a buildup begins, with the chorus entering (795) to support and then take over from the soloists. The conductor must pull the tempo back substantially when the chorus sings, \"All men become brothers, \/ Wherever thy gentle wings settle,\" then bring it back to its original pace, and then pull it back again for the soloists' elaborate, terrifyingly difficult but highly moving repetition of the same lines. Beethoven would have failed a composition exam in his own day or in ours for his handling of the vocal lines in this segment: The tenor is forced to cross over both the alto and the bass lines at various moments, and each of the singers has such long, florid passages that the only alternative to breathing in the middle of individual words would be learning to breathe through the ears. The composer knew that he was demanding the impossible but went ahead and demanded it all the same. And sensitive, accomplished singers manage to find solutions to the problems, although a sense of strain is always evident in this passage.\n\nThe Allegro ma non tanto ends on unresolved, long whole notes for the solo singers, clarinets, and bassoons and a questioning interval for the strings. Again, there is the briefest of pauses, and then the finale's last, breathtaking variation begins. \"Poco allegro, stringendo il tempo, sempre pi\u00f9 Allegro\" (somewhat fast, quickening the tempo, getting faster and faster) Beethoven writes at the start, to help the string players understand how to bring off the initially tentative but increasingly heated opening bars (843\u201350), which end with a crescendo that includes the winds. And then the orchestra, followed by the chorus, explodes into the final Presto. At first, the text is entirely that of the \"Seid umschlungen\" and \"Br\u00fcder!\" verses, but Beethoven soon returns to the opening verse, which he marks, this time, with exclamation points: \"Freude, sch\u00f6ner G\u00f6tterfunken! \/ Tochter aus Elysium!\" A tremendous buildup culminates in a majestically slowed-down reiteration of the word \"G\u00f6tterfunken!\"\u2014divine spark!\u2014and then the orchestra transforms itself into a comet and hurls itself, prestissimo, to the furthest reaches of the human imagination.\n\nBeethoven's handwritten dedication of the Ninth Symphony, to King Frederick William of Prussia.\n\n* For the convenience of those who read music and have access to a copy of the score, I am inserting bar numbers at appropriate points, but the description is meant to function with or without recourse to printed music.\n\n* American musicians call this symbol a hold; in other English-speaking countries it is often referred to as a pause. To avoid confusion, we generally resort to the Italian term \"fermata,\" although the Italians call the symbol a _corona_ (crown); in modern Italian, a _fermata_ is a bus stop!\n\n* The italics are mine, not Beethoven's. The words \"diese T\u00f6ne\" (these sounds) may refer in part to the terror chord and subsequent \"sounds\" that the orchestra has just finished unleashing for the third time, but they mean, above all, the thematic material that has been quoted from the three previous movements.\n\n# \n#\n\n## **_Coping with the G-word_**\n\nUniversal History, the history of what man has accomplished in this world, is at bottom the History of the Great Men who have worked here. They were the leaders of men, these great ones; the modellers, patterns, and in a wide sense creators, of whatsoever the general mass of men contrived to do or to attain; all things that we see standing accomplished in the world are properly the outer material result, the practical realization and embodiment, of Thoughts that dwelt in the Great Men sent into the world.\n\n\u2014THOMAS CARLYLE\n\nEven if we were to change the term \"Great Men\" to \"Great Men and Women,\" Thomas Carlyle's statement, which dates from May 1840, would appall us today: His apparently smug use of that pumped-up adjective \"great\" makes us fidget. In the twentieth century, Fernand Braudel and other historians forced people to recognize the fact that \"Universal History\" is really an agglomeration of micro-histories, each of them shaped by economic and social conditions under which certain individuals emerge and, for better or for worse, take control, to the extent that control is possible. We have learned to mistrust, even despise, these \"great\" personages, because we know that the realization of their ideals often entails bloodshed on a massive scale and the destruction of large swaths of civilization. Most of these great ones eventually become victims of their own egos and are succeeded by other great ones whose trajectories seem almost to imitate those of their predecessors. When Carlyle said that such heroes were \"sent into the world,\" he presumably attributed their presence among us to a prime mover, in which case they could more often be considered a severe form of punishment visited upon humanity by a cruel creator than a boon to our species.\n\nBut Carlyle, who was born in Scotland in 1795, grew up during the Napoleonic period, when the notion of the self-made, heroic man of destiny stood in open contrast to the belief in monarchy by divine right; what today seems an antediluvian attitude would have been interpreted in a wholly different light during the Romantic era. We are, or ought to be, sick of \"great\" political leaders, regardless of whether they inherited their positions, won them in elections, or simply grabbed them. But Carlyle and his contemporaries saw \"great men\" as counterfoils to rulers who inherited power without necessarily having any gift for using it.\n\nBesides, political affairs constituted only one of the elements of civilization that great individuals could shape, according to Carlyle. In the six lectures that were published together in book form under the title _On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History_ , Carlyle dealt with \"The Hero as Divinity\" (Odin), \"The Hero as Prophet\" (Muhammad), \"The Hero as Poet\" (Dante, Shakespeare), \"The Hero as Priest\" (Martin Luther, John Knox), \"The Hero as Man of Letters\" (Samuel Johnson, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Robert Burns), and, finally, \"The Hero as King\" (Oliver Cromwell, Napoleon). In the areas of intellectual and artistic achievement, at least, we can follow Carlyle's line of reasoning, because we can see that certain scientists, inventors, medical researchers, thinkers, and practitioners of the various arts have stood out among their colleagues and contemporaries and have influenced the history of civilization in profound ways. This fact in no way belittles the thousands upon thousands of people in each field without whose work no advances could ever be made; but no more can we deny the fact that a Newton, an Edison, a Pasteur, a Plato, or a Shakespeare stood out among his contemporaries, thanks to his genius or good fortune or extreme determination, or any combination thereof. If greatness exists, its very nature makes it a rarity. And if it is true, as the dictionaries tell us, that Romanticism was an artistic movement or tendency that emphasized inspiration, subjectivity, and the primacy of the individual, then it follows that the notion of the great, heroic, brilliant individual was Romanticism's cornerstone.\n\nBeethoven was one of Romanticism's first and most significant exemplars\u2014a symbol of greatness, heroism, and genius for generations to come. Many thousands of musicians over the last two centuries have become familiar with music by Beethoven's competent and frequently admirable contemporaries\u2014Luigi Cherubini, let's say, or Jan Ladislav Dussek, Jean Fran\u00e7ois Le Sueur, Anton\u00edn Reicha, Johann Nepomuk Hummel, Gaspare Spontini, John Field, or Ludwig Spohr\u2014and have played and enjoyed some of their compositions. But the hundreds of thousands of musicians and the millions of music lovers who, over the past two centuries, have considered Beethoven's music more gripping than that of his contemporary colleagues have not simply been duped or taken in by the legend of the great, suffering genius. Nor should we all be accused of antidemocratic tendencies for hazarding the opinion that we listen to much more of Beethoven's music today than we listen to music by Cherubini and the others because, on the whole, his was more inventive, attractive, and profound than that of his contemporaries. In fact, let's be really daring and state unequivocally that we listen to Beethoven's music because so much of it is _great_.\n\nBeethoven himself certainly believed in the concept of the great man, and to expect otherwise of him would be to assume that he owned a forward-moving time machine. Although he obliterated the dedication to General Bonaparte that he had written on the title page of his \"Eroica\" Symphony when he learned that the general had become Emperor Napoleon, he rededicated the work \"to celebrate the memory of a great Man,\" and in his own field he praised Handel, Haydn, and Mozart. \"Art and science,\" he wrote, \"can raise men to the level of gods.\" But he was not a purveyor of the Romantic cult of genius\u2014an accusation that has been leveled at him in recent decades by some moralizing and politically more-than-correct academics. He was a man of his time whose work was so extraordinary that it has endured.\n\nBeethoven's brand of Romanticism was born of Enlightenment ideas and ideals and had little connection to some of the murkier or more self-indulgent aspects of the Romantic movement (let's call it a movement, for the sake of convenience) in its subsequent manifestations. Unfortunately, as one of Romanticism's iconic figures, he was often analyzed\u2014and almost as often misinterpreted\u2014by people with no great knowledge of music. Baudelaire, for instance, considered Beethoven a pioneer of the diabolic aspect of Romanticism and made some odd comparisons between the composer and various literary figures. The French poet and critic wrote, in 1861:\n\nBeethoven began to stir up the worlds of melancholy and of incurable despair that had gathered like clouds in man's internal sky. Maturin in the novel, Byron in poetry, Poe in poetry and in the analytical [that is, psychological] novel...; they projected splendid, dazzling rays onto the latent Lucifer ensconced in every human heart. I mean that modern art is essentially demonic in tendency. And it seems that this infernal side of man, which man takes pleasure in explaining to himself, is growing day by day, as if the Devil were having fun by fattening it up through artificial processes, following the example of goose fatteners, patiently stuffing the human species in his poultry yards in order to prepare more succulent food for himself.\n\nThis is not only a misreading of Beethoven; it is also a misreading of Byron, whose diabolic side was patently a put-on, and of the Irish writer Charles Robert Maturin, who died in the year of the Ninth Symphony's premiere and whose darkest intention, in his popular Gothic novel _Melmoth the Wanderer_ , was probably nothing more diabolical than to make readers' spines tingle. (Poe's case is more complicated, but the issues that his works raise are distant from this book's various themes.) Yet this interpretation of Beethoven\u2014the only one by Baudelaire that I have come across\u2014brings into high relief the importance that even nonmusical nineteenth-century artist-intellectuals attached to the composer's name. When Baudelaire referred to the \"worlds of melancholy and of incurable despair\" that Beethoven had \"begun to stir up,\" he must have had in mind works like the \"Path\u00e9tique,\" \"Moonlight,\" and \"Appassionata\" piano sonatas, which provide substantial relief from darkness only in their middle movements. If he was referring to the first movements of the Fifth and Ninth symphonies, he missed the point completely: In both, he may have mistaken for \"incurable despair\" these works' elemental power and their waiting-to-be-resolved drama. Beethoven conquers despair through strength in the Fifth Symphony, through acceptance and joy in the Ninth.\n\nIn short, Beethoven may be seen, today, as a proto-Romantic, or even as The Proto-Romantic par excellence, but he was also much more than that. \"The personal ideals of the romantics' favorite rebel, creator and hero, Beethoven, are not simple to define,\" wrote musician and cultural historian Conrad Donakowski in the 1970s. \"That he was a humanist of the eighteenth century who proclaimed his Promethean independence in his life and music is common knowledge. That he believed music to be an exact though unilateral manifestation of the truth is also evident. That he became a humble man believing in the redemptive value of suffering is equally clear from his writings and music.\" This far transcends the trite image of the disheveled, tempest-tossed, lawless Romantic genius.\n\nBut what matters in trying to figure out how Beethoven in general and the Ninth Symphony in particular influenced the Romantic-era composers who followed him is not so much who he really was or what he really intended to communicate as it is how they _perceived_ him and his art.*\n\n## **_The hardest possible act to follow_**\n\nIn the broadest sense, Beethoven's achievements influenced everything that has occurred in Western music since his lifetime and much that has taken place in the other arts as well. Every composer born during the first half of the nineteenth century was influenced in some way, major or minor, positive or negative (or both), by Beethoven's music, and the products of that influence were reacted to, in turn, by subsequent generations of composers, and so on down to the present. As for practitioners of the other arts, let Honor\u00e9 de Balzac speak for them. \"Beethoven is the only man who has made me experience jealousy,\" he wrote. \"There is in this man a divine force.... What we writers depict is finite, determined; what Beethoven gives us is infinite.\" Balzac would no doubt have been pleased to know that after his death he would occasionally be compared with Beethoven. The well-known American cultural critic James Gibbons Huneker, for instance, in remarking on \"the influence of Balzac on the world of fiction,\" wrote: \"No one... has escaped or can escape Balzac. He is like Beethoven in his influence on modern composers.\"\n\nAmong musicians, there must have been a few who quickly sensed the Ninth Symphony's significance. One member of the audience at the premiere was a down-at-the-heel, little-known twenty-seven-year-old Viennese composer named Franz Schubert (1797\u20131828), who, within the previous three months, had completed his mysterious, tragic string quartets in A minor and D minor and his alternately lighthearted and nightmarish Octet in F Major. But these works interested virtually no one until years after their composer's death, when Robert Schumann and other musicians discovered them and brought them to the world's attention. In the spring of 1824, Schubert, suffering from the effects of secondary syphilis, was too overwhelmed with private pain, physical and psychological, to be thinking much about the ideals of global brotherhood that Beethoven was proclaiming in his new symphony. \"I feel that I am the most unfortunate, the most miserable being in the world,\" he wrote to a friend on March 31. \"Think of a man whose health will never be right again, and who from despair over the fact makes it worse instead of better, think of a man, I say, whose splendid hopes have come to naught, to whom the happiness of love and friendship offers nothing but the most acute pain, whose enthusiasm (at least, the inspiring kind) for the Beautiful threatens to disappear, and ask yourself whether he isn't a miserable, unfortunate fellow.\"\n\nAnd yet Schubert\u2014who, like Beethoven, was creating powerful, universalizing expressions of the most intimate human anguish and longing\u2014had been looking forward to the Ninth's premiere, as he wrote in a passage, quoted in part 1, from the same letter, in which he described the program of the upcoming concert. One can hardly help wondering what he thought upon hearing the first movement of the Ninth, which corresponds in several ways to the first movement of his own newest string quartet, known today by the nickname \"Death and the Maiden.\" Both are in D minor, both have turbulent main themes offset by lyrical second themes\u2014moments of respite in the midst of extended outbursts of despair\u2014and both communicate inconsolable horror at human destiny.\n\nUnfortunately, Schubert's impressions of the Ninth are not known. Although he lived nearly his whole life within walking distance of Beethoven, he revered him to such an extent that he seems to have made no serious attempt to get to know him. Schindler describes a single significant encounter between the two composers, but the story is probably apocryphal; in all likelihood, their only meeting took place about a week before Beethoven's death, when Schubert went with some friends they had in common to pay his respects to the weakened, bedridden, and nearly unconscious master. Schubert was an honorary pallbearer at Beethoven's funeral, and only a few days before his own death\u2014less than twenty months after Beethoven's\u2014the young man asked to hear Beethoven's String Quartet in C-sharp minor, op. 131, which was written even later than the Ninth and is even more complex; his wish is believed to have been granted.\n\nJohn Reed, one of Schubert's biographers, felt that this sense of awe may actually have inhibited the younger man's musical development, and he quotes a statement by Schubert's friend Joseph von Spaun, who claimed that Schubert had told him: \"Secretly, in my heart of hearts, I still hope to be able to make something of myself, but who can do anything after Beethoven?\" But that conversation may have taken place as early as 1815, when Schubert was only eighteen. Peripheral resemblances have been found between the Ninth Symphony's \"Joy\" theme and the beginning of the development section in the finale of Schubert's \"Great\" C Major Symphony, and between Beethoven's setting of the words \"laufet, Br\u00fcder, eure Bahn\" in the Ninth and Schubert's setting of the line \"So sprachst du, Liebchen, heut' zu mir\" in the song _Mit dem gr\u00fcnen Lautenbande_ , but these connections seem far-fetched and are probably coincidental.*\n\n\"Beethoven's titanic figure loomed large over Schubert's life,\" says Peter Clive in his biographical dictionary _Schubert and His World_ , but the younger man was too original to have wanted, let alone attempted, to imitate the older one's stylistic characteristics. The Ninth Symphony's influence might have been felt in various ways in Schubert's later works had he lived to Beethoven's relatively ripe old age of fifty-six, but when typhoid fever (or some other ailment\u2014historians are not certain) finished off his already ravaged body, Schubert was still a quarter century short of that mark.\n\nOther musicians did record their impressions of Beethoven's last symphonic masterpiece during the early years of its existence. Hector Berlioz (1803\u20131869) had first heard Beethoven's music (an overture\u2014we don't know which one) at a concert given during a prize ceremony at the Paris Conservatoire toward the end of 1827, eight months after Beethoven's death. Two months later, the exceptionally high-minded, twenty-four-year-old Frenchman, who has since come to embody the Romantic personality in music, wrote to his sister Nanci: \"It is when one has heard the sublime instrumental compositions of the eagle Beethoven that one sees the rightness of the poet's exclamation: 'O divine music, language, powerless and feeble, retreats before your magic.'\"* In January 1829, Berlioz wrote to a friend, \"Now that I've heard that frightening giant Beethoven, I know what point the art of music is at, it's a matter of taking it from that point and pushing it further\u2014not further, that's impossible, it has reached the limits of the art, but just as far along another path. Much that is new must be done, I feel this with extreme energy; and I'll do it, I'm sure, if I live.\" (Although he probably did not know it, in this statement Berlioz came remarkably close to echoing the words, quoted in part 1, of Franz Grillparzer's funeral oration for Beethoven, to the effect that the composer's successors would have to \"begin anew, for he who went before left off only where art leaves off.\") Two months later, after having heard a performance of Beethoven's string quartets op. 131 and op. 135, Berlioz wrote to Nanci that the German master had \"climbed so high that one begins to lose one's breath.\"\n\nBerlioz was by nature a rebel and a radical; he had been sent to Paris from the provinces by his father, a doctor, to study medicine, but, consumed with a passion for music, he had enrolled at the capital's celebrated conservatory, where he studied composition with Reicha and Le Sueur, gifted but conservative contemporaries of Beethoven. Beethoven's musical radicalism held overwhelming artistic and spiritual appeal for Berlioz, who suddenly found himself worshipping at a new altar. It is no exaggeration to say that Beethoven transformed Berlioz's life. David Cairns, the French composer's most comprehensive biographer, has written: \"Berlioz believes in Beethoven, is willing to go where he leads and, as in an Orphic initiation, to follow him into strange and at first forbidding regions of the spirit.... It is an act of faith on his part; he trusts the composer whose symphonies have revealed to him a new world of music of unparalleled grandeur, intensity and scope.\" Given the uneasy and often downright hostile relationship between German and French cultures\u2014a negative relationship that had been exacerbated in Berlioz's youth by the Germanic states' participation in the defeat of Napoleonic France\u2014the young composer's immediate, instinctive conviction that Beethoven and no one else had shown the way toward music's future is all the more extraordinary. And that conviction quickly became a battle flag for the young composer.\n\nIn 1829 Berlioz first studied the score of the Ninth Symphony, which had not yet been performed in France, and he became on the spot one of the first musicians in the world to grasp its importance. \"We have read the score attentively,\" he wrote in one of a series of polemical articles in _Le Correspondant_ , intended to defend Beethoven against his adversaries, \"and without flattering ourselves that we understand it in its entirety and in all its aspects we have no hesitation in regarding it as the culmination of its author's genius.\" Cultural historian Jacques Barzun has pointed out that in the last of these articles Berlioz \"calmly asserted that the Ninth Symphony, which he had read but which no one in Paris had heard, so far from showing a great man struggling with dementia, was on the contrary a starting point for the music of the present.\"\n\nHector Berlioz. _(Photo by P. Petit, circa 1860.)_\n\nBy 1834, Berlioz had heard all of Beethoven's symphonies, including the Ninth, and was publishing heavily ironic attacks on French audiences for their negative attitude toward his musical hero: \"There are half a dozen young people who, under the pretext of claiming that this Beethoven fellow is the greatest musician in Europe (which isn't possible, since he's never managed to be played at the Op\u00e9ra-Comique), would like to put an end to private conversations [during performances of Beethoven's music], and they tell everyone that the talkers are uncouth tradesmen.\" Four years later, however, perceptions were beginning to change. Berlioz, writing in the _Gazette Musicale_ , now divided the Ninth's Parisian listeners into five categories:\n\nCertain critics regard [the work] as a _monstrous folly;_ others see nothing in it but the _last glimmers of an expiring genius;_ some more prudent people declare that at present they don't understand it at all but do not despair of appreciating it, at least to some extent, later on; most artists consider it to be an extraordinary conception of which some parts nevertheless are still inexplicable or apparently aimless. A small number of musicians, naturally inclined to examine carefully everything that is meant to expand art's domain, and who have given mature reflection to the choral symphony's overall form after having read and listened to it many times, affirm that this work seems to them the most magnificent expression of Beethoven's genius: this opinion... is the one that we share.\n\nBerlioz then begins to describe the symphony in some detail; his description is part musical analysis (\"This Allegro maestoso written in _D minor_ begins however on the _A_ chord minus the third, that is to say, on the held notes _A_ and E, arranged in fifths, arpeggiated above and below by the first violins, violas, and double basses\") and part emotional, pictorial narrative (\"The peroration contains expressions that move the whole soul; it would be difficult to hear anything more deeply tragic than this song by the wind instruments, beneath which the string instruments' chromatic tremolo phrase swells and rises little by little, rumbling like the sea as a storm approaches\"). His verbal interpretation of the work goes on for well over two thousand words, and he follows it with a complete French translation of the parts of Schiller's \"Ode to Joy\" that Beethoven used in the symphony's finale. \"If the audience at the Conservatoire... had a translation of this sort in its hands,\" Berlioz says, \"it would most certainly follow the composer's ideas better.\" But, he notes, \"it is nevertheless clear that this audience, which was so cold at first toward this colossal score, is beginning to come under its influence. After two or three more performances, it will feel all of its beauties.\"* As if this weren't tribute enough, Berlioz concludes his remarks on the Ninth by conjecturing that \"when Beethoven, upon completing this work, looked over the majestic dimensions of the monument that he had erected, he must have said to himself: 'Let death come now, my task has been completed.'\"\n\nFor Berlioz, the example of Beethoven's existence and the expressive power of the Ninth Symphony in particular represented confirmation of his own choices in life and of his emancipation from the musical conservatism of his teachers. Surely it is no coincidence that the full unleashing of his amazing originality took place within a few months of his first encounters with the score of the Ninth, or that not much more than a year later he produced the _Symphonie fantastique_ , as new and astonishing a work as the Ninth, albeit in a very different way. The influence may be indirect, but it is nonetheless concrete. And the Ninth influenced Berlioz in more direct ways, too: Echoes of the recitative in Beethoven's finale can be heard in Berlioz's _Roi Lear_ Overture (1831), and his entire Dramatic Symphony _Rom\u00e9o et Juliette_ (1838\u201339) and Dramatic Legend _La Damnation de Faust_ (completed in 1846) make ample use of solo and choral voices.\n\nFrom the 1830s onward, Berlioz developed a reputation as one of the finest conductors of his day, and he is now regarded as having been an authentic pioneer in the art and craft of conducting. Generous as he was, he must have felt that he was paying back at least a small part of his great debt to Beethoven when, in the late winter and spring of 1852\u2014at the time of the twenty-fifth anniversary of Beethoven's death\u2014he conducted the Ninth Symphony with the New Philharmonic Society at London's Exeter Hall. According to _The Times's_ well-known critic James William Davison, that performance stirred up \"an excitement almost unparalleled within the walls of a concert room.\" Another observer, writing in _The Illustrated London News_ , described the event as \"the greatest victory ever yet attained in the development of Beethoven's intentions.... We heard on Wednesday night professors of no little note, whose sneers and scoffs at the Ninth Symphony years back we had not forgotten, make avowal that it was incomparably the grandest emanation of Beethoven's genius.... Well did Berlioz earn the ovation bestowed by the moved thousands who filled the hall on this memorable occasion, one to be treasured for ever in our musical annals.\" Berlioz was to have conducted the Ninth in Saint Petersburg during his highly successful 1867\u201368 season in the imperial capital, but a dearth of competent singers caused him at first to decide to perform only the first three movements and then to cancel the entire performance.\n\nBy then, however, Berlioz was sixty-four years old, twice widowed, devastated by the death of his only son, abandoned by many of his friends, and considered too radical by one sector of the musical world and pass\u00e9 by another; he died the following year. \"My contempt for the folly and baseness of mankind, my hatred of its atrocious cruelty, have never been so intense,\" he had written in 1861. He seemed almost to be echoing Beethoven, who, toward the end of his own life, had declared: \"Our age needs powerful minds to castigate these petty, deceitful, miserable wretches of human hearts\u2014however much my heart refuses to give pain to anyone.\" We remember Berlioz above all else for his marvelously imaginative music\u2014as well we should\u2014but we should honor him also as the first major figure in European music who grasped and publicly defended the difficult, groundbreaking works of Beethoven's last creative phase.\n\n\u2014\u2014\n\nBerlioz's understanding of \"late Beethoven\" was remarkably prescient, but other musicians of the day had at least an inkling of what their celebrated contemporary was trying to do. Giacomo Meyerbeer, for instance, wrote in his diary in March 1831, in Paris, that \"a performance of Beethoven's giant symphony with chorus, outstandingly played at a Conservatoire Concert (and which I heard for the first time)\" had been \"among the main events\" in his life during that month.\n\nMeyerbeer, a German Jew (his name was originally Jakob Liebmann Meyer Beer) born in 1791, a dozen years before Berlioz, was one of the most popular opera composers of the nineteenth century and, during his Paris years, a pioneer of the French grand opera style and a successor to Rossini, his most important musical forebear\u2014although the prodigious Rossini was a year younger than Meyerbeer. Meyerbeer's _Les Huguenots, L'Africaine, Robert le diable, Le Proph\u00e8te, L'\u00c9toile du nord_ , and _Dinorah_ are rarely heard today, but in their day and until the end of the nineteenth century some or all of them were in the repertoire of every self-respecting opera ensemble.\n\nEarlier, when Meyerbeer was twenty-three, he may have had direct contact with Beethoven in Vienna: He is said to have played timpani or bass drum (accounts vary) under the composer's direction in a performance of Beethoven's potboiling \"Battle\" Symphony. According to testimony in Alexander Wheelock Thayer's _Life of Beethoven_ , Beethoven had said that the young man \"'did not strike [the drum] properly and was always too late. Therefore, I really had to give him a dressing down. Ha! Ha! Ha! This may have upset him. Nothing will come of him. He does not have the courage to strike at the right moment.'\" So much for Beethoven's statement about his heart refusing to give pain to anyone!\n\nMeyerbeer presumably had no trouble understanding and enjoying the works of Beethoven's early and middle years, but his attitudes toward the late-period works varied. Although he was two decades younger than Beethoven, the musical language of the older composer's last years was far more complex than that of his younger colleague. Meyerbeer attended performances of the Ninth Symphony on about half a dozen occasions, in Paris and Berlin, but he did not set down any of his concrete reactions to them. When, near the end of his life, he heard the celebrated pianist and conductor Hans von B\u00fclow play the relatively late Piano Sonata No. 29 in A Major, op. 101\u2014\"which I had never heard before\"\u2014he described it as \"a gifted, glorious work, particularly the first elegiac movement and the third or fourth, which is a fugue.\" (Only a few years earlier, the same sonata, played by Anton Rubinstein, had provoked a very different reaction in the Russian writer Ivan Sergeyevich Turgenev, who loved Beethoven but \"was unable to understand\" op. 101.) Yet nearly thirty years after Beethoven's death\u2014and after the young Berlioz had been bowled over by a performance of Beethoven's very late String Quartet in C-sharp minor, op. 131\u2014Meyerbeer wrote that although that work's scherzo had delighted him (it was, he said, \"a masterpiece of invention, humor, and beautiful control\"), the other movements had not: \"The introduction _(adagio)_ , the _allegro_ and the _andante_ , which together form an unbroken movement, still remain incomprehensible to me. I cannot find the leading thread, or grasp the organic structuring.\"\n\nMeyerbeer was a composer of music for grand spectacles\u2014music meant to please the audiences of his day. Nothing wrong with that! But Beethoven's late works were meant to please everyone and no one, at all times. Parts of them could be enjoyed purely viscerally, but any attempt to grasp them more fully and more profoundly required listeners to be on Beethoven's wavelength, or a similar one, and a willingness to make the effort to meet him halfway. Meyerbeer's musical imagination was too limited for that\u2014or else he was born a little too early. Perhaps, if he had been born a dozen years later, like Berlioz, he would have developed a slightly more modern perspective, as was the case with Felix Mendelssohn.\n\nThe Hamburg-born Mendelssohn, who was nearly two decades younger than Meyerbeer and six years younger than Berlioz, admired and certainly was able to grasp Beethoven's music, but he could not wholeheartedly embrace it. He was a Romantic, but a conservative one; Beethoven's challenges to the established order in music and in life were probably a bit much for the well-brought-up Mendelssohn, and the mixture of esteem and puzzlement in his attitude is apparent in a letter to his teacher, Carl Friedrich Zelter\u2014a letter written in Paris in 1832, when Mendelssohn was twenty-three. Although he believed in the sincerity of the admiration for Beethoven that some local musicians expressed (they \"really enjoy the great Beethoven symphonies now, and have become quite familiar with them, and it gives them great pleasure to have mastered such things\"), he couldn't believe in others' sincerity on the same subject, because these \"great squawkers and enthusiasts,\" as he called them, \"disparage the other masters on his account, speak of Haydn as if he were a powdered wig, of Mozart as if he were a simpleton\u2014and such narrow-minded enthusiasm cannot be genuine.\" The audience, too, he said,\n\nloves Beethoven uncommonly, because they think one must be a connoisseur in order to love him; very few of them experience any actual joy in it, and I simply cannot stand the denigration of Haydn and Mozart, it drives me mad. Beethoven's symphonies are like exotic plants to them, they don't really have a look at them, but they're a curiosity, and should someone happen to count the filaments and discover that they belong to a well-known family of flowers he leaves it at that and doesn't think anything further of it.\n\nMendelssohn's Symphony No. 2 in B-flat Major, op. 52\u2014written in 1840 and called the _Lobgesang_ , or _Hymn of Praise_ \u2014has a choral-orchestral finale and was probably the earliest traditional-style symphony after Beethoven's Ninth to make use of voices.* Despite its low publication number as the second of Mendelssohn's five mature symphonies, chronologically it was the last of them. (The \"Scotch,\" No. 3, was not completed until 1842, but most of it was written in the 1830s.) The _Lobgesang_ is a nicely written but not very compelling work\u2014certainly not one of Mendelssohn's best; its long, banal first movement is followed by two shorter, somewhat more interesting ones, and then by a cantata\u2014based on biblical texts\u2014that lasts some forty minutes, a quarter of an hour longer than the Ninth Symphony's finale, and without a trace of Beethoven's startling boldness. The Ninth's influence on it was purely formal. Whether that influence would have grown had Mendelssohn lived to a decent age is, of course, as impossible to determine as it was in Schubert's case, because this amazing genius died in 1847, at the age of thirty-eight.\n\nFr\u00e9d\u00e9ric Chopin was part of the extraordinary group of composers\u2014the others were Mendelssohn, Schumann, Liszt, Wagner, and Verdi\u2014born in the period from 1809 to 1813; all of them were children or adolescents when the Ninth Symphony had its premiere. Various sources indicate that Chopin probably heard the work when it was played by the Paris Conservatoire orchestra (which he described as the \"non plus ultra\") in 1832, and he heard parts of it two years later, when he visited a music festival in Aachen, Germany, with the pianist, conductor, and composer Ferdinand Hiller\u2014another gifted musician born within that same small clump of years. That Chopin preferred Bach and Mozart to Beethoven is a well-known fact, but he admired Beethoven's orchestral and chamber music. Unfortunately, his thoughts on the Ninth have not come down to us, whereas Robert Schumann, who came into the world less than four months after Chopin, did write and even publish his thoughts on that subject, as on so many others.\n\nAt the age of twenty-three, Schumann began a brief essay\u2014\"On the D minor Symphony\"\u2014with a quotation that he attributes to a friend: \"I am the blind man who stands before Strasbourg's cathedral, hears its bells, but cannot find the entrance. Leave me alone, young man, I no longer understand humanity.\" In other words, I know that the Ninth Symphony is something grandiose, but I can't figure it out. But then, assuming one of the alter ego characters that he had invented for himself in his essays\u2014in this case, the meditative, melancholy personality called Eusebius\u2014Schumann writes: \"Who would rebuke the blind man, if he stands before the cathedral and knows not what to say? Just remove his hat, devotedly, when the bells ring on high.\"\n\nSchumann's livelier alter ego, Florestan, now takes over and says, about Beethoven:\n\nYes, just love him, love him well\u2014but do not forget that he achieved poetic freedom by taking the path of many years of study, and honor his never-resting moral force. Do not seek out what is abnormal in him, go back to the foundations of his creativity, do not demonstrate his genius through the last symphony, even though it speaks more boldly and immensely than any tongue before it\u2014you can do this just as well with the first [symphony] or with the slender, Greek one in B-flat Major [No. 4]! Do not rebel against rules that you have not yet thoroughly worked through.\n\nTucked in amid much more highly colored, metaphoric prose, the essay's final point about Beethoven can be found: \"Let us then love that high spirit, who looks down, with indescribable love, upon life, which gave him so little.\"\n\nFive years later, in a letter to his nineteen-year-old fianc\u00e9e, the pianist Clara Wieck, in Vienna, Schumann wrote, from Leipzig: \"Listen, I have a request. Don't you want to visit our Schubert and Beethoven? Take a few myrtle branches, tie two together for each of them and put them on their graves if you can\u2014then softly say your name and mine\u2014nothing else\u2014you understand.\"\n\nFinally, in an essay written in 1841, following a performance of the Ninth Symphony, Schumann made fun of the Beethoven fans who built monuments to their hero without really knowing his music or understanding who he was\u2014just as Mendelssohn had castigated Parisian Beethovenians a decade earlier. \"Does a great man _have_ to have thousands of dwarfs in his train?\" Schumann asked. But of the Ninth itself, he wrote: \"At last one begins to realize that here a great man has created his greatest work. I do not recall that ever before has it been received so enthusiastically. Saying this we do not mean to praise the work\u2014which is beyond praise\u2014but the audience,\" for its open-mindedness.\n\nWe know a lot\u2014too much, perhaps\u2014about Richard Wagner's life and struggles, about his unsurpassed originality and his monstrous selfishness, about the extraordinary influence he exerted on the course of European music\u2014greater than that of anyone else between Beethoven and Stravinsky\u2014and about the perniciousness of his self-serving racism and nationalism. No major figure in the history of Western culture is more ambiguous, seductive, repulsive, significant, and dangerous than Wagner.\n\nIn addition to his thirteen operas and music dramas, of which all but the first three belong to the standard repertoires of major opera houses around the world, Wagner wrote many volumes of prose on a variety of subjects that boil down to one subject: Richard Wagner. Whether he was writing about theater architecture, musicians of the past, or \"Judaism in Music\" (the title of his most infamous essay), all roads led directly or indirectly to himself. Thus, for instance, in his memoirs Wagner said that in his youth the finale of Beethoven's Ninth \"became the mystical lodestar of all my fantastic musical thoughts and aspirations\"\u2014in other words, the Ninth was not only great in itself but also, and perhaps above all, a precursor of Wagnerian music drama, a springboard to Wagner's self-realization.\n\nThe Ninth's premiere had taken place two weeks before Wagner's eleventh birthday; a few years later\u2014when he was in his mid-teens, not long after Beethoven's death\u2014Wagner observed the celebrated soprano Wilhelmine Schr\u00f6der-Devrient in the title role of _Fidelio_ and then began to delve into the score of the Ninth Symphony. \"What first attracted me to it,\" he wrote,\n\nwas the opinion, prevalent not only among the Leipzig musicians, that this work of Beethoven's had been written in a state approaching insanity: it was considered the \"non plus ultra\" of all that was fantastic and incomprehensible, and this was grounds enough to arouse in me an impassioned desire to investigate this demoniac phenomenon. On first looking through the score, which I obtained only with great difficulty, I was struck at once, as if by force of destiny, with the long-sustained perfect fifths with which the first movement begins: these sounds, which played such a spectral role in my earliest impressions of music, came to me as the ghostly fundamental of my own life. This symphony surely held the secret to all secrets; and so I got busy over it by painstakingly copying out the score.\n\nThe Ninth is the subject of one of the earliest known Wagner documents\u2014a letter that he wrote to the publisher B. Schott in Mainz in 1830, when he was seventeen years old. \"For a long time I have been making Beethoven's magnificent last symphony the object of my deepest studies,\" the message begins, \"and the more I become familiar with the work's high value, the more it grieves me that it is still very much misunderstood and very much ignored by the majority of the musical public.\" To try to remedy the situation, he was working on a solo piano arrangement of the symphony that he hoped Schott's editors would wish to publish, so that musical amateurs could play through the symphony in their homes. Schott was not interested in the proposal.\n\nLater, after having heard a wretched performance of the symphony in Leipzig, Wagner began to think that his initial enthusiasm for the work had been misplaced, but during his down-and-out years in Paris, in his late twenties, he changed his mind again on hearing the symphony performed by the orchestra of the Paris Conservatoire under its intrepid conductor, Fran\u00e7ois Habeneck. Wagner later recalled that the \"renowned orchestra\" had played the work\n\nwith the finish that came from incomparably long study, a performance so perfect and so moving that the conception of this marvelous work which I had dimly formed in the enthusiastic days of my youth, before its execution (in both senses) by the Leipzig orchestra... had effaced it, suddenly stood before me bright as day and as palpable to my touch. Where formerly I had seen only mystic constellations and soundless magic spirits, I now found, flowing from innumerable sources, a stream of inexhaustible melody, gripping the heart with ineluctable force.\n\nIt was, Wagner added, \"the inexpressible effect of the Ninth Symphony, in a performance I had previously not dreamed possible, which revived my former spirit and gave it new life and strength.\"\n\nFair enough. But Wagner's take on the Ninth Symphony's historical significance vis-\u00e0-vis himself appears in all its contortedly metaphorical glory in his celebrated essay \"Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft\" (\"The Artwork of the Future\"), written in 1860:\n\nThus the master [Beethoven] forced his way through the most unheard-of possibilities of absolute tonal language\u2014not by hurriedly stealing past them, but by proclaiming them completely, to their last sound, from his heart's fullest depths\u2014until he reached that point at which the navigator begins to sound the sea's depths with his lead; at which he touches solid bottom at ever increasing heights as the strands of the new continent reach toward him from afar; at which he must decide whether to turn about into the fathomless ocean or whether to drop anchor in the new banks. But it was no rude hankering for the sea that had urged the master on to this long voyage; he wished and had to land in the new world, for it was to this end that the voyage had been undertaken. Resolutely he threw out his anchor, and this anchor was the _word_. This word, however, was not that willful, meaningless word which the fashionable singer chews over and over as the mere gristle of the vocal tone; it was the necessary, all-powerful, all-uniting word in which the whole stream of full heartfelt emotion is poured out; the safe harbor for the restless wanderer; the light lighting the night of endless longing; the word redeemed humanity proclaims from out the fullness of the world's heart; the word which Beethoven set as a crown upon the summit of his creations in tone. This word was\u2014\"Joy!\" And with this word he called to all mankind: _\"Be embraced, ye countless millions! And to all the world this kiss!\"_ And _this_ word will become the language of the _artwork of the future_.\n\nThis _last symphony_ of Beethoven's is the redemption of music, out of its own element, as a _universal art_. It is the _human_ gospel of the art of the future. Beyond it there can be no _progress_ , for there can follow on it immediately only the completed artwork of the future, _the universal drama_ , to which Beethoven has forged for us the artistic key.\n\n_Thus from within itself music accomplished what no one of the other arts was capable of in isolation_. Each of these arts, in its barren independence, helped itself only by taking and egoistic borrowing; not one was capable of being _itself_ and of weaving from within itself the all-uniting bond.\n\nThe conclusion that Wagner seems to want us to reach, if we survive the trek across the blasted heath of his verbiage, is, in essence, that music by itself is good but doesn't involve us completely. What we need is music plus words\u2014not just any \"chewed-over\" old words (read: Romantic Italian or French opera libretti), but words that communicate Higher Meanings and Higher Feelings\u2014joy, in the case of the Ninth Symphony, or perhaps redemption, which was one of Wagner's fixations: redemption through self-sacrifice or a woman's sacrifice for a man or Christ's sacrifice for humanity, or even through the total sacrifice implicit in universal destruction. Better still, let's add stagecraft to the music and the words, but instead of calling the resulting creations \"operas\" (heaven forbid!), we'll call them \"music dramas.\" Wagner described the traditional operas of his day as \"a chaos of unconnected sensual elements;\" he used the term \"strumpet\" to denigrate Italian opera and \"coquette with a cold smile\" to demean French opera. Shakespeare and Beethoven were his direct mentors and artistic ancestors\u2014so he apparently believed\u2014but they had to be \"redeemed\" through the perfect blend of poetry and music that he was in the process of achieving.\n\nWagner's creative projects jibed perfectly with nineteenth-century notions about progress; his works had to be not only different from those of his predecessors, but also better than theirs\u2014bigger, more complicated technically and content-wise, more taxing for performers and audiences, and, to his way of thinking, more profound, more concerned with abstract ideas. Generally speaking, musicians today do not think that Mozart was greater than Bach, that Beethoven was greater than Mozart, that Verdi was greater than Rossini, or that Puccini was greater than Verdi. They often have preferences or favorites among the composers of the past, but they recognize that each first-rate creator wrote works remarkable enough to be loved by millions of people decades or centuries later. For that matter, Brahms and most of the other masters who were active during Wagner's lifetime did not consider themselves capable of one-upping Mozart or Beethoven; like those earlier masters, they wanted their works to be considered, grasped, and, with luck, appreciated and loved on their own terms rather than \"as compared to.\" Wagner, on the contrary, wanted to be the greatest composer ever, the greatest poet in the German language (he wrote his own libretti, parts of which are awful), and the greatest master of stagecraft in the world. He didn't merely enjoy praise, like most other human beings; he required it, required admiration and adulation. And when he declared that Beethoven, in the Ninth Symphony's finale, \"forged... the artistic key\" that would open the door to \"the completed artwork of the future, _the universal drama,\"_ he left little room for doubt that the only person who knew how to turn that key was none other than Richard Wagner.\n\nA century and a half after the publication of \"The Artwork of the Future,\" we don't know whether to be more amused by Wagner's turgid prose or his blatant self-promotion. But we must not forget that when he wrote those words, the forty-seven-year-old composer had already completed _Der fliegende Holl\u00e4nder (The Flying Dutchman), Tannh\u00e4user, Lohengrin, Das Rheingold, Die Walk\u00fcre_ , and\u2014most recently\u2014 _Tristan und Isolde_ , and that during the remaining twenty-three years of his life he would produce _Die Meistersinger, Siegfried, G\u00f6tterd\u00e4mmerung_ , and _Parsifal_. His achievement is astonishing not only for its quantity and quality but also for its ever-increasing and ever-deepening mastery. _The Flying Dutchman_ displays considerable originality and contains much wonderful music, but it is essentially a cross between the pioneering German operas of Carl Maria von Weber and the most formulaic Italian operatic style of the day; _Tristan, G\u00f6tterd\u00e4mmerung_ , and _Parsifal_ exist on an altogether different plane\u2014maybe even in a different dimension. Through much of the latter half of his century, Wagner was not merely an exemplar of musical progressivism; he personified the European artistic avant-garde. As such, he was constantly being attacked on various fronts simultaneously, and his desire to defend himself from present and future foes is easy to understand. His vision of himself as the next great step forward after Beethoven meant that he had to see his predecessor as in some way na\u00efve; thus, in a letter to Franz Liszt, he pinpointed what he felt to be the Ninth Symphony's main weakness\u2014its finale. It was, he said, \"the last movement with its chorus which is without doubt the weakest section, it is important only from the point of view of the history of art since it reveals to us, in its very na\u00efve way, the embarrassment felt by a real tone-poet who (after Hell and Purgatory) does not know how finally to represent Paradise.\" Yet Wagner's identification with Beethoven was so strong that, according to some scholars who have studied the matter thoroughly, it included a belief in metempsychosis\u2014the transmigration of souls.\n\nCosima and Richard Wagner. _(Photograph by F. Luckhardt, 1872.)_\n\nMore specifically, the Ninth Symphony is a recurring theme in the obsessive, worshipful diaries that Wagner's second wife, Cosima, kept throughout the last fourteen years of her second husband's life. (Cosima was Liszt's daughter and the former wife of the pianist and conductor Hans von B\u00fclow, a disciple of Liszt's and Wagner's.) In an early entry, she noted that Richard had played the \"Ode to Joy\" theme on the piano for herself and their children, and that he had commented: \"All wisdom, all art is forgotten in the divine nature of this na\u00efve theme, to which, through his noble bass voice, [Beethoven] imparts the whole force of human feeling. Here the na\u00efve and the emotional are combined.\" And less than a month before his death, Wagner returned to this notion: Richard \"plays the beginning of the 9th!\" Cosima wrote. \"He compares it to an improvisation and says: 'Such sublime na\u00efvet\u00e9! How long it takes for one to reach this stage! In the early symphonies he still has scaffolding around him.'\"\n\nOn another occasion, however, he had told Cosima that \"the melody\" from the Ninth's first movement (we don't know which melody, but the second theme seems the most likely candidate) \"had come into his mind and he had said to himself, 'You have never done anything like that.'\" He apparently felt that he was somehow lagging behind his great model.\n\nIn May 1872, Cosima wrote that she and her husband had\n\ntalked a lot about the 9th Symphony; what gave B[eethoven] the idea of setting Schiller's poem to music? R. believes that he meant from the start to write a great symphony of joy in the spirit of the Freemasons and to precede it with struggle and mourning, but I have the feeling that he wrote the more somber movements first and then, finding, as it were, no finale, resorted to words.\u2014But a work such as this remains a mystery; R. says how remarkable in B. is the hatred of trivialities, the avoidance of dominants,* for example, and the enormous artistic instinct. Isolated passages are also splendidly orchestrated, such as the opening of the Adagio. We are, however, more and more convinced that such compositions as the first movement of this symphony do not belong in front of an audience, which never achieves the concentration necessary to grasp such mysteries.\n\nIn other words, \"we\" are good enough for it but \"they\" are not. Later, however, Wagner speculated that, after all, a musician might have a harder time than a layman in understanding the first movement of the Ninth, because it \"in fact has no melody and begins with those fifths\u2014this tells the true musician nothing, but makes an impression\u2014a ghostly one\u2014on an imaginative layman to a far greater extent.\" But he also thought that it was \"curious that this work, not so well proportioned in its form, should have become so popular.\"\n\nThere are many other references to the Ninth in Cosima's diaries. On one occasion, Richard tells her that the turbulent beginning of the first movement's recapitulation \"always strikes me as a sort of Macbethian witches' cauldron in which disasters are being brewed.\" On another: \"Should one wish to name anything that shows the complete detachment of music, its power, of which up till now nobody has had the slightest idea, then he would cite the _fugato_ in the first movement of the 9th Symphony.\" In the entry for September 26, 1879, Cosima reports, \"R. plays the adagio [of the Ninth], breaking off after the first variation to exclaim: 'That is an adagio\u2014and what wealth of imaginative feeling in the variation! There is nothing like it.'\" But two years later, in referring to the fanfare-like passages toward the end of the same movement, Wagner says that he does not like \"that rousing of oneself for a sort of triumphal song, a self-mastery which is quite unnecessary, since it is already there _eo ipso_ [by that very act; but Wagner probably means \"inherently\"] in the music.\" Thinking once again about the Adagio, Wagner declares: \"To discover these two themes and to combine them, the one like a dream of Nature, the other like a fair memory, to produce something so divine\u2014only a madman could do that, a person of sound mind could never find such things.\" Elsewhere, Wagner describes the Ninth's first movement as \"wild\" and \"sorrow-laden\" and as \"a wonderful piece, though to the shrewd professional musicians of its own time it must have looked like the work of a bungler.\"\n\nGiven the fascination that the Ninth Symphony exerted on Wagner through all the decades of his creative life, the fact that he chose to conduct it at the cornerstone-laying ceremony for his Bayreuth Festival Theater, on May 22, 1872\u2014which was also his fifty-ninth birthday\u2014is no surprise. And when, in 1951, sixty-eight years after Wagner's death, the Bayreuth Festival took place for the first time since the end of World War II, it was reconsecrated with a performance of the Ninth Symphony, as if Beethoven's music and his call for universal brotherhood could somehow have erased from everyone's memory the story of the Wagner family's enthusiastic complicity with the Nazis; or as if it could have hidden the fact that Wagner's racist writings had influenced Hitler, who, like Wagner himself, had considered the festival a shrine not only to Richard Wagner but also to the ideals of Teutonic supremacy. Just as \"all great Neptune's ocean\" could not wash Macbeth's hands clean, even great Beethoven's Ninth Symphony could not purify Bayreuth's reputation. And yet Wagner's significance in the history of music endures, and must endure. His work can be loved or hated or anything in between, but it cannot be ignored.\n\nRegarded with varying degrees of contempt by Wagner because they were less earth shaking yet more immediately successful than he was, Gioacchino Rossini (1792\u20131868), Gaetano Donizetti (1797\u20131848), Vincenzo Bellini (1801\u20131835), and Giuseppe Verdi (1813\u20131901)\u2014the four composers who dominated Italian opera throughout most of the nineteenth century\u2014were all born well within Beethoven's lifetime, and all of them were familiar with at least some of his music. They would have heard few if any of Beethoven's orchestral works in Italy, where symphonic music in general was rarely performed before the last quarter of the nineteenth century, but all of them spent substantial periods in Paris in the 1830s and\/or 1840s, when, as their contemporaries' writings demonstrate, Beethoven's orchestral works were played excellently\u2014at least by the standards of the day\u2014by the Conservatoire orchestra under Habeneck.\n\nRossini probably paid a visit to Beethoven in Vienna in 1822, when the Italian composer was the toast of the town, and if third-party accounts of what Rossini supposedly told Wagner many years later are to be believed, on that occasion Beethoven had intimated to his young foreign colleague that Italians should write only comic operas because their grasp of the \"science\" of composition was inferior to that of the Germans. This seems unlikely; Beethoven must have known that Mozart, who was less than fifteen years his senior, had gone to Italy to perfect his musical training, and Beethoven himself had studied with Antonio Salieri and had declared his admiration for the music of Luigi Cherubini. We know that he was appalled by the success, in Vienna, of \"frivolous\" Italian operas by Rossini and others, and he certainly did believe that Rossini's music was less profound than his own\u2014but by 1822 he believed that the music of _all_ of his living confreres, regardless of their nationalities, was less profound than his own.\n\nAccording to this same account, Rossini told Wagner that he admired Beethoven and his music and that he pitied him for his deafness and for the squalor in which he lived. But he added: \"If Beethoven is a prodigy of humanity, Bach is a miracle of God!\" This distinction may have resulted from the fact that Rossini was able to understand Bach's music completely but could not fully grasp the music of Beethoven. About the Ninth Symphony\u2014which was only beginning to gestate in Beethoven's mind at the time of Rossini's presumed visit\u2014I have come across no comment by the younger man, although Rossini lived on for more than forty years after the symphony's premiere and would have had many opportunities to hear it.\n\nNor, to my knowledge, have any observations on the Ninth turned up in Donizetti's or Bellini's correspondence. The fact that Donizetti was familiar with Beethoven's music is clear, however, from his correspondence, and he esteemed it despite the fact that he did not like hearing his works compared unfavorably with those of the much older German master. In 1840, at the time of the premiere in Paris of his opera _Les Martyrs_ \u2014a revised, French-language version of the Italian _Poliuto_ \u2014he wrote to a friend: \"I'm waiting now for the _D\u00e9bats_ , a serious journal, in which a fierce enemy of everything that is not by Beethoven, or himself, writes.\" The _Journal des D\u00e9bats_ 's music critic was Hector Berlioz, who did indeed give Donizetti a hard time.\n\nUpon the death of a friend in Bergamo, Italy, his native town, Donizetti wrote to another friend that he would \"never forget that through him I got to know all the quartets of _Haydn, Beethoven, Mozart, Reicha, Mayseder_ , etc., which were of great use to me for sparing my imagination the effort of making a piece out of only a few ideas.\" Donizetti had written many quartets as a young man, before Beethoven had written any of his late quartets, but presumably his familiarity with works by the above-named composers had persuaded him that his talent was for other musical genres.\n\nIn Vienna a few weeks before he penned the previously quoted letter, Donizetti had written to the same friend, Antonio Dolci, that he was \"going out immediately to go to the Imperial Chapel to hear a mass by Beethoven, which is being played especially for me,\" but he does not say whether the work in question was the _Missa Solemnis_ or the earlier Mass in C Major. A few months later, he wrote to a friend in Vienna that he wished to write something for the Austrian empress: \"I would like to be _Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven_ , to serve her as she deserves. Alas! What I can offer her is not much.\u2014But my good intentions will long remain.\"\n\nVerdi, who was sixteen years younger than Donizetti and outlived him by more than half a century, had a little more to say about Beethoven than his compatriot had done. Yet his attitude, too, was both admiring and resentful. In 1871, not long after having completed _Aida\u2014_ one of the works of his mature years\u2014Verdi gently took a friend to task for praising only melody in music: \"There is something more to music than melody, something more than harmony,\" he wrote. \"There is music! You will think that this is a puzzle! This is what I mean: Beethoven was not a melodist; Palestrina was not a melodist! Let's be clear: a melodist according to our meaning of the word.\" In other words, when outstanding composers have something to say that is worth hearing, it does not matter whether writing beautiful melodies is one of their principal virtues.\n\nA few years later, however, when Verdi was worried about Italian music lovers' growing interest in symphonic music, he declared that instrumental music is a German art, vocal music an Italian art, and that there should have been a vocal society in Italy\n\nLithograph by J. P. Lyser, after his own drawing of Beethoven.\n\nthat would have let people hear Palestrina, the best of his contemporaries, Marcello, etc., etc., [which] would have kept alive in us the love of singing, the expression of which is opera. Now everyone tends to orchestrate, to harmonize. The _alpha_ and _omega:_ Beethoven's Ninth Symphony (sublime in the first three movements, very bad with respect to how the last is crafted). They will never reach the heights of the first movement; [but] they will easily imitate the bad voice writing in the last, and on Beethoven's authority they'll shout: this is how it should be done.\n\nVerdi was already ten and a half when the Ninth had its premiere; indeed, in the last years before his death at the age of eighty-seven (January 27, 1901), he was the only surviving major composer who could remember the year 1824. His slightly older contemporaries Mendelssohn, Chopin, Schumann, Liszt, and Wagner had predeceased him\u2014Mendelssohn by fifty-four years, Liszt by only fifteen\u2014and even Charles Gounod, the composer of _Faust_ , who was five years younger than Verdi and who had played through Beethoven symphonies with the painter Ingres at the Villa Medici in Rome in 1840, died eight years before his Italian colleague. Thus it is safe to say that Verdi's final word on Beethoven was the final word of that entire, astonishing generation of musical creators. There were \"three colossi\" in music, Verdi wrote in 1898\u2014three-quarters of a century after the creation of the Ninth Symphony\u2014in a letter to the French critic Camille Bellaigue: \"Palestrina, Bach, Beethoven.\"\n\n* Since Beethoven's influence on Romantic and post-Romantic composers extends even to some born in the 1860s and '70s (Gustav Mahler, Richard Strauss, and the young Arnold Schoenberg, for instance), I have limited myself to those born before May 7, 1824\u2014the date of the Ninth Symphony's premiere. Thus Anton Bruckner, whose symphonies demonstrate what may be called a \"Ninth Symphony Obsession,\" but who left few if any documented comments on the subject, misses by a few months, and Johannes Brahms misses by nine years to the day; he was born on May 7, 1833.\n\n* I experimented with mentioning specific examples of the Ninth Symphony's influence on later music, but the process proved to be too cumbersome. It would have required extensive use of technical vocabulary and references to musical themes that readers would have had to call up from their memories, look up in scores, or try to locate in recordings. Thus I had to decide to avoid such references\u2014with a few exceptions\u2014in the remainder of this chapter.\n\n* I have retranslated into English Berlioz's defective French version of lines from Thomas Moore's poem \"On Music.\" Moore's original version reads: \"Music, oh, how faint, how weak, \/ Language fades before thy spell!\"\n\n* More than forty years later, however, Georges Bizet lamented the fact that Parisian audiences continued to show no understanding of the Ninth.\n\n* Berlioz's slightly earlier _Rom\u00e9o et Juliette_ is called a \"dramatic symphony\" but does not follow a traditional symphonic format.\n\n* Wagner's statement about the \"avoidance of dominants\" will puzzle anyone who has done a harmonic analysis of the Ninth Symphony. The entire dramatic opening of the first movement, for instance, is built on an unprecedentedly extended contrast of the dominant-tonic relationship. Cosima may have misheard or misunderstood whatever it was that Richard said on the subject.\n\n# _Postlude_\n\n## **_1958: Beethoven visits Cleveland, Ohio_**\n\nDuring a meeting of music administrators that I attended a few years ago, a young woman\u2014an orchestra executive\u2014surprised me by saying, quietly, \"I can't imagine what my life would be without Beethoven.\" Her words made me begin to think about Beethoven's place in my own life.\n\nWhen I was eleven and a half and on the verge of adolescence, my parents gave me a box that would determine my future. It was gray and white, made mainly of laminated wood, and I set it on top of the chest of drawers in my bedroom. From that exalted position, it began to confer understanding and solace on me\u2014dim understanding, at first, and only a glimmer of solace, but a hint, at least, that this dying child, this embryonic grown-up, this odd new I, might survive, proceed, and perhaps even learn to assuage from time to time the nameless, incomprehensible ache, or to fill in part of the vast pit of unintelligible sadness that had suddenly and for no apparent reason opened up in the center of life's territory. Maybe, the box said, the ache and the pit would not be adulthood's sole offerings. Maybe something could happen, during the years that stretched forward in an unimaginably long line, to compensate for the ambiguity of existence, something to counterbalance the attractively horrible dreams, strange yearnings, and stranger physical changes that had begun to inhabit me.\n\nThe box\u2014a portable, four-speed record player with a single speaker no larger than a grapefruit\u2014seemed to be telling me something important about the world in a language that I felt I had always known, and I sensed that if I gave the box enough of my attention, much that was obscure would be illuminated. I was amazed that there could be such fullness in the midst of such emptiness, such solidity amid such confusion, such immutability amid such an onrush of time. The box didn't soften or sweeten the conflicts within me. On the contrary, it highlighted them and revealed that they were still deeper and more intricate than I had suspected. But it also stated them boldly, filled me with the powerful sensuality of thought, and made me feel that one day I might at least be able to grapple with my problems instead of lying stunned at their feet. The music's ambiguous specificity spoke directly to me and forced me to respond. I \"conducted\" it, jumped around to it, and imagined that I was explaining it to the girl I was secretly in love with, talking to her about life and about Beethoven, who was my alpha and omega. I spent my best hours familiarizing myself with a newly discovered region: inner life.\n\nYes: alpha and omega. There was plenty of room for all the in-between letters, too, but my listenings generally began and ended with Beethoven. I had first played some of his easiest piano pieces when I was nine; at that time, Jean Sibelius, the so-called Nordic Beethoven, was still alive; Igor Stravinsky, the most celebrated Beethovenian (insofar as he was a revolutionary) of my grandparents' generation, composed the _Canticum Sacrum_ that year; Pierre Boulez, one of several important musical revolutionaries of the generation that was then coming into its own, turned thirty, and the ink was hardly dry on the score of _Le Marteau sans ma\u00eetre_ , his most influential work. I hadn't heard of Boulez then, but through my record player I wanted to get to know all of the musicians I _had_ heard of, from Bach and Mozart to Bart\u00f3k and Stravinsky. I loved Tchaikovsky's \"1812\" Overture, Rimsky-Korsakov's _Sheherazade_ , and Leonard Bernstein's jazzy _Fancy Free_ ballet, which began with four gunshot-like drum beats, but Beethoven seemed to speak to me more clearly, more directly, than anyone else, and I often thought about him, about his existence. His music, but also the simplified yet not wholly erroneous published accounts of his life that I devoured, gave me sustenance and courage. Never for a moment did I identify with his genius, and I probably already sensed that my fundamental gregariousness would prevent me from becoming as unbalanced in my human relationships as he had been; yet I was always a crowd shunner, and the idea of the fist-shaking Beethoven making a cry of protest, of nonacceptance, for all to hear, appealed to me overwhelmingly. The \"older\" Beethoven (younger than I am now)\u2014the Beethoven who sought transcendence\u2014was a discovery I wasn't capable of making at so tender an age. What nourished me then was the heaven-storming \"Middle Period\" Beethoven. He was my constant companion.\n\nIncreasing fluency at the piano keyboard and in score reading was certainly one of my most important roads to Beethoven, as to other composers, when I was in my teens, but just as important was the presence in my life of the Cleveland Orchestra. I was able to attend its rehearsals and concerts under George Szell and other conductors thanks to a family friend who played in the great ensemble's violin section. My main highway to music, however, remained the little gray-and-white box in my bedroom in our house on Cleveland's east side. Among the earliest LPs given to me were Beethoven's Fifth and Seventh symphonies with Erich Kleiber conducting the Concertgebouw Orchestra of Amsterdam and the \"Eroica\" with Szell and the Cleveland. When an aunt and uncle asked me what I wanted for my twelfth birthday, in June 1958, I opted for the Ninth, and they gave me what, I believe, was the only single-disc version available at the time: Bruno Walter's, with the New York Philharmonic. I must have listened to the whole work once or twice at first, but for weeks thereafter I listened over and over to the scherzo. After that, I familiarized myself with the first movement, then the finale, and only much later the third movement, which was too difficult for even the most enthusiastic twelve-year-old to \"feel\" profoundly. The slow movements of the Third, Fifth, and Seventh had plenty of \"exciting\" bits, but in the Ninth's Adagio I had to wait too long for something to \"happen\"\u2014or, as I would now say, for the sublimity to be interrupted.\n\nAt fifteen or sixteen, on first reading _Julius Caesar_ , I thought of Beethoven when I came to Cassius's lines \"Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world \/ Like a Colossus, and we petty men \/ Walk under his huge legs and peep about \/ To find ourselves dishonorable graves.\" I knew that Cassius was speaking ironically and inciting Brutus to rebel against the dictator; nevertheless, those lines, taken out of context and at face value, seemed a magnificent description of Beethoven's standing with respect to most of the rest of us human beings. Again, I was fifteen or, at most, sixteen, when I had an experience that I recollect in nearly Proustian detail, listening for the first time to the String Quartet in C-sharp minor, op. 131. I was sitting in the living room of a friend's home when her father put a recording of it on the hi-fi. I remember everything about those three-quarters of an hour back in 1961 or '62: the room in which I was sitting and the direction in which I was facing; the single, exposed Bozak speaker vibrating, like an exotic organism, in the unfinished wooden box that Mr. L. had built to contain it; the quickly dawning realization that the first movement was the most overwhelming piece of music I had ever heard\u2014a feeling that comes back to me whenever I listen to it, in real sound or mentally, as at this moment; and I remember (but this memory comes also from countless later listenings) the mysterious, throbbing sound of the first violin's statement of the opening subject in that recording, made by the Budapest Quartet in the early 1950s.\n\nBeethoven turned up everywhere. I was nineteen the first time I took off in an airplane after dark, and I thought, as I looked at the lights of New York City below, \"Wouldn't Beethoven have been thrilled by a sight like this?\" I was able to project him into the present in a way that I could not have done, and never would have dreamed of doing, with the other composers I loved. His physical existence, which had come to an end nearly a century and a half earlier, colored my own, still fresh and young. And I know that at the outset of my adult life, when the government of my native country demanded that I participate in a war that I considered unjust, cruel, stupid, and tinged with racism, Beethoven and his resilient, universalizing music, which seemed to transcend all human tendencies toward disunity but also, simultaneously, toward mindless obedience\u2014toward following the multitude to do evil\u2014were among the main influences that made me decide to emigrate rather than do what was expected of me. That decision altered my life forever, damaging it in some ways but enriching it in many more.\n\nHalf a century has passed since I received the little gray-and-white box, and I am now several years older than Beethoven lived to be. I still think of him as my alpha and omega, but in a different sense: as the author of music that transformed my existence at the onset of adulthood and that continues to enrich it more than any other music as I approach what are often referred to as life's declining years. His music still gives me as much sensual and emotional pleasure as it gave me fifty years ago, and far more intellectual stimulation than it did then. It adds to the fullness when life feels good, and it lengthens and deepens the perspective when life seems barely tolerable. It is with me and in me. And I suppose that this book is a vastly oversized and yet entirely inadequate thank-you note to Beethoven.\n\n**_Why 1824?_**\n\nSeveral years ago, when I was on the verge of completing a book, a friend encouraged me to choose a year that was important in the history of music and to write a book about that year, with the key musical event or events as the focal point. I liked the idea and began to think about various possibilities. One was 1912, when Stravinsky essentially completed _The Rite of Spring_ , Schoenberg wrote _Pierrot Lunaire_ , Debussy finished _Images_ for orchestra and began work on the ballet _Jeux_ and the second book of _Preludes_ for piano, Ravel completed _Daphnis et Chlo\u00e9_ , Mahler's Ninth and Sibelius's Fourth symphonies were given their premieres, and Prokofiev burst onto the musical scene with his First Piano Concerto. Another was 1876, the year of the first Bayreuth Festival and the premiere of Brahms's First Symphony. And then there was 1830, when Berlioz's _Symphonie fantastique_ , both of Chopin's piano concerti, Donizetti's _Anna Bolena_ , and Bellini's _Capuleti e Montecchi_ were first heard; Mendelssohn's \"Scotch\" and \"Italian\" symphonies were in the works; and the virtuosi Paganini and Liszt were conquering Europe.\n\nIn the end, however, 1824 and the Ninth Symphony's premiere attracted me more than any of the other years and events that I had considered. I suppose that the strongest reason for my choice, stronger than my intense interest in the period and its cast of characters, was the desire to talk about Beethoven and his world. Besides, this book is also _my_ \"ninth symphony\"\u2014my ninth published volume, if I include coauthored books. It is not the longest of them, but it is the one that has caused me the most trouble and has forced me to think, more than any of my other books, about what music means to me and what role so-called high culture played, plays, and ought to play in civilization. It has also made me restudy and reconsider Beethoven, a number of his contemporaries, the history of the period, the issue of music and meaning, and\u2014most rewardingly of all, for me\u2014the Ninth Symphony itself. My book is necessarily an extremely modest work in comparison with the one that made me want to write it, but if it stimulates readers to examine or reexamine the works of any of the story's protagonists or the history of the period, it will have served its purpose.\n\nA thousand or five thousand or ten thousand years from now, Beethoven and our civilization's other outstanding mouthpieces may still have much to communicate to human beings\u2014if any of our descendants are still around\u2014or they may seem remote, cold, obscure. But what matters most in Beethoven's case is his belief that we are all part of an endless continuum, whatever our individual level of awareness may be. In the Ninth Symphony, he used Schiller's words to tell us explicitly what many of his other works, especially his late works, tell us implicitly: that the \"divine spark\" of joy and the \"kiss for the whole world,\" which originate \"above the canopy of stars,\" must touch and unite us all. The spark is there, he said, and so is the kiss; we need only feel and accept their presence. The goal may prove impossible to achieve, but all the alternatives are doomed to failure.\n\n# _Acknowledgments_\n\nMy thanks to the staffs of the British Library, London, and the New York Public Library, for their unfailingly good-natured assistance; to Professor Scott Burnham of Princeton University, who read much of the manuscript and made helpful suggestions; to Eve Wolf, who gave me highly useful criticisms and much-needed encouragement; and to Denise Shannon, my literary agent, for her extraordinary competence and patience.\n\nI owe very special thanks to Susanna Porter, my editor at Random House, who has seen this book through thick and thin over several years and has helped me to find my way with it\u2014no easy task in a work with such diverse and unusual aims. Jillian Quint, her editorial colleague, has also been a careful reader and has helped me with the technological aspects of production, because my technological know-how seems more Paleolithic with every passing year.\n\nBelinda Matthews, my editor at Faber & Faber, has enthusiastically favored this project from its inception and has waited, Penelope-like, during the periods when I was scratching my head over it.\n\nAnd thanks to the various relatives and friends who have put me up and\/or put up with me during my work on this book.\n\n# _Notes_\n\n## **_Prelude_**\n\n1. **\"Beethoven is the quintessential genius\"** Tia DeNora, _Beethoven and the Construction of Genius_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).\n\n2. **\"if all the music\"** Richard Wagner, _My Life_ , trans. Andrew Gray and Mary Whittall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 384.\n\n## **_Part One_**\n\n1. **\"If you have something important\"** Adolf Glassbrenner, quoted in Frieder Reininghaus, _Schubert und das Wirtshaus: Musik unter Metternich_ (Berlin: Oberbaum, 1979), p. 7.\n\n2. **\"lying on a disordered bed\"** Michael Hamburger, ed., _Beethoven: Letters, Journals and Conversations_ (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor, 1960), p. 198.\n\n3. **\"the dreary\"** and other quotes in this paragraph, ibid., pp. 207\u20139.\n\n4. **\"The latest news\"** Christopher H. Gibbs, _The Life of Schubert_ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 117.\n\n5. **\"a new grand solemn Mass\"** Emerich Kastner, ed., _Ludwig van Beethovens S\u00e4mtliche Briefe_ (Tutzing, Germany: Hans Schneider, 1975), p. 706; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n6. **\"not just to create music\"** Barry Cooper, _Beethoven and the Creative Process_ (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), p. 21.\n\n7. **\"a gross monster\"** Nicolas Slonimsky, _Lexicon of Musical Invective_ (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1953), p. 42; partially retranslated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n8. **\"Grand Musical Academy\"** From a photographic reproduction of the original poster; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n9. **\"what must have been\"** Thomas Forrest Kelly, _First Nights: Five Musical Premieres_ (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2001), p. 143.\n\n10. **the composer had stood** Ibid., p. 136.\n\n11. **\"Copy everything exactly\"** Emily Anderson, ed., _The Letters of Beethoven_ (London: Macmillan, 1961), vol. 3, pp. 1122\u201323.\n\n12. **\"Two women singers\"** Ibid., vol. 2, p. 967.\n\n13. **\"She vomited\"** H. C. Robbins Landon, _Beethoven: His Life, Work and World_ (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970), p. 212.\n\n14. **\"tyrant over all\"** Elliott Forbes, ed., _Thayer's Life of Beethoven_ (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1973), p. 970.\n\n15. **\"I still see\"** Ludwig Nohl, _Mosaik_ (1881), quoted in Landon, _Beethoven: His Life_ , p. 213.\n\n16. **\"Beethoven sat\"** Landon, _Beethoven: His Life_ , p. 270.\n\n17. **\"The whole symphony\"** _Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung_ 16, April 6, 1864, translated in ibid., pp. 355\u201356.\n\n18. **\"The current musical\"** \"Musikzustand und musikalisches Leben in Wien,\" _C\u00e4cilia_ 1, no. 2 (1824), pp. 193\u2013200; quoted in David Gramit, _Cultivating Music: The Aspirations, Interests, and Limits of German Musical Culture, 1770\u20131848_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), p. 159.\n\n19. **\"He certainly gave\"** Kelly, _First Nights_ , p. 112.\n\n20. **\"this truly unique Finale\"** Ibid., p. 153.\n\n21. **\"I ventured in my innocence\"** Anton Schindler, _Beethoven as I Knew Him_ (New York: W. W. Norton, 1972), p. 232.\n\n22. **\"We'll take everything\"** Karl-Heinz K\u00f6hler and Grita Herte, eds., _Ludwig van Beethovens Konversationshefte_ (Leipzig, Germany: Deutscher Verlag f\u00fcr Musik, 1974), vol. 6, p. 151.\n\n23. **\"You talk too loud\"** Ibid., p. 26.\n\n24. **In 1822, for instance** Alice M. Hanson, _Musical Life in Biedermeier Vienna_ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 101.\n\n25. **\"Out of the wide circle\"** and subsequent quotes, Albrecht, p. 5.\n\n26. **_\"the one man\"_** Ibid., p. 6.\n\n27. **Viennese beer parlor** _Konversationshefte_ 6, p. 112, cited in ibid., p. 8.\n\n28. **\"felt by all musicians\"** Mary Sue Morrow, _Concert Life in Haydn's Vienna: Aspects of a Developing Musical and Social Institution_ (Stuyvesant, N.Y.: Pendragon Press, 1989), pp. 235\u201336.\n\n29. **\"After talks and discussions\"** Anderson, _Letters of Beethoven_ , vol. 3, p. 1121.\n\n30. **\"Sir! As I am told\"** Ibid., p. 1120.\n\n31. **\"I do not accuse you\"** Ibid., pp. 1124\u201325.\n\n32. **somewhat resembled his grandfather** Ibid., p. 1135.\n\n33. **\"Louis van Betthoven _[sic]\"_** Revision by Harvey Sachs of translation by Thayer in Forbes, ed., _Thayer's Life of Beethoven_ , p. _66_.\n\n34. **\"after a great deal\"** Louis Lockwood, _Beethoven: The Music and the Life_ (New York: W. W. Norton, 2003), pp. 3\u20134.\n\n35. **\"With the help\"** Ibid., p. 50.\n\n36. **\"O ye men\"** _S\u00e4mtliche Briefe_ , translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n37. **\"Who is he\"** William H. Gilman, ed., _Selected Writing of Ralph Waldo Emerson_ (New York: Signet Classics, 1965), p. 6.\n\n38. **\"the new sense of rhythm\"** Charles Rosen, _The Classical Style: Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven_ (New York: W. W. Norton, 1971), p. 23.\n\n39. **\"Do not rob\"** Lockwood, _Beethoven_ , p. 9.\n\n40. **\"the imagination must not pine away\"** Saul Bellow, _Humboldt's Gift_ (New York: Penguin, 1976), p. 112.\n\n41. **\"expressions of homage\"** Lockwood, _Beethoven_ , p. 400.\n\n42. **\"However numerous\"** Anderson, _Letters of Beethoven_ , vol. 2; translation altered by Harvey Sachs from the original German.\n\n43. **effects of a laxative** Hamburger, _Beethoven_ , pp. 202\u20133.\n\n44. **\"Beethoven has been designated\"** David B. Dennis, _Beethoven in German Politics, 1870\u20131989_ (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996).\n\n45. **\"imputed Sin & Righteousness\"** William Blake, _Jerusalem_ , in _The Complete Poetry and Selected Prose of John Donne and the Complete Poetry of William Blake_ (New York: Random House, 1941), p. 922.\n\n46. **\"Your Majesty is not\"** Landon, _Beethoven_ , p. 211.\n\n47. **\"forever enlarged the sphere\"** Maynard Solomon, _Late Beethoven: Music, Thought, Imagination_ (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2003), p. 1.\n\n48. **\"the condition we call exile\"** Joseph Brodsky, \"The Condition We Call Exile,\" _The New York Review of Books_ , January 21, 1988, pp. 16\u201320.\n\n49. **\"begin anew\"** Forbes, ed., _Thayer's Life of Beethoven_ , pp. 1057\u201358.\n\n50. **\"We live 'as if'\"** Claire Messud, _The Last Life_ (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1999), p. 279.\n\n51. **\"He fled the world\"** Forbes, ed., _Thayer's Life of Beethoven_ , pp. 1057\u201358.\n\n52. **\"Those who flee from love\"** Elsa Morante, _Menzogna e sortilegio_ (Turin, Italy: Einaudi, 1994), pp. 19\u201320; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n## **_Part Two_**\n\n1. **\"musical hero\"** Lockwood, _Beethoven_ , p. 335.\n\n2. **\"let himself be persuaded\"** Ibid., p. 335.\n\n3. **\"the best master of ceremonies\"** C. de Grunwald, _La Vie de Metternich_ (Paris: Calmann-L\u00e9vy, 1938), p. 141, quoted in Alan Warwick Palmer, _Metternich: Councillor of Europe_ (London: Phoenix, 1997), p. 131.\n\n4. **\"held aloof inertia\"** H. R. von Srbik, _Metternich, der Staatsmann und der Mensch_ (Munich: F. Bruckmann, 1925), vol. 1, p. 187, quoted in Palmer, _Metternich_ , pp. 131\u201332.\n\n5. **\"too frightened\"** Palmer, _Metternich_ , p. 139.\n\n6. **\"the most depressed pages\"** Ford Madox Ford, _The March of Literature_ (Normal, Ill.: Dalkey Archive Press, 1994), p. 780.\n\n7. **\"a pure Romantic\"** Oliver Strunk, _Source Readings in Music History_ (London: Faber and Faber, 1952), p. 777, quoted in Hugh Honour, _Romanticism_ (New York: Harper and Row, 1979), p. 24.\n\n8. **\"artists were in this period\"** Eric Hobsbawm, _The Age of Revolution: 1789\u20131848_ (New York: Vintage Books, 1996), p. 256.\n\n9. **\"philosophy may expect attention\"** G.W.F. Hegel, _Hegel's Introduction to the Lectures on the History of Philosophy_ , trans. T. M. Knox and A. V. Miller (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 1\u20132 (from inaugural lecture at Heidelberg, October 28, 1816).\n\n10. **\"a sort of equality\"** Lucio Felici and Emanuele Trevi, eds., _Leopardi: Tutte le poesie e tutte le prose_ (Rome: Newton and Compton, 1997), pp. 1011\u201312; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n11. **\"Europe's civilized nations\"** Ibid.\n\n12. **\"Some are home-sick\"** Samuel Taylor Coleridge, \"The Delinquent Travellers,\" in _Coleridge: Poetical Works_ , ed. E. H. Coleridge (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), pp. 443\u201347.\n\n13. **\"wanted to eliminate\"** Adam Bunnell, _Before Infallibility: Liberal Catholicism in Biedermeier Vienna_ (London: Associated University Presses, 1990), p. 39.\n\n14. **\"The princes must\"** Walter Consuelo Langsam, _Francis the Good: The Education of an Emperor, 1768\u201392_ (New York: Macmillan, 1949), p. 12, quoted in _Schubert's Vienna_ , ed. Raymond Erickson (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997), p. 4.\n\n15. **\"In the present conditions\"** Donald E. Emerson, _Metternich and the Political Police: Security and Subversion in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1815\u20131830_ (The Hague: Martinns Nijhoff, 1968), pp. 22\u201323, quoted in Erickson, _Schubert's Vienna_ , p. 22.\n\n16. **\"several _important people\"_** _Saemtliche Briefe_ , p. 22; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n17. **\"Many eras witnessed\"** Quoted in Gaia Servadio, _Rossini_ (New York: Carroll and Graf, 2003), p. 97.\n\n18. **\"another time\"** Georg Sch\u00fcnemann, ed., _Konversationshefte_ (Berlin: M. Hesse, 1941), vol. 1, p. 328; quoted in Lockwood, _Beethoven_ , p. 416.\n\n19. **\"And they chatter\"** James J. Sheehan, _German History, 1770\u20131866_ (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 446; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n20. **\"A strong hope\"** _American State Papers_ , 1, _Foreign Relations_ , vol. 5, p. 245.\n\n21. **\"the hopeless warriors\"** George Gordon Byron, 6th Baron Byron, _Childe Harold's Pilgrimage_ , canto 2, in _The Poetical Works of Lord Byron_ (London: 1870), p. 18.\n\n22. **\"a much injured body\"** Leslie A. Marchand, ed., _Byron's Letters and Journals_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1973), vol. 2, p. 165.\n\n23. **\"His house was filled\"** Julius Millingen, _Memoirs of the Affairs of Greece_ (London: J. Rodwell, 1831), p. 90, quoted in Leslie A. Marchand, _Byron: A Portrait_ (New York: Knopf, 1970), p. 431.\n\n24. **\"On this day\"** Byron, _Poetical Works_ , p. 577.\n\n25. **\"Youth, Nature\"** Marchand, _Byron's Letters and Journals_ , vol. 2, pp. 18\u201319.\n\n26. **\"apply modern ideas\"** Matthew Arnold, _Heinrich Heine_ (Philadelphia: Frederick Leypoldt, 1863), pp. 30\u201332.\n\n27. **\"You are sad\"** Alexander S. Pushkin, _The Complete Works of Alexander Pushkin_ , vol. 10, _Letters: 1815\u20131826_ (Norfolk: Milner and Co., 1963), p. 161.\n\n28. **\"everything breathes\"** T. J. Binyon, _Pushkin: A Biography_ (London: HarperCollins, 2002), p. 157.\n\n29. **\"the Holy Spirit\"** Pushkin, _Complete Works_ , vol. 10, p. 156.\n\n30. **The deaf English philosopher** Elaine Feinstein, _Pushkin_ (New York: Ecco, 2000), p. 100.\n\n31. **\"He vanished\"** Stephanie Sandler, _Distant Pleasures: Alexander Pushkin and the Writing of Exile_ (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1989), p. _60_.\n\n32. **Pushkin considered _Boris_** Feinstein, _Pushkin_ , p. 124.\n\n33. **\"'Tis no easy thing\"** Alexander S. Pushkin, _Boris Godunov_ , trans. A. Hayes (www.fullbooks.com\/boris-godunov1.html; trans. originally published in 1918).\n\n34. **\"Is there any safety\"** Ibid.\n\n35. **\"I like not\"** Ibid.\n\n36. **\"For many a year\"** (www.fullbooks.com\/boris-godunov2.html; trans originally published in 1918).\n\n37. **\"The PEOPLE\"** Ibid., p. 84.\n\n38. **\"Whether we can take\"** Sandler, _Distant Pleasures_ , p. 107.\n\n39. **\"I want glory\"** Alexander Pushkin, \"The Desire for Glory,\" in Sandler, _Distant Pleasures_ , p. _16_.\n\n40. **\"j'ai commenc\u00e9\"** Eug\u00e8ne Delacroix, _Journal, 1822\u20131863_ (Paris: Plon, 1996), pp. 48\u201349, translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n41. **looked more like plague victims** Stendhal [Marie-Henri Beyle], \"Salon de 1824\" in _Journal de Paris_ , reported in J. H. Rubin, \"Delacroix and Romanticism,\" in _The Cambridge Companion to Delacroix_ , ed. Beth S. Wright (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 32.\n\n42. **\"vast and terrible\"** Margaret Drabble, _The Sea Lady_ (London: Penguin Fig Tree, 2006), pp. 233\u201335.\n\n43. **\"The human spirit\"** Delacroix, _Journal_ , pp. 77\u201378, translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n44. **\"Painting is nothing but\"** Eug\u00e8ne Delacroix, journal entry, quoted in Wright, _Cambridge Companion to Delacroix_ , pp. 1\u20132.\n\n45. **\"I must Create a System\"** _Blake, Jerusalem_ , p. 902.\n\n46. **\"The symphonies of Beethoven\"** Walter Pach, _Ingres_ (New York: Hacker Art Books, 1973), pp. 19, 209.\n\n47. **\"Nature is nothing but\"** Charles Baudelaire, \"L'\u0152uvre et la vie d'Eug\u00e8ne Delacroix,\" in \u0152 _uvres compl\u00e8tes_ , ed. Claude Pichois (Paris: Gallimard, 1976), vol. 2, pp. 744\u201347; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n48. **\"music with learned\"** John W. Klein, \"Stendhal as Music Critic,\" in _The Musical Quarterly_ 29, no. 1 (January 1943), p. 18.\n\n49. **\"Michelangelo-like\"** Stendhal, _Vie de Rossini_ , quoted in _Stendhal: L'Ame de la musique_ , ed. Suzel Esquier (Paris: Editions Stock, 1999), pp. 388, 394; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n50. **\"I am of the opinion\"** Stendhal, _Racine et Shakespeare: \u00c9tudes sur le romantisme_ (Paris: Garnier-Flammarion, 1970), p. 51; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n51. **Duke of Wellington** Ibid., p. 135.\n\n52. **\"over seven months' time\"** Ibid., p. 144.\n\n53. **\"the art of presenting\"** Ibid., p. 71.\n\n54. **\"France, which had seen\"** Stendhal [Marie-Henri Beyle], _Paris-Londres: Chroniques_ (Paris: Stock, 1997), p. 165; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n55. **\"to avoid the ridicule\"** Ibid., p. 169; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n56. **\"As I write this\"** Hugo Bieber, ed., _Heinrich Heine: A Biographical Anthology_ , Trans. Moses Hadas (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1956), p. 170.\n\n57. **\"famous for its sausages\"** Heinrich Heine, _Works of Prose_ , trans. E. B. Ashton (New York: L. B. Fischer, 1943), pp. 37\u201338.\n\n58. **\"Heine's eyes must have been\"** Ford, _March of Literature_ , pp. 698, 719\u201320.\n\n59. **\"seven closely-printed\"** Arnold, _Heinrich Heine_ , p. 21.\n\n60. **\"By the sea\"** Heinrich Heine, \"Fragen\" (\"Questions\"), from _Nordseebilder (North Sea Pictures)_ , 1824\u20131826, translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n61. **\"philosophical-Christian soldiery\"** Philip Kossoff, _Valiant Heart: A Biography of Heinrich Heine_ (New York, London: Cornwall Books, 1983), p. 151.\n\n62. **\"against the wicked\"** Heinrich Heine, _Selected Works_ , trans. and ed. by Helen M. Mustard (New York: Random House, 1973), p. 281.\n\n63. **\"If anyone asks you\"** Heinrich Heine, _Works of Prose_ , ed. Hermann Kester, trans. E. B. Ashton (New York: L. B. Fischer, 1943), p. 310.\n\n64. **\"Paris is the new Jerusalem\"** Antonina Vallentin, _Heine: Poet in Exile_ , trans. Harrison Brown (New York: Doubleday, 1956), p. 157.\n\n65. **\"Not for themselves\"** Heinrich Heine, \"Ludwig B\u00f6rne: A Memorial,\" in _The Romantic School and Other Essays_ , ed. Jost Hermand and Robert C. Holub (New York: Continuum, 1985), p. 282.\n\n66. **\"all men are equal\"** Ibid., pp. 263\u201364.\n\n67. **\"To me, it is\"** Michael Mann, ed., _Heinrich Heine: Zeitungsberichte \u00fcber Musik und Malerei_ (Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Insel-Verlag, 1964), p. 116; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n68. **\"I am for the autonomy\"** Kossoff, _Valiant Heart_ , p. 151.\n\n69. **\"great confederation\"** Heinrich Heine, _Memoirs: From His Works, Letters, and Conversations_ (London: John Lane, 1920 _)_ , p. 282.\n\n70. **\"I know not\"** Arnold, _Heinrich Heine_ , p. 3.\n\n71. **\"a refusal to deepen\"** Federico Fellini, _Fare un film_ (Turin, Italy: Einaudi, 1980), pp. 155\u201356; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n## **_Part Three_**\n\n1. **\"In the earlier\"** Roger Norrington, \"In Search of Beethoven: A Fascinating Look at Contemporary Interpretations of His Music,\" 2001, .\n\n2. **\"the return to the tremolo\"** Martin Gregor-Dellin and Dietrich Mack, eds., _Cosima Wagner's Diaries_ , trans. Geoffrey Skelton (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1978\u201383), vol. 2, p. 370.\n\n3. **\"the logically unanswerable\"** Bellow, _Humboldt's Gift_ , p. 332.\n\n4. **\"It is in the very nature\"** Wilhelm Furtw\u00e4ngler, _Concerning Music_ , trans. L. J. Lawrence (London: Boosey and Hawkes, 1953), p. 44.\n\n5. **\"The thoughts which\"** Felix Mendelssohn to Marc-Andr\u00e9 Souchay, October 15, 1842, in _Felix Mendelssohn: A Life in Letters_ , trans. Craig Tomlinson (New York: Fromm International, 1986), p. 314.\n\n6. **\"what this first movement\"** Gregor-Pellin and Mack, _Cosima Wagner's Diaries_ , vol. 2, p. 855.\n\n7. **\"The composer's answer\"** Michael Murray, ed., _A Jacques Barzun Reader_ (New York: HarperCollins, 2002), pp. 325\u201329.\n\n8. **\"the words of Haydn's\"** Ibid., p. 329.\n\n9. **\"In the first movement\"** James R. Oestreich, \"A Pianist Who Balances Acclaim and Assists,\" _The New York Times_ , May 4, 2008.\n\n10. **\"intolerable yearning\"** J.W.N. Sullivan, _Beethoven: His Spiritual Development_.\n\n11. **\"a tremendous and intensely\"** Alfred Einstein, _A Short History of Music_ (New York: Vintage Books, 1957), p. 147.\n\n12. **\"In its freedom\"** Ibid.\n\n13. **\"I cannot write in verse\"** \"Letters\" column, _The New York Review of Books_ , December 6, 2007, p. 76.\n\n14. **\"hesitated for some time\"** Edith Wharton, \"A Backward Glance,\" in _Edith Wharton: Novellas and Other Writings_ (New York: Library of America, 1990), p. 933.\n\n15. **\"To see or listen to\"** Michael Tanner, \"Art and Morality,\" _Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy_ , ed. Edward Craig (London: Routledge, 1998), vol. 1. 129\n\n16. **\"to compare Bach\"** Furtw\u00e4ngler, _Concerning Music_ , p. 29.\n\n17. **\"Philosophy has the universal\"** Hegel, _Hegel's Introduction to the Lectures_ , pp. 55\u201356.\n\n18. **\"To analyze such a composition\"** Hector Berlioz, _Beethoven_ (Paris: Editions Corr\u00e9a, 1941), p. 61; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n19. **\"the musical symbolization\"** Solomon, _Late Beethoven_ , pp. 201\u20132.\n\n20. **\"personal ideas\"** Berlioz, _Beethoven_ , pp. 61\u201362.\n\n21. **\"Religion has been disfigured\"** Benjamin Constant, _De la religion consid\u00e9r\u00e9e dans sa source, ses formes, et ses d\u00e9veloppements_ 1 (Spring 1824), in _Oeuvres_ (Paris: Gallimard, 1957), p. 1369; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n22. **\"denounced the first movement\"** Lockwood, _Beethoven_ , p. 420.\n\n23. **\"a drowsy reverie\"** Murray, _Jacques Barzun Reader_ , p. 336.\n\n24. **\"a purely sensual\"** Richard Strauss, _Betrachtungen und Erinnerungen_ , ed. Willi Schuh (Zurich: Atlantis-Verlag, 1949), p. 103.\n\n25. **\"The discussion of purely\"** Furtw\u00e4ngler, _Concerning Music_ , p. 43.\n\n26. **\"refined music\"** Quoted in David Gramit, _Cultivating Music_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), p. 62.\n\n27. **\"Beethoven realized\"** David Benjamin Levy, _Beethoven: The Ninth Symphony_ (New York: Schirmer Books, 1995), p. 49.\n\n28. **\"never before\"** Ibid., p. 61.\n\n29. **\"a small rustic bagpipe\"** Ibid., p. 71.\n\n30. **\"It lifts me\"** Harvey Sachs, ed., _The Letters of Arturo Toscanini_ (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2002), p. 298.\n\n31. **\"a gently opening curtain\"** Levy, _Beethoven_ , p. 78.\n\n32. **\"come to the end\"** John Updike, \"Late Works,\" _The New Yorker_ , August 7, 2006.\n\n33. **\"[Schindler:] how many\"** Ludwig van Beethoven, _Konversationshefte_ (Leipzig, Germany: VEB Deutscher Verlag f\u00fcr Musik, 1970), vol. 9, p. 249; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n34. **\"the musician in [Beethoven]\"** Furtw\u00e4ngler, _Concerning Music_ , p. 38.\n\n35. **\"elicited by a 'rememberer'\"** Elaine Sisman, \"Memory and Invention at the Threshold of Beethoven's Late Style,\" in _Beethoven and His World_ , ed. Scott Burnham and Michael P. Steinberg (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 79.\n\n36. **\"Joy, beautiful divine spark\"** Translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n37. **\"transcends the humble\"** Robert S. Hatten, _Musical Meaning in Beethoven_ (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), pp. 81\u201382.\n\n## **_Part Four_**\n\n1. **\"Universal History\"** Thomas Carlyle, _On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History_ (Teddington, Middlesex: Echo Library, 2007), p. 4.\n\n2. **\"Art and science\"** Lockwood, _Beethoven_ , p. 9.\n\n3. **\"Beethoven began to stir\"** Charles Baudelaire, \"Sur mes contemporains: VII\u2014Th\u00e9odore de Banville\" (1861), in \u0152 _uvres compl\u00e8tes_ , ed. Claude Pichois (Paris: Gallimard, 1976), vol. 2, p. 168; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n4. **\"The personal ideals\"** Conrad L. Donakowski, _A Muse for the Masses: Ritual and Music in an Age of Democratic Revolution, 1770\u20131870_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), p. 68.\n\n5. **\"Beethoven is the only man\"** David Cairns, _Berlioz: The Making of an Artist_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), p. 318.\n\n6. **\"the influence of Balzac\"** James Gibbon Huneker, \"Interesting New French Books,\" _New York Times Saturday Book Review_ , June 16, 1906.\n\n7. **\"I feel that I am\"** Christopher H. Gibbs, _The Life of Schubert_ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 117.\n\n8. **\"Secretly, in my heart\"** John Reed, _Schubert: The Final Years_ (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1972), p. 127.\n\n9. **Peripheral resemblances** Brian Newbould, _Schubert: The Music and the Man_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), p. 380, and Thrasybulos G. Georgiades, _Schubert: Musik und Lyrik_ (G\u00f6ttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1967).\n\n10. **\"Beethoven's titanic figure\"** Peter Clive, _Schubert and His World: A Biographical Dictionary_ (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), p. 11.\n\n11. **\"It is when one has heard\"** Hector Berlioz, _Correspondance g\u00e9n\u00e9rale_ , ed. Pierre Citron (Paris: Flammarion, 1972), vol. 2, p. 168; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n12. **\"Now that I've heard\"** Ibid., p. 229.\n\n13. **\"climbed so high\"** Ibid., p. 244.\n\n14. **\"Berlioz believes in Beethoven\"** Cairns, _Berlioz: The Making of an Artist_ , p. 318.\n\n15. **\"calmly asserted\"** Jacques Barzun, _Berlioz and His Century_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 62.\n\n16. **\"There are half a dozen\"** Berlioz, _Beethoven_ , pp. 76\u201377.\n\n17. **\"Certain critics regard\"** Ibid., p. 61.\n\n18. **\"This Allegro maestoso\"** Ibid., pp. 63\u201364.\n\n19. **\"If the audience\"** Ibid., p. 72.\n\n20. **\"an excitement almost unparalleled\"** David Cairns, _Berlioz: Servitude and Greatness_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), pp. 484\u201387.\n\n21. **\"Our age needs\"** Anderson, _Letters of Beethoven_ , vol. 3, p. 1243.\n\n22. **\"a performance of Beethoven's\"** Robert I. Letellier, ed. and trans., _The Diaries of Giacomo Meyerbeer_ (Madison, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1999), vol. 1, p. 414.\n\n23. **\"'did not strike'\"** Quoted in Heinz and Gudrun Becker, eds., _Giacomo Meyerbeer: A Life in Letters_ , trans. Mark Violette (London: Christopher Helm, 1983), pp. 30\u201331.\n\n24. **\"which I had never\"** Letellier, _Diaries_ , vol. 4, p. 245.\n\n25. **\"was unable to understand\"** Leonard Schapiro, _Turgenev: His Life and Times_ (New York: Random House, 1978), pp. 125\u201326.\n\n26. **\"as masterpiece of invention\"** Letellier, _Diaries_ , vol. 3, p. 398.\n\n27. **\"really enjoy\"** Elvers, _Felix Mendelssohn_ , p. 178.\n\n28. **\"I am the blind man\"** Robert Schumann, \"Nach der D moll-Symphonie,\" in _Gesammelte Schriften \u00fcber Musik und Musiker Musiker_ , vol. 1, pp. 28\u201330; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n29. **\"Yes, just love him\"** Ibid.\n\n30. **\"Listen, I have a request\"** Eva Weissweiler, ed., _The Complete Correspondence of Clara and Robert Schumann_ , trans. Hildegard Fritsch and Ronald L. Crawford (New York: Peter Lang, 1994), vol. 1, p. 95.\n\n31. **\"Does a great man\"** Robert Schumann, _On Music and Musicians_ , ed. Konrad Wolff, trans. Paul Rosenfeld (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964), p. 101.\n\n32. **\"became the mystical lodestar\"** Wagner, _My Life_ , p. 35.\n\n33. **\"What first attracted me\"** Ibid., pp. 35\u201336.\n\n34. **\"For a long time\"** Richard Wagner, _S\u00e4mtliche Briefe_ , ed. G. Strobel and W. Wolf (Leipzig, Germany: VEB Deutscher Verlag f\u00fcr Musik, 1967), vol. 1, p. 117.\n\n35. **\"renowned orchestra\"** Wagner, _My Life_ , pp. 174\u201375.\n\n36. **\"Thus the master\"** Richard Wagner, \"Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft,\" in _Source Readings in Music History_ , ed. Oliver Strunk and Leo Treitler (New York: W. W. Norton, 1998), pp. 1108\u20139.\n\n37. **\"the last movement with its chorus\"** Richard Wagner, _Selected Letters of Richard Wagner_ , trans. Stewart Spencer and Barry Millington (New York: W. W. Norton, 1988), p. 343.\n\n38. **transmigration of souls** Klaus Kropfinger, _Wagner and Beethoven: Richard Wagner's Reception of Beethoven_ , trans. Peter Palmer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 24\u201325.\n\n39. **\"All wisdom\"** Gregor-Dellin and Mack, _Cosima Wagner's Diaries_ , vol. 1, p. 86.\n\n40. **\"plays the beginning\"** Ibid., vol. 2, p. 994.\n\n41. **\"the melody\"** Ibid., vol. 1, p. 450.\n\n42. **\"talked a lot about\"** Ibid., p. 491.\n\n43. **\"in fact has no melody\"** Ibid., vol. 2, p. 611.\n\n44. **\"curious that this work\"** Ibid., p. 470.\n\n45. **\"always strikes me\"** Ibid., vol. 1, p. 450.\n\n46. **\"Should one wish\"** Ibid., vol. 2, p. 173.\n\n47. **\"R. plays the adagio\"** Ibid., p. 370.\n\n48. **\"that rousing of oneself\"** Ibid., p. 762.\n\n49. **\"To discover these two themes\"** Ibid., p. 830.\n\n50. **\"wild\"** Ibid., p. 855.\n\n51. **\"a wonderful piece\"** Ibid., p. 857.\n\n52. **\"If Beethoven is a prodigy\"** Edmond Michotte, \"La Visite de Richard Wagner a Rossini,\" in _Rossini_ , ed. Luigi Rognoni (Milan: Guanda, 1956), p. 344; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n53. **\"I'm waiting now\"** Guido Zavadini, _Donizetti_ (Bergamo, Italy: Instituto Italiano d'arti grafiche, 1948), p. 590; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n54. **\"never forget\"** Ibid., p. 602.\n\n55. **\"going out immediately\"** Ibid., p. 590.\n\n56. **\"I would like to be _Mozart\"_** Ibid., p. 640.\n\n57. **\"There is something more\"** Gaetano Cesari and Alessandro Luzio, eds., _I copialettere di Giuseppe Verdi_ (Milan: Commissione esecutiva per le onoranze a Giuseppe Verdi nel primo centenario della nascita, 1913), p. 621; translated by Harvey Sachs.\n\n58. **\"that would have let people\"** Ibid., p. 626.\n\n59. **\"three colossi\"** Ibid., p. 415.\n\n# _Illustration Credits_\n\nPhotograph by the author\n\nFacsimile from the author's collection\n\nBeethoven-Haus, Bonn\n\nBeethoven-Haus, Bonn\n\nBeethoven-Haus, Bonn\n\nBeethoven-Haus, Bonn\n\nakg-images, London\n\nFonds Stendhal, Biblioth\u00e8que municipale d'\u00e9tudes et d'informations, Grenoble, France\n\nakg-images, London\n\nakg-images, London\n\nNational Portrait Gallery, London\n\nakg-images, London\n\nArt Resource, New York\n\nakg-images, London\n\nBeethoven-Haus, Bonn. H. C. Bodmer Collection\n\nFacsimile from the author's collection\n\n\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e Hector-Berlioz, La C\u00f4te-Saint-Andr\u00e9, France\n\nakg-images, London\n\nBeethoven-Haus, Bonn\n\n#\n\nABOUT THE AUTHOR\n\nHARVEY SACHS is a writer and music historian and the author or co-author of eight previous books, of which there have been more than fifty editions in fifteen languages. He has written for The New Yorker and many other publications, has been a Guggenheim Fellow and a Fellow of the New York Public Library's Cullman Center for Scholars and Writers, and is currently on the faculty of the Curtis Institute of Music in Philadelphia. He lives in New York City.\nCopyright \u00a9 2010 by Harvey Sachs\n\nAll rights reserved.\n\nPublished in the United States by Random House, an imprint of The Random House Publishing Group, a division of Random House, Inc., New York.\n\nRANDOM HOUSE and colophon are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc.\n\nAn excerpt from \"Postlude\" was originally published as \"Beethoven Visits Cleveland\" in _The American Scholar_ , published by the Phi Beta Kappa Society.\n\nGrateful acknowledgment is made to the following to reprint previously published material: CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS: Excerpt from _My Life_ by Richard Wagner, translated by Andrew Gray and Mary Whittall (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1983). Reprinted by permission of Cambridge University Press.\n\nHOUGHTON MIFFLIN HARCOURT PUBLISHING COMPANY: Excerpt from _Cosima Wagner's Diaries, Volume 1: 1869\u20131877_ , copyright \u00a9 1976 by R. Piper & Co. Verlag, English translation copyright \u00a9 1978, 1977 by Geoffrey Skelton and Harcourt, Inc.; excerpt from _Cosima Wagner's Diaries, Volume II: 1878\u20131883_ , copyright \u00a9 1977 by R. Piper Verlag Munchen, English translation copyright \u00a9 1980 by Geoffrey Skelton and Harcourt, Inc. Reprinted by permission of Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.\n\nW. W. NORTON: Excerpt from _Beethoven: The Music and the Life_ by Lewis Lockwood (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2003) and \"Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft,\" translated by Oliver Strunk from _Source Readings in Music History_ , edited by Oliver Strunk and Leo Treitler (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1998). Reprinted by permission of W. W. Norton & Co.\n\nPALGRAVE MACMILLAN: Excerpt from _The Letters of Beethoven_ , edited by Emily Anderson (London: Macmillan, 1961). Reprinted by permission of Palgrave Macmillan.\n\nSTANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS: Excerpt from _Distant Pleasures: Alexander Pushkin and the Writing of Exile_ by Stephanie Sandler, copyright \u00a9 1989 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford, Jr. University. Reprinted by permission of Stanford University Press.\n\nTHAMES AND HUDSON LTD. Excerpt from _Beethoven: His Life, Work and World_ by H. C. Robbins Landon, copyright \u00a9 1992 by H. C. Robbins Landon. Reprinted by the kind permission of Thames and Hudson Ltd., London.\n\nUNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA PRESS: Excerpt from _Letters to Beethoven, Volume 3_ , edited by Theodore Albrecht (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1996). Reprinted by permission of University of Nebraska Press.\n\nTitle-page image copyright \u00a9 iStockphoto.com\n\nLIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA\n\nSachs, Harvey \nThe Ninth: Beethoven and the world in 1824 \/ Harvey Sachs. \np. cm. \neISBN: 978-1-58836-981-9 \n1. Beethoven, Ludwig van, 1770\u20131827. Symphonies, no. 9, op. 125, D minor. \n2. Music\u2014Social aspects\u2014Europe\u2014History\u201419th century. 3. Music\u2014Political aspects\u2014 \nEurope\u2014History\u201419th century. 4. Music\u201419th century\u2014History and criticism. \n5. Romanticism in music. I. Title. \nML410.B4S117 2010 784.21\u203284\u2014dc22 200919716 \nwww.atrandom.com\n\nv3.0_r1\n","meta":{"redpajama_set_name":"RedPajamaBook"}} +{"text":" \n# Greek Political Imagery from Homer to Aristotle\n\n## Roger Brock\n\n**Bloomsbury Academic**\n\nAn imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc | 50 Bedford Square | 175 Fifth Avenue\n\n| \n---|---|---|--- \n|\n\nLondon | New York\n\n| \n|\n\nWC1B 3DP | NY 10010\n\n| \n|\n\nUK | USA\n\n|\n\n**www.bloomsbury.com**\n\nFirst published 2013\n\n\u00a9 2013 Roger Brock\n\nAll rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers.\n\nRoger Brock has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work.\n\nNo responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury Academic or the author.\n\n**British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data**\n\nA catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.\n\nISBN: 978-1-47250-217-9\n\n**Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data**\n\nBrock, Roger.\n\nGreek political imagery from Homer to Aristotle \/ Roger Brock.\n\npages cm\n\nIncludes bibliographical references and index.\n\nISBN 978-1-78093-206-4 (hardback) -- ISBN 978-1-4725-0217-9 (epub) -- ISBN 978-1-4725-0218-6 (epdf) 1. Greek literature--History and criticism. 2. Classical literature--History and criticism. 3. Politics in literature. 4. Politics and literature--Greece. 5. Imagery (Psychology)--Political aspects. 6. Greece--Politics and government--Early works to 1800. I. Title.\n\nPA3015.P63B76 2013\n\n880.9'358--dc23\n\n2013000816\n\nTypeset by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NN\n\n# Contents\n\nConventions\n\nAcknowledgements\n\nIntroduction\n\n| Gods as Kings, Kings as Gods \n---|--- \n| The State as a Household and Family \n| The Shepherd of the People \n| The Ship of State \n| The Body Politic \n| Leaders and Communities: The Archaic Period ( _c_.750\u2013480 BC) \n| Democracy and Autocracy: The Fifth Century ( _c_.480\u2013404 BC) \n| Orators and Philosophers: The Fourth Century to Alexander ( _c_.400\u2013322 BC)\n\nEpilogue\n\nBibliography\n\nIndex of Authors and Images\n\nIndex locorum\n\nGeneral Index\n\n# Conventions\n\nAbbreviations generally follow _LSJ_ and _OLD_ for authors, and _OCD_ 3 for epigraphy and papyrology; note additionally R&O = Rhodes & Osborne (2003) and P-W = Parke & Wormell (1956). Fragments of tragedy are cited from _TrGF_ , of comedy from _PCG_ : in the latter case 'KA' normally refers to the critical notes of Kassel & Austin. Fragments of lyric poetry follow the numeration of _PMG_ , while for iambus and elegy I follow West; fragments of Pindar are cited from Maehler's edition.\n\n# Acknowledgements\n\nThis book has been a long time in the making, though I believe that it is all the better for it: in the long period of its gestation I have incurred many debts, and it is a great pleasure now to able to express my gratitude for the assistance I have received from the generous and collegial community of Classics. My only regret is that some of those to whom I am indebted are no longer alive to see the project completed.\n\nIt began life as an Oxford DPhil thesis, 'Political imagery in Greek literature before Plato': the topic was suggested to me by Oswyn Murray and the thesis was supervised by George Forrest and Kenneth Dover, and examined by Tom Stinton and John Gould. The award of the Derby Scholarship, for which I again thank the Derby Trustees and the Craven Committee at Oxford, also enabled me to spend a rewarding academic year in Toronto, where I benefited from the advice of Desmond Conacher, Leonard Woodbury, John Cole and Mac Wallace. In the following year I was a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Ohio State University, where I began the extension of the period covered to the rest of the fourth century and enjoyed the company and generous hospitality of the postgraduate community and academic staff, especially Charles Babcock, Carl Schlam, Joe Tebben and my adviser David Hahm.\n\nThereafter progress was slowed by the lack of uncluttered time in which to be able to reorganize all of the great mass of material into its final form: in the event, in the absence of any institutional sabbatical leave provision this was only made possible by the award of a Leverhulme Research Fellowship in 2002\u20133 and of a British Academy Senior Research Fellowship in 2008\u20139. I am profoundly grateful to both organisations, without whose support the book would not yet have seen the light of day even now.\n\nI was able to try out earlier versions of the content and ideas on audiences in Cambridge, Columbus, Edinburgh, Exeter, Hull, Lampeter, Leeds, Liverpool, London, Manchester, Oxford, Rennes, Rethymnon, St. Andrews, Sheffield and Toronto, and I thank the organisers in each case for the opportunity and the audiences for comments, criticisms and suggestions which have improved my thinking. I have also benefited over the years from the assistance of a great many individuals who have helped me with encouragement and advocacy, provided advice and guidance, given me access to inaccessible, unpublished or forthcoming work, answered questions, and otherwise supported me. After all this time there will inevitably be some whose names are omitted here, but however fallible my memory, I am sincerely grateful to all those who have assisted me in any way. In particular I should like to thank Umberto Bultrighini, John Davies, Kyle Erickson, Elaine Fantham, Philip Ford, Mogens Hansen, Steve Heyworth, Richard Hunter, Gregory Hutchinson, David Konstan, Stratis Kyriakidis, Lynette Mitchell, Robin Osborne, Robert Parker, P.J. Rhodes, Fabio Roscalla, Richard Rutherford, Malcolm Schofield, Richard Seaford, Oliver Taplin, Christopher Tuplin, Matthijs Wijbier and Peter Wiseman. In addition, Pat Easterling, Melissa Lane, Chris Pelling, Liz Pender, Emma Stafford and Hans van Wees read earlier versions of particular chapters, and Douglas Cairns, Malcolm Heath and Simon Hornblower read the whole text in draft, and all enhanced it by numerous acute criticisms and helpful suggestions. None of these is, of course, in any way responsible for any remaining shortcomings.\n\nDeborah Blake at Duckworth displayed patience exemplary even by the standard of academic publishers and I am glad finally to have justified her encouraging optimism; I am also grateful to her successor at Bloomsbury, Charlotte Loveridge, for guiding the project through its final stages, and to Chloe Shuttlewood and Dhara Patel at Bloomsbury and to Kim Storry at Fakenham Prepress Solutions and the copy-editor Erika Cox for seeing the book efficiently through the press. An earlier version of chapter 5 appeared as Brock (2000): I thank Routledge for permission to re-use that material here.\n\nMy colleagues past and present in the Department of Classics at Leeds have been a tremendous source of warm friendship and collegiality which has been all the more valued in the difficult conditions in which we have been operating for the past few years. Finally, Elaine, Katherine and Sarah have supported me in my work, sometimes distracted me from it, and generally kept me sane: I owe them more than I can say.\n\nThe book is dedicated to my parents, and to those who have taught me, both at Oxford and earlier (especially Ned Campbell, Brooke Dowse, Peter Marriott and Roger Nichols): only I am to blame for whatever faults it may have, but insofar as it \u2013 and I \u2013 have turned out well, that is in great part due to them.\n\n# Introduction\n\nImagery can be revealing. In an interview in _Vanity Fair_ a few months after her deposition, Margaret Thatcher observed that she had never been defeated by the people in an election.1 The formulation is striking, implying that she viewed herself as engaged in a contest or conflict2 not with the other political parties and their leaders, but with the electorate at large. Yet at the same time it is recognizably an extension of the long-established self-representation of politicians as fighting against each other, or enemies within or outside the state,3 or, more laudably, against abstract foes such as poverty or injustice.\n\nThat model, or at least the image of politicians in combat, can be traced back to ancient Greece and the encounters of Aeschines and Demosthenes, the latter another politician who enlisted figurative warfare as part of his self-presentation.4 While some at least of the underlying conceptual framework was doubtless culturally specific \u2013 one might surmise in this case that the image of politics as war was licensed by the Greek ideology of harming enemies as well as helping friends5 \u2013 the origins of the western tradition of figurative representation of politics, as of political theory, lie in ancient Greece, and form the subject of this book. My objective is to study the emergence of political imagery as a historical and cultural phenomenon which runs in parallel with the Greek 'discovery of politics' and illuminates that process and the ideas behind it: in the earlier part of the period 'politics' has yet to emerge as a discrete field of experience and knowledge with its own terminology, so the capacity of imagery to illuminate thoughts which are not yet explicitly formulated is especially revealing. As overt discussion of politics emerges with its own terminology, political imagery continues to occupy a distinctive space between the crude propaganda of slogans and catchwords on the one hand and explicit theorizing on the other (which is not to say that theoretical writers eschew imagery, Plato above all). At the same time, many of these images have persisted in literature in other European languages down to the present day and have continued to be exploited in politics: political imagery is part of the Greek legacy to western culture.\n\nYet while the use of such imagery begins in the western tradition with the Greeks, we cannot be certain that they should be credited with the invention of all the images which they handed down to later eras. In fact, of the major complexes of imagery treated in the first half of this work, only the ship of state and the body politic are directly a legacy from Greek antiquity; since the others are attested as firmly established at a much earlier date in the Near East, it is an economical hypothesis that they were taken over from there at an early stage of Greek history.6 Since they first appear to us in Homer at the end of the process of their development through the tradition of oral poetry, we cannot pin down the manner or date of their adoption; all we can say is that, as with other cultural borrowings from the Near East, the Greeks selected and adapted, and so, for example, the comparison of the king to a herdsman, widespread in the Near East, has in Homer been confined to a conventional formula with limited military reference (below 43) while the analogy between king and father appears only in a stock phrase focused specifically on parental gentleness (below 30, 83). That process of adaptation suggests that from the start the development of Greek political imagery involved a degree of reflection and an awareness that possible analogies might be more or less suited to their experience, and therefore draws attention to the question why certain fields of imagery were favoured: although this work is not directly concerned with the theory of metaphor (or indeed political science), it will be appropriate to say a little on a general level about the way in which these images seem to me to function.\n\nFirst, Greek political imagery is largely drawn from experience; indeed, it must be due to the essential familiarity and communicative capacity of the source domains that models such as the state as household, the ship of state and the body politic have retained a perennial appeal as expressions of community and the working of power relations within them across the long span of time to the present and in a culturally diverse range of contexts. The presentations of the ruler as father or shepherd were taken over from Near Eastern tradition because the models were familiar and effective in making sense of the Greeks' experience of power relations, while the differences in their application show that they underwent adaptation to fit a somewhat different context in Iron Age Greece. The experiential basis of much of this imagery is at its clearest in the Archaic period: it is not simply that many of the new fields of imagery are drawn from other aspects of life, and particularly of elite experience, such as seafaring and the control of animals, but that there is a broader interaction between elements of the elite lifestyle, so that the symposium can be seen as a sea voyage, a woman can be a ship, and the pursuit of the beloved, or his or her demands, can be represented as the hunting or taming of animals, or sport, or warfare, or a game.7 Indeed, the imagery of the ship of state is only a small part of the broader field of maritime imagery in which the course of life, or of a poem, can be figured as a voyage and all kinds of people, institutions and enterprises can be aided by a fair wind, or else storm-tossed and, in the worst case, shipwrecked \u2013 and the same of course applies to other fields of imagery.8\n\nSecondly, the tendency is for political imagery, or at least the main fields from which it is drawn, to become conventional. In assembling the material for this study I was able to group most of it under a handful of broad headings \u2013 Animals, Elements and the Natural World, Farming, Household, Maritime, Medical, Military, Religion, Sport \u2013 and the imagery set out here tends to involve variations on established themes: even a poet as creative in his metaphors as Pindar operates almost entirely within established categories in his political imagery.9 That is not particularly surprising, since the objective of much political imagery is to establish or consolidate consensus, and that is likely to be more effectively achieved if it proceeds on a basis which is either already accepted or sufficiently familiar and plausible that the target audience can be induced to endorse it. One would therefore not expect political imagery in general to work through the surprising suggestion of a connection to something unfamiliar or unexpected, as literary metaphor frequently does.10\n\nIt might be objected at this point that all Greek political imagery is literary metaphor; however, while it is true that the sources are almost exclusively literary, in most cases the works from which my material is drawn were intended for mass audiences. That is obviously true of oratory at Athens and elsewhere, of Attic drama both comic and tragic and, in a different way, of early Greek hexameter poetry; much of the sympotic poetry of the archaic period also circulated widely and must have been intended to be accessible to an elite public beyond the particular polis. The main exceptions are the other prose genres, particularly historiography (where use of imagery is relatively sparse, and much of that in embedded speeches) and philosophy (to which should be added Presocratic works in verse): it is probably not coincidental that philosophers, above all Plato, are among the most creative authors in their use of political imagery, though he is something of a special case because of the substantive functions that his images can perform in his philosophy.11 Even here, however, a good deal of Plato's imagery is founded on existing usage, while in the use of craft analogies he is plainly operating within a broader Socratic tradition; there are indications, too, of a degree of dialogue between philosophy and Athenian public discourse in the fourth century.12 The inventiveness of comic poets, on the other hand, is probably due to the way in which the unexpected can create humour. At all events, I suggest that we are rarely dealing with the kind of individual and personal creativity normally implied by describing imagery as 'literary': most political imagery works within, and trades on, established frameworks.\n\nAt the same time, the degree of conventionality should not be overstated. Certainly it would be relatively easy to define a set of underlying structuring concepts which serve to organize ancient Greek perceptions of their experience of community and power relations, and these could be expressed as conceptual metaphors such 'The community is a family' or 'The community is a body', but each individual image in our sources represents an expression of the concept which develops it in a particular context for a particular purpose. The fact that an image has become conventional will tend to reflect the continuing validity of the conceptual metaphor(s) underlying it; hence images often dismissed as 'dead metaphors' can continue to have communicative power, even though the conceptual metaphor may no longer be consciously acknowledged.13\n\nAlthough each image will therefore normally involve an element of creativity, however modest, this study is nevertheless only incidentally concerned with individuals, whether authors or political actors. It is only rarely that we can attribute the creation of an image to a specific person, as in the cases of Solon or Cleon,14 and equally I have usually avoided discussing the imagery of particular authors (or indeed works), not least because there is already plenty of good scholarship on such topics.15 Furthermore, a major difference between this work and studies of modern political imagery is that although Greek political imagery often has persuasive aims, it is relatively rare to be able to observe it directly being deployed to persuade in specific situations:16 much more frequently what we can detect are the broader terms of debate, the underlying ideological landscape which dictates, and is further constituted by, the imagery actually employed. The ideological context is, of course, equally revealed by what is not said, and the images which are absent or appear only to a limited extent: for example, although Greek politicians do make use of images of conflict, as we have seen, what is striking is the limited development of the equation of politics with war. That makes sense when we reflect that it was largely self-serving, since it lent the status and respectability of warfare to internecine quarrels, and insofar as those quarrels _did_ come to resemble warfare, the risk of collateral damage posed potentially negative implications for the community involved. In fact, both political competition and argument in general were more frequently assimilated to the combat sports, and particularly wrestling with its combination of violence and trickery.17 Politicians were thus largely denied self-identification with the more straightforward prowess of the runner, which involved no chicanery, though it may also be the case that the relatively minor role of election, as opposed to sortition, in the Athenian constitution left little place for the model of 'first past the post'. At any rate, other appealing models of self-representation such as the helmsman or doctor were apparently completely off limits to Athenian politicians in the fifth century: the fact that they only become available in the less radically democratic environment of the succeeding century strongly implies some form of ideological control over political imagery before then.18 Similar factors may be at work in the limited and late emergence of imagery drawn from craftsmanship, the earliest of which would seem to be the weaving metaphor in the _Lysistrata_ , i.e. that while political or constitutional order might be perceived as an artefact, it was not appropriate to assign the role of creator to an individual.19 However, it is also possible that the sense of the polis as a 'citizen-state', and so a community of living beings, made it inappropriate to conceive of its population as material to be worked on, in the same way that we find no imagery which treats the polis or _politeia_ as a structure or mechanism. When imagery from the plastic arts finally does appear, it is significant that it is in works of political theory.20\n\nIdeological investment in well-established imagery, whether expressed through continuing service paid to the trope of the politician as servant (115, 154) or through policing of the limits of self-presentation, demonstrates that while such images may be essentially conventional, they retain real force and are not just 'dead metaphors'. That can also hold good of fields of imagery which through changing historical circumstances have lost their currency. Thus the father and the shepherd, images of individual leadership and particularly of monarchy, are revived and developed in the fourth century when political developments create a propitious climate (Chapter 8): the potential was presumably always there, albeit dormant. Equally, it was always possible to elaborate the core imagery for a specific purpose, as Plato does with the ship of state, enriching it with intertextual allusion to make a particular point about the relationship between philosophy and politics (below 58).21\n\nSince the terminology of metaphor itself was not developed until the time of Aristotle, doubt has sometimes been expressed as to whether it can be appropriately applied to ancient Greece before then, and indeed whether the Greeks previously had a conception of metaphor, especially in the archaic period: in particular, it has been suggested that what appear to us to be metaphors in medical or scientific language are literal, or else involve an extension of meaning of normal terms.22 However, the way in which, as we have noted, the king as shepherd and the king as father were restricted to a specific focus \u2013 military organization in the one case, parental affection in the other \u2013 is a clear indication of reflection on the appropriateness of these models to Greek circumstances and therefore of figurative thinking rather than a simple extension of meaning; that is natural enough, since on any close scrutiny Homeric _basileis_ were not really the fathers of their subjects, nor herdsmen leading sheep out to fight.23 The same goes for the reciprocal interrelation of seafaring and other aspects of archaic life described above, where the source domain shifts from one to another with the context. Even with the body politic, the concept of 'semantic stretch' only really applies satisfactorily to the basic antithesis of health and disease: that will suffice to describe a malfunction of the polis as a body-like system, but as soon as the question of how to redress it arises, it raises the question of what constitutes 'health' in this body, how it is to be restored, and who is to be responsible for treatment, all of which again reveals the figurative nature of the analogy.24 However, this does not so clearly hold good for the representation of the cosmic order in political terms, where it could be argued that what we are observing is an analogy between seen and unseen, in which the structures and principles regulating the invisible order of the cosmos are assumed to be of the same kind as those governing human society. That is a natural interpretation, especially if one accepts Durkheim's argument that gods represent the apotheosis of the society which creates them.25 Given that there were powers in the universe superior to men and that these were conceived of as personalities, it was natural to imagine that hierarchy between gods and men in terms of the relation between human kings and their subjects (and since all the gods were 'kings' in that sense, the position of Zeus was that of an Agamemnon among the other _basileis_ rather than a supreme cosmic ruler, despite his superior power),26 and likewise to think of kings as gods or godlike. However, if that was so natural a step as to have been more or less instinctive, when one moves beyond the basic structures of Greek religion it seems likely that thinking about the cosmos entailed more conscious deliberation, since in considering its operation it was not inevitable that it should be conceived as a political order, and other models were available (e.g. that the universe was a body); furthermore, as Greek political institutions developed, it became possible to imagine different versions of a political cosmic order. Even if we should restrict ourselves in such cases to speaking in terms of analogies or models, we ought not to assume that they have necessarily been adopted without reflection.27\n\nWhatever their status, cosmological analogies seem to me illuminating for early Greek ideas about social order and the exercise of power. Indeed, as far as formal status is concerned I have been deliberately inclusive: to borrow the helpful formulation of Rutherford (2012, 119), ' \"imagery\"... is used to include words and expressions which communicate a non-literal sense, and particularly comparisons, of which the main categories are metaphors and similes'; hence he also discusses personifications, and I would add such looser forms of comparison as allegory and fable.28 I have also given some attention to the 'flip-sides' of images such as the body politic, where the way in which from an early stage medical writers were thinking about the body in political terms is, I think, helpfully suggestive about the way in which the analogy between body and community functioned. That is more conspicuously the case for Plato, for whom body, city and cosmos are parallel systems, and hence imagery of direction such as steering a ship can be applied across all three.29 I have also included cases where reference is made figuratively (mainly at Athens) to political institutions and terminology, since these too are expressive of ideology. On the other hand, I have tended to conservatism about whether an image is a political image, particularly in tragedy, where leading characters tend to exercise authority within a (royal) household as well as the wider community.30 I have also adopted a fairly restrictive sense of 'political' as relating to the exercise of power and to relations within communities; although it is not unreasonable to maintain that _ta politika_ in the sense of 'the affairs of the polis' could include a considerably wider range of matters with which the community was concerned (e.g. education, marriage), to include those would vastly increase the scale of this already substantial volume and diminish its focus. Because of its very broad scope and the wide range of topics on which it touches, I have also had to be selective in the citations of the bibliography to keep that within bounds. For the most part I cite items which have contributed to the argument, or which point to a different line of interpretation, and I have tended to favour recent publications on the principle that they will direct the reader to earlier scholarship on a given topic.\n\nBy the same token, the majority of examples are simply cited or alluded to, and quotation is of necessity sparing, but I have tried to be thorough in including all the material which I have collected, as also in covering all archaic and classical Greek literature: frequency of usage, both absolutely and across time, is in itself a measure of the currency and significance of an image \u2013 or, contrariwise, its distinctiveness. More specifically, the more comprehensive our knowledge of an image is, the more confident we can be of the way(s) in which it was used and the meaning(s) it carried. That in turn can helpfully guide our interpretation in doubtful cases: because political images tend to the conventional, as we have seen, one would expect them, all other things being equal, to fit into the existing pattern. It is not that an image cannot be applied against the grain, but one would expect to see clear signals in the context to that effect. So, for example, 'ironic' interpretations of Xenophon's _Cyropaideia_ which read the father images in that work as negative face the difficulty that this image is otherwise (including elsewhere in Xenophon) entirely positive, and that Xenophon offers no hint that his intentions are any different in this case.31\n\nI anticipate that the material collected and analysed here will be of interest both to ancient historians and to those working on literature (and to a lesser extent philosophy) from ancient Greece and Rome and from later periods, and the volume is structured accordingly. The first five chapters deal thematically with fields of imagery which have proved particularly influential in later periods, and these are followed by three diachronic chapters which deal with the development of these and other images in their historical context. Because of this bipartite structure, points made at length at one point are on occasion reprised more briefly elsewhere for ease of comprehension (since by the nature of the subject not all readers will want to read from cover to cover), supported by extensive cross-referencing which, together with the indexes, will, I hope, enable readers with diverse agendas to find the particular topic of interest to them; Greek is very largely transliterated and translated for the convenience of non-specialists. In order to maintain the flow and momentum of the argument, it has also been necessary at many points, especially in Chapters 6\u20138, to divert to footnotes arguments on particular points such as fifth-century military imagery (139n.127), and I have sometimes treated synchronically images of which there are only a few instances so as to reduce fragmentation of material.\n\nThe scattered nature of the material, together with its sheer volume, is probably a principal reason why Greek political imagery has hitherto been unjustly neglected: I trust that what is, as far as I am aware, the first book-length study of the subject will demonstrate its capacity to throw fresh light on major themes such as the evolution of the idea of community in the archaic period and the perennial ideological struggles between democrats and anti-democrats, and so stimulate interest in the topic, and I shall be pleased if it prompts other scholars to give political imagery the attention it merits in the study of ancient Greek literature, history and society.\n\n## Notes\n\n1' \"I have never been defeated\" by the people, she said no fewer than five times during our interview. \"I've never been defeated in an election\"': _Vanity Fair_ , June 2001 (accessible at www.vanityfair.com\/magazine\/archive\/1991\/06\/thatcher199106)).\n\n2I suspect that the implicit model was warfare: I can recall that when she was tantalizing the media over the timing of the 1983 General Election, she said that it would be a poor general who gave away his plan of campaign, and it is an obvious suggestion that 'the Falklands Factor' influenced her outlook; cf. also her post-deposition remark that 'no general can fight without a really good army behind them' ( _Guardian_ 29 May 1991). Charteris-Black (2005) 89\u201398, 112\u201314 similarly concludes that the conceptual metaphor POLITICS IS CONFLICT was central to her rhetoric and leadership style.\n\n3'We had to fight the enemy without in the Falklands. We always have to be aware of the enemy within, which is much more difficult to fight and more dangerous to liberty.' (quoted e.g. at news.bbc.co.uk\/1\/hi\/3067563.stm); again, Charteris-Black (2005) 92\u20134 identifies INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS IS A BATTLE as an important conceptual metaphor for her.\n\n4Below 162\u20133.\n\n5The statement in Pl. _Men_. 71e that a man's virtue consists in doing good to friends and harm to enemies while managing public affairs is a classic expression of the principle; for a detailed study see Blundell (1989).\n\n6The alternative possibility of convergent evolution cannot be excluded, since the image of the ruler as father occurs in other societies (e.g. China; and NB below 77n.2 for parallel development of culturally specific versions of the body politic in Greece and China), but the restricted and stylized form of the image of the leader as shepherd (below) seems to point to modification of an earlier model and so is suggestive of at least some Near Eastern influence within the process studied by West (1997), and that assumption is followed here.\n\n7Symposium as ship: below, 97n.28; woman a ship: Thgn.457\u201360; love a voyage: Thgn. 1273\u20134, 1361\u20132, 1375\u20136, Anacr. fr.403; love as hunting or being hunted: below 101n.64; as animal taming: below 99n.41; as warfare: below 102n.77; as boxing: Anacr. frr.346 (2), 396; as knucklebones\/dice: Anacr. fr.398. The use of images with multiple reference is nicely illustrated by the debate as to whether the ships in Alc. frr.73 and 306 (i) col. II are to interpreted in a political or erotic sense: R\u00f6sler (1980) 121, Gentili (1988) 206\u201312 and below 97n.26.\n\n8For discussions of the wider field of maritime imagery see e.g. Luccioni (1959), van Nes (1963), Peron (1974), Steiner (1986) 66\u201375; Rutherford (2012) 129\u201330.\n\n9Steiner (1986) is an excellent study of the fertility of Pindaric imagery; the recent study of Hutchinson (2012), which focuses on the target domains to which imagery is directed, implicitly treats politics as a subordinate aspect of the topic of the victor or city.\n\n10And for all his eloquence, the metaphors deprecated by Orwell in 1946 as 'dying' and 'flyblown' (1961, 340, 349) were effective for the same reason. On the other hand, the example of Solon shows that ancient Greece was capable of persuasive political metaphor of a genuinely creative kind, though in that case facilitated by literary allusion to earlier poetry (below, 90\u20131).\n\n11Pender (2000), (2003).\n\n12See below 148 for the Socratic tradition of craft analogy, and NB Merkelbach (1949) for an anonymous example of the same technique, whose author argues against distinguishing constitutions on numerical grounds on the analogy of lyre-or pipe-playing, which are the same skill whether practised by few or many. The interplay between Plato and contemporary Athenian politicians is discussed below 156\u20138, 161\u20132.\n\n13The classic study of conceptual metaphor is Lakoff and Johnson (1980); for the continuity between conceptual metaphor and literary metaphor see Lakoff and Turner (1989) esp. 50\u20136 ('conventionalization' is discussed at 55\u20136), 67\u201372, also 136\u20139, and for an application of the principle to Pindar see Hutchinson (2012) 277\u201381. Not all the conceptual metaphors behind political images are peculiar to those images: one of the underlying images Hutchinson treats, 'fame is light', surely rests on a more general 'light is good, darkness is bad', which also underlies the image of the 'light of salvation', and both the more specific versions of the concept feature in political imagery (below 89). In the same way, the ship of state image is to some extent informed by the broader conception of processes as journeys, of which the voyage is one form (above x). We can also point to a very basic conceptual metaphor of orientation in which 'up' has a positive value (Lakoff and Johnson 1980, 14\u201321) underlying some spatially conceived political language: political leaders are described as _koruphaios_ ('head-man') and kingship as 'the head of things' (Hdt. 3.82.3; Pi. _O_. 1.113\u201314), and leaders as 'top man ( _akros_ )' e.g. E. _Supp_. 118, _Pho_. 430, 1245, fr.703.1; _LSJ_ s.v. III. For the conceptual metaphor of politics and debate as conflict see above nn.2\u20133 and below. The view taken of 'dead metaphor' here is of course very different from that of Silk (1974) 27\u201356, whose approach is literary, and specifically lexical (and whose concern is with _poetic_ imagery); see further below.\n\n14Solon: 90\u20131; Cleon: 118\u201319. In fact, it is usually impossible to attribute the creation of any aspect of ideology to a particular individual, though there is a tendency to assign any initiative to the leading figure in the period (e.g. Pericles for the third quarter of the fifth century BC) which should be firmly resisted.\n\n15For example (most of them cited below on particular points): Homer: Moulton (1977); Lonsdale (1990); Aeschylus: Lebeck (1971); Sophocles: Goheen (1951), Knox (1957); Euripides: Barlow (1971); Aristophanes: Taillardat (1962); Plato: Louis (1945), Pender (2000). Rutherford (2012) 119\u201362 is a valuable study of a whole genre. However, I am hopeful that the indexes to this work will enable those who wish to pursue such lines of investigation to do so.\n\n16E.g. Charteris-Black (2005) or many of the contributions in Carver and Pikalo (2008).\n\n17Hence we can see in Greek thought a conceptual metaphor related to that proposed by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) 4\u20136 and _passim_ , ARGUMENT IS WAR: for argument as wrestling, see e.g. E. _Ba_. 200, 800 with Dodds (1960), Ar. _Ach_. 385, 565, 704 with Olson (2002), Pl. _Euthd_. 277d, and below 138n.111; Protagoras wrote a work entitled _Kataballontes_ ('Knock-down arguments'; B1 DK).\n\n18Ch. 7, esp. 117\u201318, 121.\n\n19Contrast the frequent use of craftsman imagery for poetic creation (Steiner 1986, 52\u20136), and the recurrent imagery of construction in the speeches of Bill Clinton and Tony Blair: Charteris-Black (2005) 121\u20135, 156\u20137.\n\n20On the use of such imagery by Plato and Aristotle see 160.\n\n21Rutherford (2012) 125\u20137 makes some good observations on this question; NB also Ortony (1975) 49\u201350.\n\n22E.g. Lloyd (1966) 225\u20139, (1987) 172\u2013214, (2003) 8\u201313 \u2013 the latter two passages make use of the concept of 'semantic stretch'; Padel (1992) 9\u201311, 33\u20135 and _passim_.\n\n23More generally, it is clear that Homer has a conception of metaphor: Pelliccia (1995) 37\u20138n.58, Leidl (2003) 38, the latter with reference to _Od_. 20.13\u201315, where the extension of the 'barking' or 'growling' of Odysseus' heart in the simile of the bitch and her pups indicates recognition of the preceding metaphorical usage of the verb _hulaktein_.\n\n24Which is not to dispute the more specific arguments of Lloyd (n.22) regarding the development of technical language in science and medicine.\n\n25More recently, the phenomenon has been explained in terms of cognitive psychology: Boyer (2001) 155\u201391, who notes that Greek gods were unusually anthropomorphic (162); Atran (2002) 51\u201379.\n\n26Below 1, 4, though the picture is complicated by the fact that Zeus is also imagined as the head of a family: see also 84.\n\n27The recent study of 'metaphor and cosmology', with particular reference to Aeschylus and Heraclitus, in Seaford (2012) 240\u201357 is rich and suggestive, though a little constrained by an implicit opposition between 'metaphor' and 'reality'. The way he writes about the former ('merely metaphorical' 244; 'more than mere metaphor' 247) implies that he views it as (simply) a literary feature, and so following Lloyd (above n.22) he treats cosmological accounts as non-metaphorical. Yet when he says that 'Herakleitos directly describes the cosmos' (251), that does not seem quite right, since the philosopher has presumably not (for example) observed a cosmic child playing _pessoi_ (B52; below 20n.69); he must at least be making an analogical surmise. Elsewhere, however, the distinction between abstract and concrete is less clear-cut, and when Seaford writes that 'presocratic cosmology derives... in large part from preconceptions rooted in the changing life of the polis', that '[c]osmological ideas reflect social formation' (241) and that the universality of his key paradigms, ritual and monetary exchange, 'is, like that of monarchy or the polis, unconsciously projected onto the cosmos' (250), we seem to be much closer to structures of thought analogous to conceptual metaphors (so also Cairns 2012, lii). Indeed, the working of ritual, dreams, omens and abstractions as he presents it suggests to me that they would fit comfortably into a loose definition of 'imagery', alongside features such as personification and myth, as indirect expressions of ideas or beliefs (below).\n\n28Hutchinson (2012) 278 suggests that myths, too, are 'a kind of imagery'. Given this broad formulation of 'imagery', I make no formal distinction between metaphor and simile: for a theoretical justification see Ortony (1975) 52\u20133.\n\n29Below 174n.50.\n\n30See, for example, 36n.4 on E. _Pho_. 486 for a characteristic blurring between _oikos_ and polis; again, Clytemnestra's hyperbolic praise of Agamemnon in A. _Ag_. 966\u201372 seems more likely to refer to him as head of the _oikos_ than as king.\n\n31E.g. the claim of Tatum (1989) 82\u20133 that the effect of Cyrus as father is 'infantilization'; against such readings see now Gray (2011) 5\u201369, esp. 44, and NB 31 and 169n.23 below.\n\n#\n\n# Gods as Kings, Kings as Gods\n\nPolitical imagery is a feature of Greek literature from its very beginning, in the poetry of Homer and Hesiod, and the most prominent complex of such imagery is the parallelism between the authority of kings and that of the gods. This parallelism is expressed in two forms: on the one hand, the anthropomorphic gods are depicted in terms of an organized society corresponding to human society, and the power exerted by Zeus and other divinities is presented as corresponding to that of human rulers; on the other, mortal rulers are assimilated to gods, by the attribution to them of a divine or at any rate more than human nature, in a way that serves to enhance their status. Strictly speaking, these are of course different types of political imagery: in the former case, the world of human power relations supplies the term of comparison1 (i.e. this is imagery drawn from politics) while in the latter the comparison is used to describe politics \u2013 that is, it is 'political imagery' in the more commonly used sense.2 Nevertheless, there is a strong sense in which the two fields of imagery can be viewed as reciprocal and founded on a steady conception of the two levels of authority as parallel and hence mutually illuminating.3 The political image of 'kings as gods' clearly has parallels with the (self-) representation of earlier and contemporary Near Eastern rulers; however, in Homer and Hesiod it is found only in a relatively attenuated form which persists in later usage until the concept undergoes a significant change in the later fourth century. By contrast, the parallel conception of 'gods as kings' undergoes a steady development which reflects changing political conditions as well as the evolution of cosmological thinking, and so I shall consider the latter first.\n\n## Gods as kings\n\nThe conception of the gods as living together on Olympus seems to be a creation of the epic tradition, perhaps influenced by the expression of similar ideas in the Near East.4 There is more to this than a divine household, however, though the genealogical aspects of the tradition obviously contribute to the picture: Homer and Hesiod conceive of the gods as forming an organized society like their own,5 and since the gods are self-evidently powerful, their relations reflect those between powerful humans, and have a political aspect. The divine society is a form of monarchy: both Homer and Hesiod represent Zeus as a king, using the same terms ( _anax_ , _basileus_ and cognates) as for mortal rulers.6 Thus he is styled _anax_ ('lord') and his rule described as _anassein_ ('reign') and he is given the titles _basileus_ ('king'), 'king in heaven' and 'highest of rulers', 'king (or 'lord' or 'commander') of the gods' and 'king of all gods and men' (or simply 'of all').7\n\nIn Homer, the authority of Zeus appears firmly established. It is now generally agreed that the _Iliad_ displays an awareness of an earlier stage in the cosmic order, revealed in allusions to the division of the three zones of the world between the three sons of Kronos (below) and the insurrections of the Titans and Typhoeus which feature prominently in the _Theogony_.8 All that, however, is in the past, and while the Homeric poems certainly refer to conflicts between Zeus and the other Olympians (as also between other gods), in many cases the basis of these is familial (especially the friction between Zeus and Hera over Heracles); the only case in which Zeus' authority is represented as having been violently threatened is the conspiracy of Hera, Poseidon and Athena which Thetis is supposed to have thwarted with the aid of the 'hundred-hander' Briareos ( _Il._ 1.396\u2013406). It is possible that the episode is simply Homer's own invention, and that the three gods named are chosen because, as supporters of the Greeks in the _Iliad_ , they would be most opposed to Zeus' acceding to the request of Thetis, in which case the implications for the poet's view of the cosmic order would be limited.9 However, it has also been argued that there are oblique allusions in this context and elsewhere in the poem both to the divine succession which established the supremacy of Zeus and to a version of the myth of Thetis in which she was destined to bear a son greater than his father and so, to obviate the threat to the cosmic order, had to be married to the mortal Peleus.10\n\nThat aspect of the divine order is to the fore in the _Theogony_ , where the emphasis is on the origins of Zeus' power through the overthrowing of his father Kronos, who had overthrown his own father Ouranos. On the one hand, such a model tends to imply that the origins of power lie in force,11 yet the succession of generations also implies a sort of regular system in which each father is overthrown by a more powerful son; Zeus himself would have been subject to the same process, had he not found a way to negate the threat. The two aspects of the monarchic position are suggested by Hesiod's use of the language of kingship: on the one hand, in applying it to Kronos, he implies that his position was a legitimate one,12 while on the other, when, in describing the consequences had Typhoeus defeated Zeus, he says that he 'would have ruled' ( _ken... anaxen Th_. 837), he seems to suggest that legitimacy rests on strength. The possibility of a threat to Zeus' position is also demonstrated in the Homeric _Hymn to Apollo_ , both in the Prologue, in which the advent on Olympus of Zeus' son by Leto causes initial turmoil, and later in the poem where it is Hera who begets Typhaon to challenge Zeus.13 As Clay notes, it is an innovation to locate the threat to Zeus within the Olympian family, though one which harks back to Hera's own descent from Gaia, and the usurper is not a son of Zeus, but engendered parthenogenetically by Hera; in a sense, therefore, the challenge is also to the very patrilineal succession process through which Zeus has become established (and so even more threatening to cosmic order), and the issue is resolved only by the incorporation of Apollo into the Olympian regime as upholder of his father's order.14 We should also make a distinction between the struggle against the Titans, who oppose the establishment of Zeus's regime, and the various uprisings of the giants and monstrous figures such as Typhon\/Typhoeus, which constitute a revolt against that order once established.15 In Homer, although the power of Zeus is mainly sanctioned by his greater strength and the threat of his violent anger,16 there is also an explicit reference to primogeniture as the basis of his greater wisdom and hence, by implication, the authority which Poseidon avoids challenging directly.17 This is in contrast to the Hesiodic model, in which the new ruler is in each case the last-born son.18\n\nInterestingly, although Hera is evidently the consort of Zeus in the Homeric poems, Homer never actually describes her as such, unlike later hexameter poetry: in a fragment of the Hesiodic _Catalogue of Women_ she is called 'queen of gods and men', and she is 'Olympian queen Argive Hera' in the _Phoronis_.19 However, the stable order of the Homeric cosmos is reflected in the recognition of the kingship in their own right of the gods who control the other two spheres of creation, Poseidon and Hades ( _Il_. 15.187\u201392). Poseidon is depicted as lord of the sea at the beginning of _Iliad_ 13, and named as such ( _anakta_ ) in line 28, while in the _Odyssey_ Proteus is described as _Poseida\u00f4nos hypodm\u00f4s_ ('servant of Poseidon': 4.386), and represented as tending the god's livestock, a picture which underlines Poseidon's authority in his own sphere. The concept of Hades as 'lord of the dead' is widely distributed in epic,20 and his authority in his own realm is nicely pointed up by two passages in the _Hymns_ : in the _Hymn to Demeter_ he promises Persephone power over all living creatures, with elegant irony, since she will derive that power from being his consort, and in a similar passage the ambitious infant Hermes is threatened with having his authority restricted to children if he is sent down to Hades as one himself.21 No other god is regularly assigned such a position: when Athena is described as ruling all other gods and men with Zeus ( _Od._ 16.260\u20135), it seems to be due to a combination of the important position which she occupies in the poem, and in Odysseus' mind, as his patroness, while on a lower level, Apollo can be described as ruling all mortals ( _hAp_. 29) in recognition of his exalted power and wisdom. There does seem to be a distinction of status between the gods who are siblings of Zeus and those who belong to the next generation, hence Poseidon's dismissive retort to Iris that Zeus would do better to threaten his own children than his brother ( _Il_. 15.196\u20139).\n\nYet if the gods are clearly subordinate to Zeus, within the Olympian order each has his or her _tim\u00ea_ or privileged sphere of influence. In Homer, the term is used of the established cosmic division between Zeus, Poseidon and Hades ( _Il_. 15.189); Hesiod alludes several times to Zeus assigning the _timai_ of the gods, and the proper attribution of powers and spheres of influence to each divinity is a major concern of the Homeric hymns.22 By extension, gods can be described as ruling the places of which they are patrons: the word _med\u00f4n\/medeousa_ is already used in the _Iliad_ and the _Hymns_ to associate the 'rule' of a god with a particular place, and later the idea is particularly prominent in Pindar, who applies the concept to Apollo ( _P_. 1.39 cf. 3.27) and the nymphs Cyrene ( _P_. 9.7, 54, 69\u201370) and Thebe ( _I._ 8.21\u20132).23 So, too, in _O_. 7.64f. Helios exacts a sworn legal title to Rhodes as his _geras_ ('portion, privilege'), and in _P_. 9.56\u20137 Cyrene is assured of a similar legal right ( _ennomon_ 57) to her portion of Libya.\n\nThe stable political organisation of Olympus is also reflected in its institutions. Like humans, the gods meet in assembly;24 sometimes this is simply so that Zeus can make his will public, as when he warns the other gods off the battlefield ( _Il_. 8.5\u201327) and dares them to challenge his strength, but at other times it can act as a genuine forum, within which Athena can raise the case of Odysseus ( _Od_. 5.7\u201320) and get her way. Likewise, the gods are envisaged as having a system of justice: in the _Odyssey_ this is simply a matter of financial compensation for an evident wrong ( _Od_. 8.332, 347\u201356), but the _Hymn to Hermes_ presents a more sophisticated picture of search and testimony followed by a hearing before an arbitrator.25 The Cyclopes of the _Odyssey_ represent the other pole, a totally uncivilized society without either political or judicial structures (9.106, 112\u201315 cf. 189, 215), each being an independent king in his own household; such a situation is described by Plato in the _Laws_ (680b-d) as _dynasteia_ (autocracy) and as the most primitive system of government, though Aristotle assimilates it to the democratic freedom to choose one's private life ( _EN_ 1180a26\u20139).26 Polyphemus boasts that the Cyclopes do not even fear the gods, a position based entirely on strength (9.273\u201380, esp. 276). He duly comes to grief, and as a whole the picture of stable justice among the Homeric gods is of a piece with the stable cosmic government of Zeus, counterpointing the mutability of human affairs and the fallibility of mortals.\n\nWhile the other gods are ultimately subject to Zeus, as Ares avows ( _Il_. 5.878), he is nowhere in Homer autocratic; he shows respect for other powers such as Night ( _Il_. 14.261) and expresses concern that he may antagonise other gods such as Poseidon and Hera when his actions are in conflict with their wishes ( _Il_. 1.518\u201323; _Od_. 1.64\u201379). There is an additional complexity in the relations of the gods, in that they also constitute a family and household;27 inasmuch as there are tensions between them, these seem to owe as much to family as to political dynamics, while at the same time the social interplay between the gods serves to prevent serious escalation in tension: by day Zeus and Hera may quarrel over the fate of Troy, but they sleep together by night. There is the same kind of ambiguity in Zeus's position at the head of two patriarchal systems, house and kingdom, simultaneously; in both cases the term used is the same, _anax_. One may suggest, however, that insofar as Zeus appears influenced by the disapproval of other gods, this is due more to his familial position.\n\nAt bottom, the state of affairs described by Homer and Hesiod is the same, but seen from different perspectives. Hesiod is concerned with the aetiology of the cosmic order, and this tends to lend prominence to questions of the origin and basis of power. Homer on the other hand is more concerned with the exercise of power. Indeed, the balance which Zeus strikes between asserting his superior position and exercising tact and respect for the _timai_ and opinion of other gods can be seen as in counterpoint to Agamemnon's negotiation of a similar position of relative superiority among the Greek leaders: Zeus represents an ideal of kingship both for earthly kings, in his secure and potent authority, and for the ruled, in his tactful reluctance to use it.\n\nWe can trace an evolution of both the 'steady state' and the dynamic models of the divine political order in later Greek literature. Hesiod's succession of divine rulers is echoed in the Orphic theogony28 and in later cosmogonies: Epimenides gives a couple of picturesque aetiological stories concerning Zeus's struggle with Kronos and his rise to power, and Pherecydes of Syros tells of a battle between Kronos and Ophioneus (an analogue of Typhon).29 Herodotus (2.144.2) records a tradition reminiscent of Hesiod from Egypt, in which Horus overthrows Typhon\/Seth and rules in his place.30 In the late fifth century we also find more circumstantial stories in a Hesiodic vein: in fr.10 (Fowler) Epimenides seems to give an account of Typhon's attempt to overthrow Zeus which (apart from the decisive thunderbolt) is strikingly reminiscent of the coups that brought many tyrants to power: 'In Epimenides it is said that Typhon climbed up to the palace while Zeus was asleep, gained control of the gates and made his way inside; when Zeus came to the rescue and saw the palace taken he killed him with a thunderbolt.'31 There is also a tantalizing fragment of Stesimbrotus preserved in Philodemus ( _FGrH_ 107 F17): 'he says that Zeus received his authority from his mother Rhea and was again deprived of it by her, and she then gave dominion to Artemis and Athena'; the picture of 'king-making' by a female may owe something to Greek perceptions of Persian practice.32 The mythical background here is obscure, but given the reference in Empedocles to Aphrodite as queen (below) a model of alternation between male and female rule in the cosmos is conceivable.\n\nWe find a development of the same realism in the _Prometheus Bound_ , in which relations between the gods are treated in terms of fifth-century politics. Zeus' seizure of power was a datum of the myth,33 but the political detail is striking. Zeus is a tyrant,34 new, hard and autocratic, with complete power; no-one is free but he, he keeps justice to himself, mistrusts his friends, receives the other gods in his _aul\u00ea_ (court) like a Homeric king and allots their privileges and powers. He possesses the emblems of royalty, sceptre and throne, too, but can expect a deposition as violent as his accession.35 Most interesting is the treatment of Zeus' rise to power as an exercise in power politics (198f.): initially the gods are split by _stasis_ into pro- and anti-Zeus factions; at first Prometheus sides with the Titans, who in this version seem to be allies of Kronos rather than later rebels (221), but when they are unwilling to follow his advice he changes sides and puts his wiles at the disposal of Zeus, who duly wins. This is followed by the picture of the new king putting affairs in order (228f.). There is a general atmosphere of fear, particularly in the Oceanus episode; it is also in keeping with the tone of the play that Hermes, messenger of the gods, is here portrayed as the tyrant's lackey, adding his own bluster to his master's threats, like Euripides' heralds in _Heracleidae_ and _Supplices_. It is a reflection of the fifth-century experience of political strife that its aftermath is seen as bitter and uncertain, rather than the stability previously associated with the rule of Zeus.36\n\nThe established political organisation of the gods is naturally carried over from epic to lyric poetry and becomes more or less commonplace, particularly the position of Zeus as king of the gods and heaven.37 More loosely, he is styled 'master of all', 'chief of the Olympian gods' and 'commander of Olympus', while Hipponax uses a Lydian word, _palmus_ , which is analogous to _turannos_. His rule is spoken of as _anassein_ , and he receives the Homeric epithet _euruanax_ ('wide-ruling'); reminiscent of Homer also is _ouranou... kreonti_ ('ruler of heaven').38 As with a Homeric king, Zeus' power is symbolized by his sceptre \u2013 Bacchylides calls him 'golden-sceptred'; Pindar speaks of a 'rule of Zeus', and Simonides calls him _aristarchon_ ('best-ruling': 614). Occasionally his rule is set out at greater length, as by Theognis: 'for you rule over all, holding honour ( _tim\u00ean_ ) and great power... your power is greatest of all, O king.'39 In the same way, Hera is called queen of the gods, holds a sceptre and shares the throne of Zeus. Other deities accorded royal status in lyric are Hades 'the all-receiving king ( _basil\u00eaa_ ) of the dead', Hermes ' _palmus_ of Kyllene' and 'queen' Athena;40 Hestia is also accorded a sceptre in Pi. _N_.11.4, and the generality of the usage is implied by Pindar's description of the Olympians in _Pythian_ 3.94 as _Kronou paidas basil\u00eaas_ ('the kings, the sons of Kronos'). Empedocles too says that the men of the Golden Age were subject not to Zeus _basileus_ , but to _Kupris basileia_.41\n\nThe case is similar in tragedy: in Aeschylus' _Supplices_ Zeus is said not to defer to any higher authority, or owe respect to any superior power, but to plan and act at will,42 and in _Ag_. 509 he is described as 'Zeus, highest of the land'. Likewise in Sophocles, Odysseus calls Zeus 'the lord of this land' ( _Phil_. 989), in _Ant_. 608 he is called _dunastas_ ('potentate'), and he is 'the king who governs everything' at _Trach_. 127\u20138, while in _O.T_. 903\u20135 the chorus appeal to Zeus as 'O governing ( _kratun\u00f4n_ ) Zeus, ruling ( _anass\u00f4n_ ) all things' and speak of 'your everlasting immortal rule'. Near the end of the fifth century, even the sophist Gorgias calls Zeus ' _turannos_ of all' (B11.3); it is hard to know whether the title is poetically neutral, or a provocative example of sophistic plain speaking, like the acknowledgement that Athens' empire is a tyranny (below 124). However, by the early fourth century, Isocrates can appeal to the kingship of Zeus as an argument in favour of earthly monarchy (3.26): if the tale is true, he says, the gods clearly favour monarchy, and if it is a matter of human conjecture, obviously the human inventors of the tale would have attributed the best of constitutions to the gods.\n\nAs in Homer and lyric, the tragic gods of the underworld have their own domain: in _Choephoroi_ Aeschylus speaks of 'rulers of those below' ( _nerter\u00f4n turannides_ 405);43 Agamemnon once dead is only an attendant on these powers ( _Cho._ 357\u20139). A speaker in a tantalizing fragment of Euripides attempts to unite the two powers in a somewhat confused piece of theology: he or she apparently regards Zeus and Hades as alternative titles for one god ('whether you are pleased to be called Zeus or Hades' 2\u20133), yet says that this divinity wields the sceptre of Zeus and shares ( _metecheis_ , 8) the power of Hades. The context appears to involve necromancy, so perhaps the speaker's aim is to invoke the power of the god by any means possible.44 At all events, this interesting rationalizing throws into relief the traditional independence of Hades, usually shunned by the other gods: for his independent rule one may compare the addressing of Persephone as _Chthoni\u00f4n basileia_ ('queen of those beneath the earth') in the fourth-century Orphic tablets. Herodotus reports the Egyptian belief that Demeter and Dionysus were lords of the underworld; he also attributes this kind of expression to other non-Greek peoples, relating that Thracian and Paeonian women sacrifice to 'queen Artemis', and referring to Hestia as 'queen of the Scythians'.45\n\nLater poetry also takes over and develops the idea that the society of the gods has political institutions analogous to those of the human world. By the fifth century, we encounter references to decrees ( _ps\u00eaphismata_ ) in Empedocles ('There is an oracle of necessity, an ancient decree of the gods, eternal, sealed with broad oaths') and his pupil Gorgias ('through the counsels of Tyche and... the decrees of Necessity').46 Pindar also gives us a council of the gods ( _I_. 8.29f.): he speaks of an 'assembly of the blessed ones ( _makar\u00f4n agorai_ )' which has apparently been called to decide whether Zeus or Poseidon should marry Thetis (33), but which ends, after the speech of Themis, by agreeing that she should marry Peleus;47 the final vote is by the nod of divine assent (49\u201350), since the choice between Zeus and Poseidon has been superseded by the proposal of Themis, which can be settled simply by indicating approval or disapproval. Similar ideas are expressed in tragedy: there is an atmosphere of 'the chancelleries of Olympus'48 in the opening scene of Euripides' _Alcestis_ , in which Thanatos lays stress on his _tim\u00ea_ (30, 53) and appointed task (49), while Apollo appeals to _charis_ (60, 70) as if in a Homeric relationship of mutual benefaction. An incidental aspect of the developed view of the political organization of Olympus is the description of lesser powers as _xunedros_ or _paredros_ (assessor; lit. 'sitting with\/beside'): in Pindar, Rhadamanthus ( _O_. 2.76) and Themis ( _O_. 8.21\u20132) are _paredroi_ of Zeus, and Eileithyia has the same relation to the Moirai ( _N_. 7.1); in Sophocles ( _O.C_. 1382) we find the idea of Justice sitting as assessor beside Zeus, while in Euripides' _Helen_ 878\u20139 _paredros_ is used of the full council of gods attending Zeus. In all these cases the implication is of advice given to the higher power.49\n\nBoth the establishment of the divine order and its political operation can of course be parodied in comedy. Thus in an anonymous comic fragment ( _Com. Adesp_. fr.1062), apparently part of a prologue, the speaker, Rhea, describes Kronos' precautions against being overthrown because he has received an oracle (with typical comic disregard for logic, from Apollo) 'that he will be expelled from the kingship by his child'. Similarly Aristophon fr.11 ( _Puthagoristes_ ) describes the disenfranchisement of Eros by the Twelve Gods for causing _stasis_ among them: he is banished to earth, and his wings are given to Nike to prevent his flying back.50\n\nBoth lyric and tragedy suggest a gradual broadening in the range of divinities who can be characterized as regal: Bacchylides styles Asopus 'lord of rivers' (9.45) and Pindar makes Boreas lord of the winds ( _P_. 4.181), while the stars are _dunastai_ in Aeschylus ( _Ag_. 6). Even in Homer we can already see the beginnings of a related phenomenon, the tendency to extend the concept through the personification of abstract powers which are conceived of as dynasts in their own right: hence Hypnos ( _Il_. 14.233) and Night ( _Il_. 14.259) are described as having dominion over all gods and men, by virtue of the power which they exert (all must sleep, and Night brings sleep).51 In Aeschylus' _Eumenides_ (127\u20138) Sleep and _Ponos_ (Toil) conspire to overcome the Furies, and Ajax acknowledges Sleep among the great cosmic powers in his 'deception speech' (S. _Aj_. 675\u20136). Pindar extends the range to Time (Chronos) and Nomos (Law or Custom): the former is described as 'surpassing all the blessed gods' (fr.33) and the latter as 'king of all mortals and immortals' (fr.169a.1\u20132).52 Critias likewise speaks of Dike (Justice) as a _turannos_ enslaving _hybris_ ( _TrGF_ 43 F19.6\u20137), and by the end of the period, the thought is applied to Tyche (i.e. Fortune), the ' _turannos_ of all the gods'.53 As with Night and Sleep and, perhaps, with Hades (who to some extent comes to stand for death54 and, with Zeus, is the god most fully characterized as a monarch), the implication is of powers which compel ultimate submission rather than immediate obedience. Gorgias' description of Logos in the _Helen_ as _dunast\u00eas megas_ ('a great potentate', B11.8) is clearly in the same tradition (Isocrates characterizes it as leader or guide ( _h\u00eagem\u00f4n_ ) of every thought and act [3.9 = 15.257]), and the paean to Air in the Hippocratic treatise _On Breaths_ (3) also seems to owe more to this mode of thought than to the ideas of the Presocratic philosophers: 'he is the greatest of all potentates ( _dunast\u00eas_ ) in all respects, and his power is worthy of contemplation... for what could happen without him, or from what is he absent, or on what does he not attend?'55\n\nAnother extension of this conception is the move towards characterizing in political terms any influence on the human mind or feelings. Thus political power is extended to the paraphernalia of the symposium: Ion invokes wine as a king and as 'ruler of men'56 and an unknown character in tragedy claims that 'wine persuaded me, highest of the gods' ( _TrGF Adesp._ fr.570), while in the comic poet Antiphanes he is represented as a general (fr.19.4). Likewise the flute is a _turannos_ in Sophocles, and credited with ambitions to be a general ( _strat\u00ealatas_ ) of drunken comasts by Pratinas.57 A doubtful fragment of Anacreon (505d) attributes power over gods and men to Eros, who is also called _turannos_ of men in E. _Hipp_. 538 and of gods and men in fr.136.58 The same term is also used of Persuasion, a power strongly associated with Eros (E. _Hec._ 816), and another form of persuasion is invoked in an anonymous tragic fragment ( _TrGF Adesp._ fr.129) in which gold is addressed as 'most powerful of [or over] all, _turannos_ of all'.59 The latter image is developed by Plato, who speaks of the oligarchic man establishing the desire for wealth in himself as a Persian monarch with the royal insignia of tiara, collar and sword at _Republic_ 553c4\u20137 (below 153).\n\nThere is a striking adaptation of Homer's picture of Zeus in Heraclitus B53: 'War is the father of all and king of all, and some he shows as gods, others as men; some he makes slaves, others free.' [tr. Kirk, Raven and Schofield]. Heraclitus has taken the traditional titles of Zeus, but bestowed them on War, an inanimate power which is his 'favourite metaphor for the dominance of change in the world'.60 The elaborate parallelism suggests that he is saying that War as an engine of change performs the functions of father and king, inasmuch as whether one is a man or a god is a question of one's parentage,61 whether one is a slave or a free man is at the whim of a king (i.e. the capricious fortunes of war). Such unhampered power might seem more typical of tyranny, but Heraclitus clearly chooses to exploit the twin roles of Zeus as cosmic ruler.\n\nThis passage is also a helpful bridge to the way in which the analogical view of the gods as cosmic rulers formed the starting-point for the political cosmologies of the Presocratics. The earliest such instances are concerned with cosmic justice and equality,62 beginning with Anaximander B1, which speaks of cosmic justice and reparation for wrongs done: 'for they [the cosmic 'opposites'] pay penalty and reparation ( _dik\u00ean kai tisin_ ) to each other for their injustice according to the assessment of Time'. With this one may compare Heraclitus' statement that the sun is deterred from overstepping his limits by the Erinyes 'helpers of Dike' (B94) and his belief in a cosmic justice which 'nourishes' all earthly law (B114).63 While these passages assert a systematic arrangement in the cosmos, they have no detailed political context; there is, however, a definite political framework implied by certain passages of Empedocles. In B17 DK [=8 Wright] 27\u20139 he describes the circular course of creation in terms of the successive authority of powers otherwise entirely equal in standing and privilege; in B30 [=23 Wright, with commentary] he describes Strife rising to a power which has been agreed by compact, while in B35 [=47 Wright] 9\u201311 there are overtones of the opposite process, with Strife submitting rather reluctantly to cosmic relegation from the seat of power.\n\nResemblances to these ideas can be seen in certain passages of tragedy. In Aeschylus' _Agamemnon_ the messenger describes a conspiracy to destroy the Atreidae between the elements fire and water. Ajax in his 'deception speech' speaks of the cycle of the seasons and days in terms analogous to the succession of magistrates at Athens, giving way to due authority ( _timais_ ) and resigning ( _existatai_ ) in favour of their successors.64 Likewise in Euripides' _Phoenissae_ (535\u201350), though she gives it no explicit political colour, Jocasta uses the cosmic manifestations of _Isot\u00eas_ ('Equality') to argue for equality and justice in Eteocles' political behaviour.\n\nConceptions of elemental balance comparable to those to be seen in cosmology are being applied around the same date to the internal order of the bodily microcosm: Alcmaeon (B4) represents the health of the body as dependent on a balance of power ( _isonomia_ ) between the various elements (as opposed to fair succession), while the dominance ( _monarchia_ ) of any one brings sickness,65 and a similar doctrine lies behind the statement in the Hippocratic treatise _Airs, Waters, Places_ (12) that growth and gentleness are most favoured in an environment 'when nothing prevails ( _epikrateon_ )66 by force, but equal shares of everything hold sway ( _pantos isomoiri\u00ea dunasteu\u00eai_ ).67 In the Hippocratics, the main rationale seems to be that widespread health implies a stable order, though since illness arises frequently, the balance of power is conceived of as less firmly established than in Presocratic cosmology. However, while internal balance is the leading concept in Hippocratic conceptions of bodily order, this did not prevent a minority of writers, like contemporary cosmologists, from founding their ideas on the predominance of a single element, as we have seen.68\n\nFrom ideas of balance and equality we move to a single directing force in the cosmos. This idea is already present in Xenophanes (B23, 25), though without any overt political colour, and in two obscure fragments of Heraclitus (B52, 53).69 In Anaxagoras and Diogenes we find the more straightforward identification of a single element in the cosmos as its ruler. In the case of the former it is Mind, while for his part Diogenes believed that Air was the intelligent element.70 The Pythagoreans seem similarly to have conceived of the cosmos as in a general sense monarchic, to judge from the observation attributed to Pythagoras71 that just as under a monarchy one would be foolish to seek favours by courting an underling while neglecting the supreme ruler and king, so one should seek all good things from the god; however, this authority does not appear to have been strongly characterized, since their description of the central fire as the 'tower', 'guard-house' or 'throne' of Zeus (B37) was clearly figurative. Plato makes some use of the idea of a sole intelligent ruler in the cosmos,72 and the concept resurfaces in striking form at the end of _Metaphysics_ \u039b (1076a3\u20134), where Aristotle backs up his firm assertion that there can only be one first principle by quoting Odysseus in the _Iliad_ (2.204): 'the rule of many is not a good thing: let there be one ruler'.\n\nAs Lloyd has pointed out,73 the transfer of the political model to cosmology brings a significant change, in that while the power relations described involve entities which are in some sense personalities, these are not anthropomorphic; hence in the absence of human emotion and caprice, it is easier to conceive of their interaction as regular and orderly, as a model of the cosmos requires. Order, equality and balance are the keynotes of much Presocratic cosmology, as they are of the conception of the body in early Hippocratic writings; even a figure like Heraclitus who wishes to emphasize the dynamic character of the universe is still aiming to give a rational and structured account of it. No doubt the Greek desire for order, implicit in the word _kosmos_ itself, also played a part; it certainly lies behind the Hippocratic doctrine of _krasis_ ('mixture'). When these ideas first appear, they can be viewed as reflecting the emergent order of the polis, and are often seen as very much in line with contemporary political ideals of abstract justice and social order of the kind expressed by Hesiod and Solon and exemplified by the slogans _nomos_ and _isonomia_ ; however, it is worth noting that these trends persist even into the fifth century, when more radical ideas of democracy have taken root and examples of democratic constitutions have become widespread, perhaps precisely because of their capacity to accommodate a diversity of conceptions of order and balance.74\n\nThe other characteristic feature of these cosmologies, more evident in the monarchic models of the cosmos, is the emphasis on the intelligence of the directing power, which we have already noted in Anaxagoras and Diogenes. Indeed, it is this aspect that persists even when at the end of the Presocratic period we encounter attempts to dispense with the personal and political elements of the picture. Already in Xenophanes (B23, 25) we find God divorced from the cosmos at large; Anaxagoras goes a step further with incorporeal Mind, though he still finds himself justifying its position in physical terms, while his pupil Archelaus develops the idea by reducing the role of Mind, bringing it back into the cosmos and, probably, reducing its role in creation.75 The atomists, however, dispensed entirely with a directing intelligence, and instead resorted to 'necessity', a mechanistic process which is neither purposeful nor random, though while departing from the traditional picture of the rule of the gods, Democritus was content to leave a place for gods in the cosmos.76\n\nBy the later fifth century, the removal of the traditional government of the cosmos, combined with the personification of abstracts which can be conceived of as intelligent, paves the way for the idea of the rule of law. The sophistic treatise known as the Anonymus Iamblichi argues that 'the kingship of law and justice among men' was invented owing to the need for human society, and order within it. Lysias describes the Athenians as ruled ( _basileuomenous_ ) by law, and Alcidamas speaks of 'laws that are kings of cities'. The characterization of Nomos as a personalized agent was further developed in the fourth century, particularly by Plato, who also describes the ideal constitution as divine; hence, submission to the laws may be represented as submission to the gods.77\n\n## Kings as gods\n\nI turn now to the other side of the coin, kings as gods. In the Near East, there was quite a strong perception that kings were literally divine, or at least more than mortal. In Egypt the pharaoh was a god or gods, and he is often described as established by Re, the father of Horus.78 Description of kings as divine is rare in Mesopotamia, but as holders of a kingship bestowed by the gods, and mediators between god and man, kings were felt to be of supreme importance, and for this reason were often referred to as 'sons of the gods', a description which also suggested the king's dependence on the gods, and the gods' interest in the ruler.79 The same ideas presumably underlie addresses to the Israelite king as the Lord's son (e.g. _Ps_. 2.7; Dvornik 1966, 297), though in one exceptional case the king is apostrophized as 'divine' ( _Ps_. 45.7). One link between Near Eastern and Egyptian ideas is the metaphorical styling of Near Eastern kings as 'the sun'; in Persia this assimilates them to Ahura-Mazda, and there is perhaps a connection with the radiant _Hvarena_ , the kingly glory.80\n\nIn Homer, the linkage is significantly weaker: with the exception of Priam's epitaph on Hector 'who was a god among men' ( _Il_. 24.258) \u2013 which implies the rejoinder 'and yet all too mortal' \u2013 it is confined to simile. Thus we hear that Homeric leaders are honoured like a god by their people, or will be so honoured, or are looked on as gods.81 More strongly, they may be greeted as gods or even prayed to as gods: 'all prayed among gods to Zeus and to Nestor among men'; compare Hector 'to whom the Trojans in the city prayed like a god'; in the only example of the image in Hesiod the wise king receives the same adulation. Similarly, Nestor's flattering remark to Agamemnon 'with you I shall end, from you I shall begin' recalls the addresses to gods in the Homeric hymns.82\n\nIn the _Iliad_ (and _Od_. 11.484, where the context is Iliadic) the reference is principally to the prowess and stature of the leader concerned, as in the simple assessment of Idomeneus' glory that 'he stood like a god' ( _Il_. 3.230\u20131); the Trojan adoration of Hector has the same basis. In the _Odyssey_ and Hesiod, on the other hand, the honour seems more due to the civic arts, especially the administration of justice. So Arete is noted for her wisdom in settling disputes ( _Od_. 7.74), just as Alcinoos and the putative orator of 8.169f. are for their eloquence, and the same applies to the kings in Hesiod _Th_. 81f.\n\nThe attenuated character of the image is reflected in its sometimes perfunctory application to heroes. In two of the passages cited above, those honoured with quasi-divinity are only introduced to be none too gloriously killed by Greeks (Hypsenor _Il_. 5.78, Laogonos 16.604). The same is true of its extension well beyond royalty: thus in _Od_. 14.205\u20136 Castor is admired by the people as a god simply for his prosperity and his children, and in _Il_. 14.72\u20133 Zeus is said to exalt the whole Trojan army. In the _Odyssey_ it is almost a commonplace of courtesy to enquire of well-favoured strangers whether they are gods;83 both Odysseus and Telemachus promise prayers to their female benefactors as to a god (8.467, 15.181) and the author of the hymn to Apollo goes so far as to liken all the Ionians at their festival to immortals ( _hAp_. 151).\n\nWhile there is still a residue of admiration for kings as more than human, combined with the usual nostalgia for a heroic age when men were like gods and kings looked like kings,84 the basis of the image is already the use of the gods as a general standard of excellence and blessedness: beauty in strangers suggests divinity, the wise counsellor is _theophin m\u00east\u00f4r atalantos_ ('an adviser equal to a god') and the brave man _atalantos Ar\u00eai_ ('equal to Ares'), while _dios_ ('godlike') is used to denote excellence not only in heroes, but in women, swineherds, whole nations, horses, land, and so on. This trend leads in the classical period to a handsome man being called _seios_ (i.e. _theios_ , 'divine') at Sparta, and to Eupolis' saying that the Athenians prayed to their statesmen of the past 'like gods \u2013 because that's what they were'.85 So too in Theognis (338\u201340) a man perfectly successful at requiting friends and enemies would seem like a god.\n\nReferences in later Greek literature to men as divine or godlike in a political context occur in passages with Homeric colouring. The Delphic oracle is said to have hesitated whether to call Lycurgus a god or a man, and inclined to the former, no doubt in admiration of his status as a creator and upholder of law (nr.29 P-W), and one of the Harmodius skolia ( _PMG_ 894) is sure that the tyrannicide is not dead, but has been translated to the Isles of the Blest.86 In the same way, Plato in a number of passages attributes to his ideal rulers and lawgivers a more than human quality: the reverential attitude towards Lycurgus is traditional ( _Lg._ 691e, _Phdr_.258c),87 but Plato extends this to his ideal rulers, referring to the Nocturnal Council in the _Laws_ as _theios_ (966d, 969b cp.945c), and attributing to the Guardians in the _Republic_ the epithets _s\u00f4t\u00earas te kai epikourous_ ('saviours and protectors') which would be appropriate to gods.88 After death the Guardians, like founders of colonies, will be honoured with sacrifices as _daimones_ , subject to Pythian approval, or failing that as _eudaimones kai theioi_ ('blessed and holy': 540bc); similarly, Xenophon suggests that the funeral honours for Spartan kings were devised by Lycurgus to reflect their heroic character ( _Resp.Lac_. 15.9).\n\nIn a couple of instances in tragedy the effect of the image seems to be one of misdirection. While the priest states that Oedipus is not a god, but rather the first of men ( _S_. _O.T_. 31\u20133), he is certainly god-like in receiving suppliants and being hailed as saviour (48 cf. the reference to 'your altars' at 16); he is taking the place of the god for the Thebans (14; contr. 904\u20135), and replies appropriately (216f.), creating a feeling of an enviable but dangerous eminence. In A. _Supp_. 373 the phrase _monops\u00eaphoisi neumasi_ ('with nods that vote alone') recalls the nod of Zeus; here the usage, like the whole stanza, is designed to create a picture of a king like a Persian monarch, with absolute, uncontrolled power, which Pelasgus can then refute by his constitutionality.\n\nIt is thus rare for Greek rulers to be straightforwardly characterized as divine. What we find instead are two more oblique uses of the concept. On the one hand, and unsurprisingly, the stronger Near Eastern use of the image is reflected in Greek literature concerned with Persians. Thus in Aeschylus' _Persae_ Xerxes and Darius are described as gods (157, 642\u20133, 651) or as equal to gods (80, 634, 655, 711, 856; cf. Hecuba's reference to the throne of Troy as _t\u00eas isotheou turannidos_ ('tyranny like that of a god': E. _Tro_.1169)). Herodotus gives us more detail: from the idea of the king as the best and fairest of men (4.91.2, 7.187.2, 8.68\u03b3; cf. 3.20.2 \u2013 the king of the Ethiopians is chosen as being the biggest and strongest) and perception of his splendour comes the idea that the invading Xerxes is actually Zeus in disguise (7.56.2; compare Gorgias' phrase 'Xerxes, the Zeus of the Persians (B5a), criticized as bombast by Longinus 3.2); the Greek protestations in 7.203.2 that the invader is not a god, but a man, suggest that the Persians may have played on the idea for propaganda purposes. Certainly Alexander of Macedon speaks of Xerxes in terms of more than human power and reach (8.140\u03b22), which perhaps reflects Greek accounts of the institutions of the King's eyes and ears, which extended his perception throughout his realm; so too Deioces had 'watchers and listeners' throughout his kingdom in Media (Hdt. 1.100.2).89 Likewise Cyrus saw himself as more than human (Hdt. 1.204; NB Deioces' desire to appear _heteroios_ ['of a different kind': 1.99.2]), and the kings of India seemed to Scylax to be of a different type from their subjects.90 Kings of Persia were perceived not merely as rulers of their land, but as its possessors91 and Xerxes' megalomaniac ambition is to make his realm co-extensive with what the sun can see (7.8\u03b3). A further symbol of the distinct character of Persian monarchs, at least in Greek eyes, was the custom of _proskynesis_ (ritual obeisance): Lloyd remarks, in reference to Herodotus' statement that Egyptians greet one another in this way, that 'to a Greek such prostration before another was not only regarded as degrading and ridiculous, but also as blasphemy; for proskuvnhsi~ was a cult act in Greece.' One may compare the remark of the Spartans whom the Persians tried to force to fall before Xerxes, as reported by Herodotus, that 'it was not their custom to prostrate themselves before human beings ( _anthr\u00f4pon proskuneein_ )'.92\n\nThe other oblique approach is the satirical burlesque. Attic comedy contains a series of attacks on Pericles the Olympian.93 Cratinus, who seems to have enjoyed a similar relationship with Pericles to that of Aristophanes with Cleon, refers to him on three occasions as Zeus, profiting each time by the opportunity to refer to the peculiar shape of his head, particularly by perverting traditional epithets of the god: in his _Nemesis_ he calls him 'Zeus patron of foreigners and head of state ( _Zeu xenie kai karaie_ )' and in the _Cheirones_ we find the marvellous _kephal\u00eageretan_ ('head-gatherer').94 In this fragment, Cratinus, in a comic cosmogony, calls him the son of Chronos (Time)95 and Stasis; the reference to the overthrow of a divine tyranny in fr.171.22\u20133 ( _Ploutoi_ ) might indicate that Pericles played this role there, though the details are not entirely clear.96 Telecleides fr.18 ( _Hesiodoi_ ) calls him 'the Olympian', Hermippus fr.47 ( _Moirai_ ) refers to him as 'king of the Satyrs' and Plato Comicus fr. 207, in identifying Damon as his Cheiron, may have referred to him as one of the heroes.97 In Aristophanes' _Acharnians_ 530\u20131 the reference would seem to be chiefly to his Olympian anger, but in 531 there may also be a reference to the thunder of his oratory (cf. _Com. Adesp_. frr.288, 701), given that from Homer onwards the thunderbolt is a symbol of Zeus' power.\n\nAspasia is similarly a divine consort: Cratinus made her Hera to Pericles' Zeus in the comic cosmogony in _Cheirones_ : 'and as his Hera, Buggery ( _Katapugosun\u00ea_ ) bears Aspasia the shameless concubine ( _pallak\u00ean kun\u00f4pida_ )', and it would appear that this was also her title in Eupolis' _Philoi_ (fr.294).98 Elsewhere in Eupolis she was referred to as Helen; she was also called the new Omphale (presumably because she kept Pericles in bondage), perhaps by Cratinus, and further identified with Deianeira: presumably Pericles was therefore Heracles, the implication being in both cases that she was bad for him, and, perhaps, dominated him.99\n\nBy contrast, Cleon is depicted as a Typhon (Ar. _Eq_. 511) and a multi-formed monster ( _Vesp_. 1030\u20136 = _Pax_ 752, 754\u20139). Just as Aristophanes is the Heracles who takes on Cleon's monster ( _Vesp_. 1030 = _Pax_ 752), so Plato Comicus complains that politicians grow like the Hydra's heads, and need an Iolaus to cauterize them (fr.202); the philosophic Plato uses the image of the Hydra's heads to illustrate the futility of trying to cure social ills by ad hoc legislation ( _R_. 426e).\n\nBy the end of the fifth century, however, we can detect a change in the fortunes of the image which reflects the rising stock of monarchy. The political context was beginning to shift, as the conferral of divine honours on living individuals began to creep into Greece, the earliest case being that of Lysander, to whom the Samians dedicated a festival (Plut. _Lys_. 18.4) and who had a paean written in his honour ( _PMG_ 867). 100 This calculated political use of divine honours seems to be of a different type from honours paid to an _oikist\u00eas_ (founder of a colony) even in the fifth century, though the Amphipolitan treatment of Brasidas in 422, an overtly political gesture, perhaps marks the beginning of secularization. Plato's willingness to heroize his guardians needs to be viewed in this light. Even more striking is the case of Isocrates who, though hostile to _proskynesis_ and Persian despotism when writing for a broad Greek public, intriguingly reflects it in his advice to Nicocles. Starting from the fairly trite observation that monarchs are considered godlike because of their advantages, he goes on to observe that kingship is not in fact like a priesthood, which anyone can fill; the king must be special. This is elaborated in terms reminiscent of Persian ideology: the king should want to be superior, and indeed the honour paid to him is because he is best ( _beltistos_ ), so he should look worthy of his rule and be solemn and remote ( _semnos_ ); in a related passage Isocrates attributes to Nicocles a claim to omnipresent omniscience of the sort achieved by the King's Eyes and Ears. That Isocrates should write to Philip suggesting that once he has subdued Asia there will be nothing left but to become a god is, in the context of these ideas, not surprising.101\n\nTowards the end of the period, we can detect a convergence between the two fields of imagery addressed in this chapter in the emergence of the idea of the ruler as embodying law ( _nomos empsuchos_ ), a concept which gained currency in the Hellenistic era, and which first appears in Xenophon's _Cyropaideia_. He attributes to Cyrus the belief that, while men are improved by written laws, the good ruler is 'a law with eyes ( _bleponta nomon_ ) for men', able to instruct or chastise as appropriate. The king's capacity for close supervision, which seems to be the main issue here, is also attributed by Xenophon to the authority of the ephors at Sparta: like tyrants and overseers of the gymnastic contests, they can punish immediately anyone whom they detect in wrongdoing.102 The thought of this passage is, however, not as close to the later development of the idea as Plato's concept of the ideal king as more flexible than, and hence superior to, law ( _Plt_. 300c). For Plato, and for Aristotle, the concept clearly rests on the idea that such a man will be morally outstanding to such a degree as to be quite different from ordinary men, hence Aristotle's assimilation of such an ideal ruler to the divine ( _Pol._ 1284a3\u201315, b25\u201334). Elsewhere, Aristotle seems to allow that a judge might ideally embody justice ( _EN_ 1132a21\u20132), but essentially the concept seems to envisage a single outstanding individual, and hence in constitutional terms a monarchy. Problems naturally arise when Hellenistic political philosophy takes the concept of the rule of a divine personified law and links it to the person of real kings, who are also conceived of as raised above ordinary mortals. Plutarch and Arrian relate that Anaxarchus consoled Alexander in his despair after the murder of Cleitus the Black by comparing him to Zeus, at whose side Justice sits as _paredros_ , so that all his acts should be accounted just. Put so baldly, this sounds like a justification of unaccountable absolute power, and Hellenistic political philosophers devoted much effort to justifying and qualifying the position.103\n\n## Notes\n\n1The 'vehicle' in the terminology of I. A. Richards, while the 'underlying idea', the object of comparison, is the 'tenor': Silk (1974) 8\u201310. On the question to what extent such usage was originally conceived of as figurative, see above xiv\u2013xv.\n\n2Again, it might be questioned whether this constitutes imagery as such, at least in early hexameter poetry (see above xiv\u2013xv), but it clearly reflects analogical thinking; what is noteworthy is the difference between Greek application of the concept and that found in the Near East (below, 10\u201312).\n\n3See above (xv) for this principle.\n\n4Aristotle observes that 'men imagine not only the forms of the gods, but their ways of life, to be like their own.' ( _Pol_. 1252b26\u20137). The society of the gods itself seems to be an invention of the epic, being at odds with the general tenor of Greek religion, in which gods tend to operate independently: Griffin (1980) 186 with nn.19, 20. Finley (1978) 132\u20134 highlights one key difference between the two societies, the 'overwhelming' power of Zeus, 'beyond the dreams of even the greatest king', but notes that he nevertheless remains 'a special sort of first among equals'. There is a good overview of Homer's divine social order in Lloyd (1966) 193\u2013200; see also Clay (1989) 8\u201316. For Near Eastern and Indo-European parallels see West (1997) 107\u20139, (2007) 131, and for Jahweh as king NB Dvornik (1966) 319, 324, 332\u20134.\n\n5In what follows I treat the two authors (and the composers of the Hymns) together where there is no difference in their practice, and cite major works without author name.\n\n6There does not seem to be any reflection on Olympus of the superiority of the Mycenean _wanax_ over those styled _pa_ 2 _-si-re-u_ i.e. _basileus_ : both titles are used interchangeably (and juxtaposed in _Th_. 883), along with terms such as _koiranos_ ('ruler') and _s\u00eamant\u00f4r_ ('commander, ruler'); nor is _anax_ reserved for Zeus (below). The distinction is a little clearer, if still 'somewhat blurred', among mortals: West (1997) 15.\n\n7 _anax_ : _Il_. 1.502, _Th_. 493; _anassein_ : _Th_. 403, 491, 883; _basileus_ : _Th_. 897, Hes. fr.308, _hDem_. 358 cf. _basileuemen_ in _Th_. 883; 'king in heaven': _Th_. 71; 'highest of rulers': _Od_. 24.473; king\/lord\/commander of the gods: _Il_. 4.61, 18.366, _Th_. 886, _Op._ 668, Hes. frr.5, 308, _Sc_. 56, 328, _hMerc_. 367; king of all: _Il_. 2.669, 12.242, _Od_. 9.552, 13.25, 20.112, _Th_. 506.\n\n8For Kronos and the Titans in Tartarus see _Il_. 8.479\u201381, 14.203\u20134, 273\u20134, 278\u20139, 15.224\u20135 \u2013 if it is they who are referred to in _Il_. 5.898 he also knew their parentage; for Typhoeus: _Il_. 2.782\u20133. Cf. the uprising of Otus and Ephialtes, of which different versions appear in _Iliad_ (5.385\u201391) and _Odyssey_ (11.305\u201320), though they do not feature in Hesiod.\n\n9Willcock (2001) 439.\n\n10Slatkin (2001), referring to Pindar _Isthmian_ 8 and [Aeschylus] _P.V._ 907\u201327; Willcock (2001) 439\u201340 also sees a reminiscence of this myth in the description of Briareos as 'more powerful than his father'. See further Cairns (2001) 45\u20138 for judicious discussion.\n\n11Explicitly stated at _Th_. 49; cf. 403 and fr.308 for the language of _kratos_ ('might'). NB also Schibli (1990) 98\u20139 for the idea that 'ordering-processes involve conflict' and ibid. 89\u201393 for a distinction between gradual cosmic development, which does not require a concept of authority (he cites Arist. _Metaph._ 1091b6\u20139) and change in stages or by succession, which is likely to do so. Vernant (1982) 108\u201316 likewise argues that the establishment of divine sovereignty is simultaneously the establishment of cosmic order.\n\n12 _anax Th_.486; _basileida tim\u00ean_ ('kingly honour') _Th_. 462; _basil\u00eai_ _Th_. 476, 486; _ouran\u00f4i embasileuen_ ('was king in heaven') _Op._ 111; cf. the spurious _Op._ 173a, where Kronos is said to govern ( _embasileuei_ ) the Isles of the Blest.\n\n13Clay (1989) 19\u201329, 63\u201374; Typhaon is a variant of the monster's name, as is Typhon.\n\n14Clay (1989) 68; 74, 91\u20134.\n\n15It is intriguing that there are no securely identified artistic representations of (generic) Titans nor of the Titanomachy (one lost example is attested), in contrast to the abundant Gigantomachies and a couple of dozen Typhons, both of which apparently serve to emphasize the durability of the divine order by depicting the defeat of challenges to it: 'La pr\u00e9\u00e9minence de Zeus n'est pas r\u00e9ellement menac\u00e9e. Et c'est peut-\u00eatre ce qu'il fallait montrer.' ( _LIMC_ s.v. Typhon [Odette Touchefeu-Meynier]); _LIMC_ s.vv. Gigantes, Titanes, Typhon. On the epic _Titanomachy_ of the late seventh or sixth century see West (2002) 111\u201318. Hardie (1986) 85\u2013156, 384\u20135 discusses the later figurative use of the Gigantomachy to symbolize threats to order.\n\n16Strength: _Il_. 4.56, 15.165, _Od_. 5.4; anger: e.g. _Il_. 8.10\u201327, 402\u20136, 450\u20131, 463, _Od_. 5.146\u20137, 13.148.\n\n17Precedence of Zeus: _Il_. 13.345\u201356, 15.162\u20136; his especial wisdom ( _m\u00eatis_ ) is recognized in two formulas linked exclusively to him, _Zeus m\u00eatieta_ ('Zeus the counsellor') and 'equal to Zeus in _m\u00eatis_ '. The Homeric gods also display a more general deference to age: _Il_. 4.58\u201361, _Od_. 6.329\u201330, 13.341\u20132. In point of fact, though, Zeus was only the first-born because regurgitation by Kronos reversed the order of birth of his children: West (1997) 293\u20134.\n\n18In either case there is a contrast with the lack of any clear rule of succession for earthly monarchs noted by Qviller (1981) 115\u201317.\n\n19Hesiod fr.10(d).9 M-W, _Phoronis_ fr.4.1\u20132; cp _anass\u00eas_ in line 4, _hHom._ 12 and Panyassis fr.6c Davies\/25 Bernab\u00e9, if the citation _reginam_... _Iunonem_ reflects the poet's words. 'Queen' was also a common cult title, particularly of Hera (e.g. R&O no.62 B5, from Cos), though also of Artemis, Aphrodite and Persephone: _RE_ s.v. Basileia (5), Basilis (2); NB below, n.41.\n\n20 _Anax_ and cognates in _Il_. 20.61, _hDem_. 347, 357, _Th_. 850; _koiranos_ : _hDem_. 87; _polus\u00eamant\u00f4r_ ('ruler of many'): _hDem_. 31, 84, 376; _s\u00eamant\u00f4r_ is applied to divine rulers in _hMerc_. 367, _Sc_. 56, Hes. fr.5 as well as to human commanders (LSJ s.v. 1); hence _polus\u00eamant\u00f4r_ is loosely equivalent to _eurukrei\u00f4n_ ('wide-ruling'), applied to Poseidon at _Il._ 11.751.\n\n21 _hDem_. 365, and NB Richardson (1974) on 363ff. for 'the ambiguity and subtlety of the speech'; _hMerc_. 259 with Allen, Halliday and Sikes (1936) _ad loc_.\n\n22For the meaning of _tim\u00ea_ applied to gods and their distribution by Zeus, see West (1966) on _Th_. 74 and Richardson (1974) on _hDem_. 85f.; on their centrality in the _Hymns_ , Clay (1989) 15 and index s.v. _timai_. The allotment seems to have featured in Pherecydes' cosmology as well: Schibili (1990) 52\u20133, 100. The epic _Titanomachy_ appears, like Homer, to have represented the division of the cosmic spheres as done by lot: West (2002) 114\u201316; again, there are Near Eastern parallels: West (1997) 109\u201311.\n\n23 _med\u00f4n\/medeousa_ : _Il_. 3.276, 320, 7.202, 16.234, 24.308; _hMerc_. 2, _hVen_. 292, and this language persisted: a cult of Athena 'who rules Athens ( _Ath\u00ean\u00f4n medeousa_ )' is attested by boundary markers found in states subject to Athens' fifth-century empire: Parker (1996) 144\u20135. In Pi. _O._ 10.13 the personification Atrekeia (Strict Truth or Justice) is said to rule over Epizephyrian Locri; Anacreon (fr.348) similarly applies the imagery of shepherding to Artemis of Magnesia (NB 44 below). There is an intriguing oddity of usage, apparently related to this image, in Aeschylus' application of _polissouchos_ ('city-protecting'), otherwise the epithet of guardian deities (more often in the form _poliochos_ : _LSJ_ s.v.), to the Athenian people ( _Eum_. 775, 883, 1010). Two less forceful bridging examples in the Euripidean _Rhesus_ ( _poliochou turannidos_ 'city-protecting tyranny' 166; _poliochon kratos_ 'city-protecting might' 821), applied to Hector and his kingship in a manner reminiscent of Near Eastern ideas, show that it will not do to pension off the Aeschylean passages under a separate heading, as do _LSJ_ , and that there is a continuity, with the same keynote of protection. Such high praise of the demos is appropriate in _Eumenides_ , where the resolution of the crisis rests with the demos, and we can perhaps detect a certain role reversal, with Athena taking on some of the government of the city (NB the references to her _thesmoi_ ('ordinances') in 571 and 681), while the people assume some of the responsibility for its protection.\n\n24 _Il_. 4.1, 8.2, 20.4, _Od_. 5.3\u20134, _hDem_. 92, _Th_. 802; both divine and human assemblies are convened by Themis ( _Il_. 20.4\u20136, _Od_. 2.68\u20139). The normal term for this gathering in Homer is _agora_ , while Hesiod calls it _boul\u00ea_. There are similar assemblies of Near Eastern gods: West (1997) 177\u201381, and NB (2007) 150\u20131 for wider Indo-European parallels; cf. (1997) 190\u20133 for divine messengers.\n\n25 _hMerc_. 264=364, 312, 324; in 370\u20133 Hermes protests at an abuse of procedure: Allen, Halliday & Sikes _ad loc_. observe that 'the writer models heaven on his own _polis_ '; NB also Richardson (2010) 21 for the legal colour of the hymn.\n\n26In the _Politics_ (1259a37-b17) Aristotle distinguishes different aspects of the authority of a householder, which is kingly only over his children; see further below 34.\n\n27Rutherford (1996) 47 puts it the other way round: 'The gods are presented as an extended family, mostly resident together on Olympus; like any family, they have their disagreements and their changing moods... In other scenes, the appropriate human parallel may be rather the court of a king and his fellow-nobles.' More frivolously, Collins (1996) 144 remarks that the gods 'often suggest characters from _The Marriage of Figaro_ obliged to manage a Wagnerian Valhalla'.\n\n28Lines 5\u20137, 11, 17\u20139, 25 and 29 of the Derveni theogony reconstructed in West (1983) 114\u20135 with 84\u20138; the poem abridges an earlier cosmogony of _c_. 500 BC. By the late fifth century, the succession myth could be adduced by Timotheus (fr.796) as an argument for progress in art: 'the young Zeus is king, and Kronos ruled in ancient times'; the latter had become proverbial for the old and out-of-date: Ar. _Nub_. 398 with Dover (1968) _ad loc_.\n\n29Epimenides B23\u20134 (24=2 Fowler; on 23 see ibid. 101); Pherecydes F78 Schibli = B4DK; see Schibli (1990) 78\u2013103 for full discussion, arguing that Kronos and Zeus act here in full accord (Zeus may have been the champion of the gods in the field) and that the peaceful succession of Kronos by Zeus follows their victory.\n\n30The word used, _katapau\u00f4_ , is almost a technical term for carrying out a coup d'\u00e9tat: _LSJ_ s.v. II.3.\n\n31= _FGrH_ 457 F8. My translation of Diels' text; the supplements are unreliable, but the outlines are clear, since [ _ba_ ] _sileion_ ('palace') seems secure (West 1983, 48 n.42); for a conservative text and alternative supplements, see Fowler's _apparatus_. For the date of the poem attributed to Epimenides, see West (1983) 49\u201351 ( _c_. 430 BC?), though Fowler (2000) 79 suggests early fourth century.\n\n32For example Herodotus' account of the struggle over the succession to Darius I (7.2\u20133); Sancisi-Weerdenburg (1993) discusses the perceived influence of women at the Persian court.\n\n33Reflected, for example, in E. _HF_ 1317\u20138, Pl. _Euthphr_. 6b7\u20139, _R_. 377e6\u20138b5. See, however, A. fr.281a for a different version in which, though he evidently still used violence, Zeus was retaliating and justified: he had the personal support of Dike, who is one of the speakers.\n\n34The play contains two thirds of the instances of _turannis_ in the Aeschylean corpus (10, 224, 305, 357, 756, 909, 996) and three quarters of those of _turannos_ (222, 310, 736, 761, 942, 957, and NB _monarchos_ 324); even if the play is not Aeschylean, the frequency is striking.\n\n35Zeus autocratic: 310, 324; power: 389; freedom: 50 cf. E. _Hel_. 276 with 108 below; monopoly of justice: 186f.; cf. E. _Supp_. 429\u201332 with Collard (1975) and Stinton's addendum (ibid. 440\u20132); mistrust: 224\u20135; court: 122; allotment of privileges: 229\u201331; sceptre: 171, 761; throne: 228, 767, 910, 912 cf. 389; deposition anticipated: 756\u20137, 908f.\n\n36On _P.V_. see Podlecki (1966) ch. 4, pointing out the similarity between Zeus and Aristotle's stock tyrant. Conacher (1980) 38\u201340 emphasizes Prometheus' own political pragmatism, but his defection seems already to have featured in the epic _Titanomachy_ : West (2002) 114.\n\n37king: Thgn. 285, 376, Sol. fr.31.1, Alc. frr.296.3, 387, Pi. _I_. 8.20; of the immortals: Thgn. 743, Pi. _N_. 5.35, 10.16; of heaven: Pi. _N_. 4.67; of the gods: Pi. _O_. 7.34, _N_. 7.82; supreme king ( _pambasileus_ ): Alc. fr.308b.3\u20134; Stesich. S14.1\u20132 (suppl. Lobel).\n\n38Master: Pi. _I_. 5.53 (Ammon, the Egyptian divinity syncretized with Zeus, is likewise 'master of Olympus' in a hymn addressed to him: fr.36); chief: Bacch. 5.179; commander: Pi. _O_. 9.57 cf. fr.52r (a).3 [?]; _palmus_ : Hippon. fr.38, and also applied to Hermes (below); compare the suggestive sequence (from choral lyric) _antessin\u00f4turanniazeusk_ in _P.Oxy_. 2736 2b14. _Anassein_ : Thgn. 373, 803; _euruanax_ : Bacch. 5.19\u201320, Pi. _O_. 13.24; _ouranou... kreonti_ : Pi. _N_. 3.10.\n\n39Sceptre: Pi. _P_. 1.6, fr.70b.7, Bacch. 9.100; 'rule of Zeus': Pi. _O_. 2.58\u20139, Simon. fr.614, Thgn. 373\u20136. For the ubiquity of the sceptre as symbol of power in the Near East see West (1997) 17, 134\u20135; often it is associated with the throne: ibid., 563. The commonplace persists in the fourth century: 'the son of Kronos who reigns ( _anassei_ ) mightily over all' (Antim. fr.3); 'by Zeus the king ( _ton anakta_ )' (D. 35.40). Similarly, the historians Aristodicus ( _FGrH_ 36 F1) and Aglaosthenes ( _FGrH_ 499 F2) allude to Zeus' accession to the kingship of the gods.\n\n40Hera as queen: Pi. _N_. 1.39, fr.52v.3,11,19; cf. _megistoanassa_ ('greatest queen') in Bacch.19.21; sceptre: _PMG_ _Adesp_. 960; throne: Pi. _N_. 11.2. Hades: _PMG Adesp_. 925 (e).11; Hermes: Hippon. fr.3; Athena _basil\u00eaid_ [: _Lyr.Adesp_. S415.4. However, _Ar\u00eas turannos_ (Tim. fr.790) is different: 'war is our lord' amounts to 'we will fight come what may', according to Hordern (2002) _ad loc_.\n\n41B128.2\u20133; compare the cult of Aphrodite _basilis_ at Tarentum and Persephone _basilis_ at Katane: _RE_ s.v. Basilis (2).\n\n42A. _Supp_. 595f. (the text is partially corrupt) cf. _anax anakt\u00f4n_ 524; the tone is what West (1997, 557\u20138) calls 'Zeus orientalized'.\n\n43As Garvie (1986) notes _ad loc_., the term _turannos_ is not inherently derogatory in such contexts (cf. below 110\u201311 and n.27 on _Turannis_ in E. _Pho_. 506). Compare _Supp_. 791 and fr.612, where Hades is called _hag\u00easilaos_ ('leader of the host').\n\n44E. fr.912; cf. references to Hades as a Zeus of the dead in A. _Supp_. 158 and 230\u20131, and for the ambiguities of Zeus Chthonios see West (1978a) on Hes. _Op_. 465. Hecuba invokes Zeus in similarly unconventional terms before her crucial debate with Helen ( _Tro_. 884\u20139 with Lee 1976 _ad loc_.).\n\n45Persephone: A1\u20132 in Zuntz (1971), with p.308. Egypt: Hdt. 2.123.1 ( _arch\u00eag\u00eateuein de t\u00f4n kat\u00f4_ ) cf. 4.33.5, 127.4.\n\n46Emp. B115 DK [=107 Wright] 1\u20132 (tr. Inwood); Gorg. B11.6, though Empedocles' gods are not immortal (Wright 1981 _ad loc_., who notes the reminiscence of the oath between Love and Strife (B30)). Gorgias adds a little sophistic colouring concerning the inevitable rule of the stronger. _Ps\u00eaphisma_ is an unusual expression for a divine decree (MacDowell 1982 _ad loc_. compares Ar. _Vesp_. 378), but note the more striking conceit in Gorgias' _Palamedes_ (B11a1, echoed in Xenophon's _Apology_ 27; the verb in both cases is _kataps\u00eaphiz\u00f4_ ) that we are condemned to death at birth by nature.\n\n47He uses the formal language of political decision making: _edox' ara kai athanatois_ ('so it was resolved by the immortals', 65).\n\n48Dodds (1929) 102.\n\n49Cf. also _O.C._ 1267: _esti gar kai Z\u00eani synthakos thron\u00f4n Aid\u00f4s_ ('for Zeus too shares his throne with Compassion'). _TrGF_ _Adesp_. fr.655.19\u201320 _he toi par[e]dron the\u00f4n dromon kekt\u00eamen\u00ea | Dik\u00ea_ , ('Justice who runs the course that sits alongside the gods') though mixing its metaphors, must have a similar sense. NB below, 14 for exploitation of this idea in support of the concept of the king as embodying law. For such attendants in Hades cf. E. _Alc._ 743 with Dale (1954), Isoc. 9.15. In Ar. _Av._ 1753, Basileia ('Princess') is the attendant of Peisetairos as he supplants Zeus (see Dunbar 1995 _ad loc._ ).\n\n50The same kind of rationalization can be seen in another fourth-century source when Xenophon makes the Athenian politician Callias style the Dioscouroi 'citizens of Sparta' ( _HG_ 6.3.6).\n\n51Note the slide from 'sweet sleep' to 'all-subduing Sleep' in _Il_. 24.3\u20135. Lloyd (1966) 200\u20132 notes that in Homer such natural phenomena can be both personified and thought of in material terms; for the phenomenon see Stafford (2000), esp. 1\u201344, with references to earlier studies; she also discusses the evidence for Sleep as a god receiving cult in Stafford (2003). NB also below 125 for personification of political concepts.\n\n52For the influence of this passage and the later personification of Nomos, see below 166. Nomos here is taken by Lloyd-Jones (1972, 55\u20136) to mean cosmic law or order, as generally administered by Zeus. However, while it is clear that Callicles (or Plato) is perverting the sense of the passage in the _Gorgias_ for polemical ends, it is equally clear that Herodotus (3.38) took it in the sense 'custom', for that is the point of the story which precedes it, and this also makes more sense of Pindar's sympathetic tone towards Diomedes and Geryon (fr.81); his point is, in modern terms, that justice can be a matter of perspective (cf. fr.215 (a) 2\u20133). For this line of interpretation see Ostwald (1965). There is an ambiguity over the sense in E. _Hec_. 799\u2013800, the first instance (' _nomos_ which rules the gods') being closer to 'law' and the second to 'convention'.\n\n53 _TrGF_ _Adesp_. fr.506 = _Com. Adesp_. fr.883, cf. fr.881, also of Tyche.\n\n54 _LSJ_ s.v. \u1f0d\u03b9\u03b4\u03b7\u03c2 II ('after Hom.'), alongside the straightforward personification of Thanatos.\n\n55For a power ( _dunamis_ ) or powers at work in the body, see below 152.\n\n56fr.26.12W, _PMG_ 744.5; the reference of 27.1 is probably the same or similar: see West 1974 _ad loc_. and below 39n.31).\n\n57S. _Tr_. 217, Pratin. fr.708.9; NB the _s\u00eamata_ of the lyre in Pi. _P_.1.3, and compare Telestes fr.806 'Phrygian king of the fair-breathing holy pipes', referring to Olympus.\n\n58Cf. S. fr.941.15, where it is said that Kypris _Dios turannei pleumonon_ ('rules the guts of Zeus').\n\n59For the power of speech NB above. Peith\u00f4 as divinity is one of the case-studies discussed by Stafford (2000), 111\u201345; for Peith\u00f4 and love, see Buxton (1982) 29\u201348, and for \u03c0\u03b5\u00ed\u03b8\u03c9 in the sense 'bribe', _LSJ_ s.v. A II.2.\n\n60Kirk, Raven and Schofield (1983) 194.\n\n61Though the concept of parentage is itself being used figuratively here if the reference is to Heraclitus' doctrine that some could become gods through death in battle (Kirk, Raven & Schofield 1983, _loc. cit._ ). Robinson (1987) 117\u201318 suggests the possibility of separating this off from any view of War as an agent of cosmic change.\n\n62On this see Vlastos (1947); more generally, Lloyd (1966) 210\u201332, Pender (2000) 94\u20136, 106\u20137; Grossmann (1950) 48\u201370 argues for a concept of proportional _isonomia_ in thinkers influenced by Pythagoreanism.\n\n63NB Empedocles B135 DK [=121Wright] for Law extending throughout the cosmos, and the identification of _nous_ ('mind') with _to dikaion_ ('the just') in Anaxagoras A55 for the rational basis of law; also Kirk, Raven & Schofield (1983) 210\u201312 for this theme in Heraclitus.\n\n64A. _Ag_. 650\u20131; for cosmic conspiracy cf. _Eum_.127, above 7; S. _Aj_. 669f. with Knox (1961) 23\u20134. The idea could be reversed: in his peroration, a fourth-century Athenian speaker appeals to the administration of the cosmos and the seasons by _nomos kai taxis_ ('law and order') as evidence of the universality of law: [D.] 26.27.\n\n65Strictly speaking, the balance is between pairs of opposites (Ostwald 1969, 99\u2013106), but what is in question is not necessarily absolute equality, but appropriate balance, as the diversity of physical constitutions and temperaments, as well as the changing seasons, would imply: Cambiano (1982) 235; Caserta (2007) traces affinities with Pythagorean mathematics and rules of proportion in sculpture. See also below 75, 114.\n\n66In the sense 'prevail, be prevalent' (so _LSJ_ , who compare _Aph_. 3.5, of a prevailing wind).\n\n67My rather literal translation attempts to capture the paradoxical quality of the expression.\n\n68 _Flat_. 3 (above, 7), 15; cf. _Vict_. 10. For fuller discussion see cross-references at n.65 above.\n\n69For the cosmic supremacy of War in B53, see above. Even more perplexing is B52: 'Lifetime ( _ai\u00f4n_ ) is a child playing, moving pieces in a board-game; kingly power is in the hands of a child.' Robinson (1987) reads this in a cosmic sense, while arguing that the child is only apparently senseless to those without true perception; Marcovitch (1967; his fr.93) interprets it as meaning that men, even kings, have no more sense than a child. For images based on the board-game _pessoi_ , see below 104n.91; Plato _Lg_. 903d has a divine draughts-player ( _petteut\u00eas_ ) moving human souls up and down according to their actions (Pender 2000, 108 n.188).\n\n70Anaxagoras: A48, B12; Kirk, Raven and Schofield (1983) 362\u20135; Diogenes: B5; ibid. 441\u20135.\n\n71DK58 D2; NB Kirk, Raven & Schofield (1983) 349 for its authenticity; cf. D3.174.\n\n72Lloyd (1966) 220, Pender (2000)106\u20137; below 152.\n\n73Lloyd (1966) 210\u201313, 224\u20135.\n\n74Lloyd (1966) 222\u20135 offers a cautious assessment of the implications of these cosmologies, noting that individual political convictions need to be allowed for, though they are not always influential. For equality in Solon see especially frr.34.9 ( _isomoiri\u00ea_ ) and 36.18\u201320 (equal laws for all). It should also be remembered that rotation of office is a hallmark of constitutionality, but not necessarily of democracy, as shown by the constitutions of the cities of Boeotia _c_. 400 BC ( _Hell.Oxy_. 16.2, cf. [Arist.] _Ath.Pol._ 30.3). For the flexibility of _isonomia_ as a principle see above n.65 and below 114; for the fourth-century doctrine of 'proportional equality' see Harvey (1965) and NB below 160.\n\n75Anaxagoras B12; as Kirk, Raven and Schofield (1983) 364 point out, he has not quite succeeded in defining an incorporeal abstract; Archelaus: Kirk, Raven and Schofield (1983) 386\u20138.\n\n76Taylor (1999) 188\u201395; for Democritus' theology see ibid. 211\u201316.\n\n77Anon. Iambl. 6.1 (NB below 145n.158), Lys. 2.19; Alcidamas ap. Arist. _Rh_.1406a22\u20133 = fr.17 B-S. Kingship of law in Plato: below 166; ideal constitution: ibid.; for Nomos = 'custom' as king, see above, 7 and below 166.\n\n78Pharaoh as divine: e.g. Pritchard (1969) 227; 245, 247\u20138 (Amenhotep II); 329; 378\u20139 (Ramses IV); 431; 446\u20137 (Thutmose III); established by Re: ibid. 231 (Hatshepsut); 232 (Kamose); 257 (Ramses II); 329; 373\u20135 (Thutmose III); 375\u20136 (Amenhotep III); imitated in the subordinate kingdom of Ethiopia _c_. 600: ibid. 447\u20138. The object lesson given to the Egyptians by Amasis in turning an ordinary polluted foot-bowl into a sacred statue (Hdt. 2.172), evidently designed to show that kingship transforms human material as sanctity does ordinary artefacts, comes closer to Persian ideas of the 'magic of kingship' (below, n.90) than to regular Egyptian belief, the special pleading being necessitated by Amasis' usurpation.\n\n79Rarity: Frankfort (1948) 224\u20136; Dvornik (1966) 71\u20132, 81\u20137, 95\u20136 and n.59; see Frankfort (1948) 295\u20139 for kings as consort of a goddess, with 301\u201312, 324, 327 and Dvornik (1966) 25\u20139 for other quasi-divine aspects of Mesopotamian kingship; mediation: Dvornik (1966) 127\u20139. 'Sons of the gods': ibid. 26, 49\u201350, noting the closeness implied by a filial relationship; Frankfort (1948) 299\u2013301; for a recent general account see West (1997) 132\u20134.\n\n80'The sun': Pritchard (1969) 318, 529 of the Hittite Suppiluliumas (cf. Frankfort 1948, 338 for Hittite practice); Pritchard (1969) 389 n.10 (Sumero-Akkadian) and cf. the address to the king as 'the Star' in one of the Akkadian Mari letters (ibid. 632). Assimilation to Ahura-Mazda in Persian ceremonial: Dvornik (1966) 113\u20134; _Hvarena_ : ibid. 84\u201396, 119 and below 100n.49. In general see Frankfort (1948) 307\u20139 for comparison of the king to the sun in Mesopotamia and New Kingdom Egypt; there is a similar idea in David's final speech ( _2Sam_. 23.3\u20134): 'he who rules men in justice... is like the light of morning at sunrise, a morning that is cloudless after rain' (NEB).\n\n81On the unbridgeable divide between the godlike hero and true gods, see Griffin (1980), esp. 81\u201394, 187\u201390. Leaders honoured like god: _Il_. 5.78, 10.33, 11.58, 16.605, _Od_. 11.484; _Il_. 9.155 = 297, 302 = 603; looked on as gods: _Il_. 12.312, _Od_. 7.71, 8.173, 15.520.\n\n82Greeting: _Il_. 22.434\u20135 cf. _Od_. 7.72; prayer: _Il_.11.761, where the chiasmus reinforces the point, 22.394; in _Th_. 91 the different verb _ilaskontai_ ('propitiate') refers more specifically to seeking divine favour; Nestor to Agamemnon: _Il_. 9.97. The suggestion that kings might be invoked in prayer is perhaps the strongest residual indication of an earlier belief in their more than human nature; for others, see Mondi (1980). It is still felt that kings are established by Zeus ( _Il_. 1.279, 2.197, 205, 9.37\u20138, 98\u20139, _Od_. 1.386\u201390, _Th._ 96 cf. Tyrt. fr.4.3) and epithets such as _diogen\u00eas_ and _diotreph\u00eas_ ('sprung from\/fostered by Zeus', applied, with the exception of _Il_. 4.280, only to royalty) and the formulas _hieron menos_ and _hier\u00ea is_ (holy might\/force), used, with one exception ( _Od_. 18.34, of Antinoos), of Telemachus and Alcinoos (cf. _hypermen\u00eas_ ('surpassingly powerful'), normally an epithet of Zeus, at _Od_. 13.205, 20.222) are suggestive of a lingering sense of their divine descent and consequent distinctiveness; compare the observation that 'it is a terrible thing to kill one of royal blood ( _genos basil\u00eaion_ )' ( _Od_. 16.401\u20132).\n\n836.149f., 243, 280\u20131, 7.199f., 16.181f. Such greetings might originally have been motivated in part by a cautious sense that the gods could move among men ( _Od_. 17.483\u20137 with Steiner 2010; West 1997, 122\u20134), but they have clearly become conventional when the topos is exploited for irony in real divine epiphanies: _hAp_. 464\u20135, _hVen_. 91\u2013106 with Richardson (2010) _ad locc._ ; in _Od_. 13.231 Odysseus similarly supplicates the disguised Athena as a god. Odysseus' reception 'like a god' by the Phaeacians does not seem to have anything to do with his royal status (5.36,19.280 = 23.339), since it is a long time before he reveals his identity; and when Phemius talks of singing before him 'as to a god' ( _Od_. 22.348\u20139) this is surely the desperate flattery of a man pleading for his life.\n\n84Men like gods: _Th_. 968 = 1020; kings like kings: _Il_. 3.169\u201370, 211; _Od_. 2.13, 4.63, 17.416, 20.194, 24.253; _hDem_. 213f.; _Vita Hom_. 427\u20138; imitated _Batr_. 21\u20132.\n\n85 _theios\/seios_ : Pl. _Men_. 99d, Arist. _EN_ 1145a28\u20139; Athenian statesmen: Eupolis fr.384.6, and cf. the address _\u00f4nax_ ('o Lord') _Miltiad\u00ea kai Periklees_ (fr.104.1); the passage combines Homeric reminiscence (a touch hyperbolic) with nostalgia for a lost golden age of leadership. For alternative exploitation of golden age motifs see below, n.95.\n\n86i.e. is enjoying the blessed afterlife granted to the race of heroes ( _Op_. 166\u201373 with West 1978), or at least to certain figures such as Menelaus and Achilles ( _Od_. 4.561\u20139, Pi. _O_. 2.70\u201380, Pl. _Smp_. 179e\u201380a) as a hero himself; by the end of the classical period Athenian orators can apply the conceit to rank and file war casualties: D. 60.34, cf. Hyp. 6.35, 39.\n\n87Note also Hdt. 1.65.2\u201366.1, the context of the earliest citation of the oracle to Lycurgus, for fifth-century Spartan attitudes and the establishment of posthumous heroic cult of Lycurgus.\n\n88463b with Adam (1902); on heroization NB n.100 below. The title _S\u00f4t\u00ear_ , hitherto normally an epithet of divinities, comes to be applied to kings from the early Hellenistic period (Dornseiff 1927, 1211\u201314); it is occasionally attested earlier (e.g. D.S. 11.26.6; but Ion fr.27.1W is most likely to refer to a god: below 39n.31), but in such cases may simply reflect an appreciation of salvation in reality (Nock 1972, 720\u20132 takes a minimalist view even of Hellenistic usage, while acknowledging the difference made by using the word as a title or epithet), though the Syracusans' salutation of Dion as 'saviour and god' (Plut. _Dion_ 46.1) is suggestive and could go back to contemporary sources (whereas e.g. _Pelop_. 12.4 may well be influenced by the common usage of Plutarch's own time).\n\n89For the hand as a symbol of royal power, see How and Wells (1928) _ad loc_., and for Persian admiration of long arms, Cook (1983) 75 and 248 n.4. Briant (1996) discusses the stature and beauty of the Great King (237\u20139) and his prowess in battle and the hunt (239\u201344) as aspects of Achaemenid royal ideology, and that ideology is reflected in Herodotus (below 110); one might compare Saul: 'there was no better man among the Israelites than he. He was a head taller than any of his fellows' ( _1 Sam._ 9.2 [NEB]). For the King's eyes and ears, NB Ar. _Ach._ 91\u2013125, Hdt. 1.114.2, X. _Cyr._ 8.1.10\u201312; the fullest recent treatment, by Hirsch (1985) 101\u201339 is highly sceptical, but NB Cassio (1985) 41\u20132. For a king's ministers as additional hands and feet, eyes and ears, NB Arist. _Pol_. 1287a29\u201331, and for Greek tyrants making use of eavesdroppers, 1313b11\u201316.\n\n90Scylax _FGrH_ 709 F5 ap. Arist. _Pol_.1332b23\u20135; see _Pol._ 1288a6\u201329 for the relevance of this to Aristotle's ideas. For the idea that the ruler is, or should be, superior to his subjects NB X. _Cyr_. 5.5.34, 7.2.24, 5.78, 83, 8.1.37, 40\u20132. In Egypt the pharaoh's _ka_ (vital force) was different from that of a commoner (Frankfort 1948, 62\u201378). For the magic inherent in kingship, compare the idea that only sons born to a king after his accession can succeed to the throne (Hdt. 7.3.2\u20134; Plut. _Artax_. 2.3), and the Scythian belief that if the king fell sick, it was due to someone's foreswearing themselves by his hearth (Hdt. 4.68.1\u20132). Hdt. 7.15.3 likewise hints at a special power conferred by sitting on the throne. For ideas of the dual nature of kingship in later antiquity see Kantorowitz (1957) 497\u2013505, and for the special quality of royal blood in the Middle Ages, ibid. 331\u20133 and n.63.\n\n91Hdt. 1.87.3, 7.5.2, 9.116.3; cf. 2.115.6 of Proteus and contrast the Greek attitude: when Creon asks 'Is the city not held to belong to the ruler?' (S. _Ant_. 738) he is skating on very thin ice. For the concept of the Persian empire as 'the King's house', see below 110.\n\n92Hdt. 7.136.1; Lloyd (1975\u201389) on Hdt. 2.80.2 cites Isoc. 12.151, X. _An_. 3.2.13; cf. E. _Tro_. 1021, _Or_. 1507, _TrGF Adesp_. frr.118a, 664.9, Ar. _Vesp_. 516, X. _Ages_. 1.34. Compare the inference of Deinon ( _FGrH_ 690 F27) that the Persian queen is worshipped by the concubines from their doing obeisance to her; for the purported obeisance of the Pamphylian sea to Alexander in Callisthenes' history, see below, 167.\n\n93Comic attacks on Pericles are comprehensively if somewhat speculatively discussed by Schwarze (1971). The origin of the concept of Pericles the Olympian is a puzzle: Delcourt (1939) 371\u20136 argues that it arose first from the thunderous quality of his oratory, and came later to be applied to his distant, philosophic demeanour. It seems possible, however, given that some of the mythological burlesques must go back to the context of the ostracism of Thucydides son of Melesias, that the initial seed was comic satire of his pre-eminence (one thinks of French satire in the 1990s of Fran\u00e7ois Mitterand as 'Dieu').\n\n94Cratinus frr.118 (tr. Bakola), 258: _kephal\u00eageretan_ is only two letters different from the Homeric _nephel\u00eageretan_ ('cloud-gatherer'); cf. 'the squill-headed ( _schinokephalos_ ) Zeus': fr.73 ( _Thrattai_ ) \u2013 we would say 'onion-headed'. All this material comes to us from Plutarch's _Pericles_ 3.3\u20137: NB Stadter (1989) _ad loc_., Bakola (2010) 172\u20133, 184, 222\u20133.\n\n95The manuscript reading, though some scholars prefer to read 'Kronos' with the Hesiodic succession in mind: see KA _ad loc_. and Olson (2007) 207\u20138; for a Hesiodic succession of demagogues and climactic Gigantomachy in Aristophanes _Knights_ see Bowie (1993) 58\u201366, and for the clear Hesiodic colour in Cratinus' _Ploutoi_ , Bakola (2010) 52, 135\u20136, 209.\n\n96Schwarze (1971) 44\u20135, 54, 59\u201360; NB also Telecl. fr.47 'alone he raises up much tumult ( _thorubon_ ) from a head big enough for eleven couches' (for _thorubos_ in politics cf. E. _Supp_.166, _Or_. 905). For recent discussion of the implication of tyranny NB Morawetz (2000) 86\u201393; on the play and its political background see Bakola (2010) 49\u201353, 122\u201341 (esp. 122\u20135), 208\u201320: the scenario was evidently that of the tragic Prometheus, so the tyranny would again have been that of Zeus.\n\n97On Pericles' probable appearance as Theseus in Pheidias' Amazonomachy, see Boardman (1982) 18\u201319.\n\n98Cratin. fr.259 ( _Cheirones_ ) tr. Olson; NB Olson (2007) 208 for commentary: _Katapugosun\u00ea_ stands for depravity in general and _kun\u00f4pida_ (literally 'dog-eyed'), the Homeric Helen's self-description, is substituted for _bo\u00f4pis_ ('ox-eyed'), Hera's normal epithet, which Eupolis also used, presumably with reference to Aspasia (fr.438 with KA _ad loc_.).\n\n99Helen: Eup. fr.267 ( _Prospaltioi_ ); Omphale and Deinaneira: Cratin. fr.259 with KA, _Com.Adesp_. fr.704; on the attacks on Aspasia in all these passages see Storey (2003) 137, 243, 265; also Schwarze (1971) 165, 170; Powell (1995) 258\u201360. Given that critics referred to Pericles and his associates as 'the new Peisistratids' ( _Com.Adesp_. fr.703), the suggestion that the Athenian tyrant Peisistratus deliberately exploited the image of Heracles may be relevant here: see now Stafford (2012) 163\u20137 for discussion of the continuing debate.\n\n100Lysander was the earliest person to be honoured in his lifetime as a god, but this was anticipated by the heroization of Euthymos of Locri around the middle of the fifth century (Currie 2002, esp. 37\u20138, 43) and Hagnon at Amphipolis a couple of decades later (Hornblower 1991\u20132008, II.452\u20135, on Thuc. 5.11.1). On the antecedents of Alexander's divinity, see also Bosworth (1988) 278\u201390.\n\n101Advantages: 2.5; kingship not a priesthood: 2.6 cf. 15.71 with Mathieu 1960 _ad loc_.; office-holding is compared in the Demosthenic corpus to initiation into the Mysteries, but ironically ([D.] 13.19, D. _Pro_. 55.3); in the latter case the word _ateleston_ ('uninitiated') puns on the sense 'exempt from tax' to get in a further blow at rival leaders. Persian ideology: Isoc. 2.14, 15.72; _beltistos_ : 3.15; appearance: 2.32 (cf. X. _Cyr_. 8.3.1f. on the style of the Persian king); remoteness: Isoc. 2.34, 9.44. Nicocles' omniscience: 3.51 cf. 2.23. Philip: _Epistle_ 3.5.\n\n102 _Cyr_. 8.1.22, quoted more fully below, 166; _Resp. Lac_. 8.4, on which see below 173n.47.\n\n103Plut. _Alex_. 52.2\u20134 with Hamilton (1969) _ad loc_., cf. _Artax_. 23.5; Arrian _An_. 4.9.7 with Bosworth (1995); note Isoc 3.26 (above 6) for the appeal to Zeus to justify the monarch. Justice already sits beside Zeus in Hes. _Op_. 256\u201360: see West (1978a) on 259 for later developments of the idea, and NB 7 above. Bosworth (1996) 104\u20138 discusses the contemporary context of this episode; on the development of the concepts see the overview in Hahm (2000) 457\u201364; fuller discussion in Goodenough (1928) esp. 59\u201373, 84\u20136, 91\u2013101 and Dvornik (1966) 245\u20139, 269\u201377 and (for later periods) Index s.v. _nomos empsychos_.\n\n#\n\n# The State as a Household and Family\n\nAt their _dokimasia_ (scrutiny), candidates for the Athenian archonship were asked not only who their parents were, but whether they treated them properly (Arist.] _Ath. Pol_. 55.3). The questions, which suggest that the _dokimasia_ was an ancient institution (Rhodes 1981, 617), indicate how natural it was to make associations between _[oikos_ and polis and assume that there were affinities between a man's behaviour in the two spheres; Creon takes a continuity between moral behaviour in domestic and public arenas for granted (S. _Ant_. 661\u20132).1 In the same way, the use in Homer of _anax_ ('lord') to denote the head and master of a household implies a perception of a correspondence between the two levels of authority.2 However, the conception of the state as a household is slow to emerge as a fully-fledged political image: only in the late sixth century, the context of the story in Herodotus (5.29) that the Parians chosen to act as arbitrators in the civil strife at Miletus placed the administration of the city in the hands of those whose lands they saw to be well managed, do we encounter a clear if still only implicit analogy between domestic and political administration.3 The development of the image in the succeeding period is hard to trace and attested only by a scatter of images of the ruler as steward in Pindar (see below); it is not until the second half of the fifth century that we see evidence that the image was firmly established and indeed commonplace in the use of the verb _oikein_ in place of _dioikein_ , the standard term, to denote administration, particularly when applied zeugmatically to both cities and households in Euripides, Xenophon, Plato and the orators, and in the figurative use of _oikonomia_ and its cognates.4\n\nIn the early fourth century this theory becomes explicit: Plato claims that there is a universal art of rule which embraces the householder as well as the king and slave-master ( _Plt_. 258e\u2013259c) and makes Protagoras say that his teaching covers both domestic and political administration ( _Prot_. 318e\u20139a).5 In the same way, Xenophon in the _Oeconomicus_ draws the comparison between order in the household and organization in the state, suggesting that both require not simply to be set on a proper basis initially (in a city, by the establishment of good laws) but also, subsequently, call for proper administration. Thus Ischomachus' wife must uphold the laws of the household, inspect and scrutinize, and impose appropriate rewards and punishments 'like a queen' (9.14\u20135). Later in the work, Socrates argues that there is one consistent art of rule, so that a man who can train a bailiff to command can make him a master or a king (13.5); indeed, since the skill of command ( _to archikon_ ) is a constant in every business, including politics and household management ( _oikonomik\u00ea_ ; 21.2), the authoritative householder will possess an element of kingly nature ( _ti \u00eathousbasilikou_; 21.10). This principle is expressed again in inverted form in the _Memorabilia_ when Socrates, told that Euthydemus is studying to enter politics, exclaims 'surely, Euthydemus, you are aiming at that virtue by which men become statesmanlike and good managers ( _politikoi_... _kai oikonomikoi_ ) and capable of ruling', a virtue which he identifies as 'part of the fairest virtue and the greatest art: for it belongs to kings and is called kingly' (4.2.11). In 3.4.7\u201312 he demonstrates to a surprised Nicomachides that the good _oikonomos_ will have the qualities necessary to be a good general. It was therefore a deliberate and quite substantial theoretical divergence on Aristotle's part to draw firm distinctions between the various sorts of rule and authority in the first book of the _Politics_ (1252 a7\u201316; below, 170n.24).\n\nOnce the polis is linked to the household by the common theme of administration, attention naturally falls on the individual responsible. Pindar applies the term _tamias_ ('steward') to Greek monarchs in Sicily and Libya: he calls Battus 'steward of Cyrene' ( _P_. 5.62), says to Hieron _poll\u00f4n tamias essi_ ('you are a steward of many people\/things', _P_. 1.88) and describes Aegina as 'in the stewardship of a Dorian people ( _D\u00f4riei la\u00f4i tamieumenan_ ) since Aiakos' ( _O_. 8.30). However, it is not clear to what extent Pindar's use of the image is based on the idea of the city as household, or even whether it carries any strong notion of authority held in trust (the address to Hieron would come closest), since from an earlier period _tamias_ and _tamieu\u00f4_ are used to denote control and administration, often with overtones of dispensation, in several spheres.6 Nevertheless, at the very least the words would seem to imply a responsible and rational oversight, as well perhaps as some consideration for the interests or needs of other parties.\n\nIn Athens, however, this aspect of the image came very much to the fore in a distinctively democratic development that shifted its focus from administration as such to the relationship between politicians and the _demos_ , which came to be expressed in terms of various forms of service. The most conspicuous example is Aristophanes' _Knights_ , in which Athens is represented as the household of a personified Demos, a ploy which might be viewed as a way of giving new energy to a commonplace, even if the allegorization is not consistently sustained. Within this household, the various politicians are presented as his slaves, a point made all the more sharply at the outset of the play if we accept that the two characters labelled _oiketai_ were identifiable as the contemporary politicians Nicias and Demosthenes.7 By the fourth century, the idealized picture of the politician as the servant of the people, whose duty it is to serve the people ( _diakonein_ \/ _therapuein_ \/ _hup\u00earetein_ ) is a familiar trope in the orators.8 Likewise Isocrates claims that in Golden Age Athens it was held that the demos should have the power to appoint and chastise magistrates and to decide disputes, while men of wealth and leisure should care for the common good like servants.9 Within this framework, there is plainly a sharper ethical focus to any reference to a politician as a steward ( _tamias_ ) which, in an Athenian context, must have evoked overtones of trust and careful management, given the use of the term _Tamias_ for officials such as the Treasurers of Athena, of the Other Gods, of the Boule and, in the fourth century, others besides, all of whom were accountable to the demos and subject to close scrutiny. In his prosecution of Demosthenes over the Harpalus affair (5.12), Hyperides uses the terms _tetamieusai_ ('you administered') and _epistat\u00ean_ ('overseer') ironically to point up his opponent's dishonesty and abuse of his leading position. More generally, Isocrates in the _Panegyricus_ (4.76) declares that the statesmen of old did not profit from public resources as if they were private ( _idia_ ) while neglecting them as if they belonged to others ( _allotria_ ), but cared for them as household property ( _oikeia_ ) while keeping their hands off them 'as one should with things to which one has no claim'; the passage implies a contrast not only between profit and service, but also between what is one's private property ( _idia_ , _pros\u00eakonta_ ) and that which concerns one ( _oikeia_ ) but which one is nevertheless not free to appropriate. These ideas are already evident in a less fully articulated form in Aristophanes: when in _Knights_ 947\u20138 Demos uses the verb _tamieuein_ in demanding the return of his ring10 and handing it over to the sausage-seller, the term implies that the Paphlagonian has betrayed his trust.\n\nThe same vocabulary is used in both the plays of female reform, associated with notions of careful management, when the women's proven domestic ability is cited as an argument for putting the affairs of the city in their hands ( _Lys_. 493\u20135; _Eccl_. 210\u20132 cf. 600), and the same argument from domestic experience underlies the protracted image from wool-working in the _Lysistrata_ (567f.; below 122). A related term, _epitropos_ ('household supervisor'), is linked with _tamias_ at _Eccl_. 212 and fr.305, from the other _Peace_ , and applied to political leadership at _Peace_ 686, while the Paphlagonian uses the cognate verb _epitropeuein_ to refer to his primacy in the house of Demos at _Knights_ 949; given that elsewhere in that play (212, 426) the phrase _epitropeuein ton d\u00eamon_ ('oversee the demos') is used simply to mean 'be a\/the leading politician', it may be that Aristophanes is taking advantage of the allegorical domestic context to give new energy to a faded metaphor.11 However, when in two passages at the end of the play Demos puts himself in the charge of the Sausage-Seller with the words _emeauton epitrep\u00f4_ ('I entrust myself ': 1098, 1259), the reference must surely be to a different sense of _epitropos_ , 'guardian', and his specific duties are defined as _gerontag\u00f4gein_ , 'guide an old man', which is obviously modelled on _paidag\u00f4gein_ 'guide a child, tutor'.12 In the context this is a positive development, if unrealistically optimistic, since this guardianship restores Demos to his old capable self; the same is true of the Athenian decision to 'entrust ( _epitrepein_ ) the city' to the women in the _Ecclesiazusae_ (455\u20136), though the latter term is more or less literal.13\n\nOutside comedy, there is a striking figurative passage in the sophistic treatise known as the Anonymus Iamblichi (7.14) in which the author suggests that tyranny is the result of a breakdown in normal law and order which itself supplies the need for law and order: 'when therefore these two things, law and justice, cease to be present in the mass, at that juncture the guardianship ( _epitropeian_ ) and preservation ( _phulak\u00ean_ ) of these things devolves on a single individual.' This view of the tyrant as holding the rule of law in trust is in sharp contrast to the normal view of the tyrant as a law unto himself, and reflects the late fifth-century conception of the importance of law in itself (for the monarchy of law in _Anon. Iambl_. 6.1 see above 10). Whereas in the Aristophanic images it is the Demos which is given a guardian, here it is law which has to be taken from them (or taken up when they have abandoned it) and looked after for itself, because the need for law and justice is the highest imperative (7.13). A related democratic version of the concept which represents the justice, laws and legal procedure of Athens as deposited on trust with the jurors (using the technical term _parakatath\u00eak\u00ea_ ) appears in the fourth-century orators.14 A more orthodox perception of the tyrant is implied in Aristotle's advice to such rulers in the _Politics_ (1314b6\u20137, 14\u201318, 37\u20138, 1315a40-b2) that their financial exactions should appear to be made to meet the needs of administration ( _t\u00eas te oikonomias heneka_ ), that they should in general present themselves as guards and stewards of what by implication is common property and that they must appear to their subjects 'a good manager and kingly and not self-interested but a guardian ( _epitropon_ )'. Here guardianship remains a positive model, like stewardship and household management, despite the cynical use made of it.15\n\nAs a developed political image, the concept of guardianship seems thus to be entirely positive, though in reality not all guardians in Athens seem to have met their obligations.16 Unreliability is also a problem with servants \u2013 indeed, this is taken for granted in the exposition of _Knights_ , where it is made clear that Demos' servants are engaged in a competition to become the master's favourite by gratifying his desires (46f.). This situation obviously reflects badly on Demos as well as on his servants: if it was a stock charge against politicians that they pandered to the people, it was equally true that the people lapped up such attentions, and recent scholarship has tended to argue that the issue remains unresolved at the end of the play.17 In oratory, however, the finger of blame points squarely at the servant, as in Demosthenes' regular charge that the demos has been reduced to slavery by contemporary politicians (2.14, 3.30\u20131, 22.54f., 23.209\u201310, 24.143, [D.] 13.31, cf. Aeschin. 3.3)18 or that other _rhetors_ display the ingratitude of liberated slaves, rather than thanking the demos for their advancement (24.124); lack of _charis_ is compounded by the implication that such men have become rapidly, and dubiously, wealthy (Ober 1989, 225\u20136; the same slur is made explicitly in 18.131). When the servant is given a specific identity, this is usually negative: hence the Paphlagonian in _Knights_ becomes a nurse, shooing away flies, spoon-feeding the old man meagrely and tidying him up. Here the normal position is reversed, with the slave in control, as it is when the fourth-century orator Democrates compares politicians to nurses who chew up food for babies, but swallow the lion's share themselves.19 Corruption is assimilated to starving the demos on the visual plane in the 'meal scene' of _Knights_ (1151\u20131226) and, in a slightly different context, when Aeschines (3.251) says that ordinary citizens leave an assembly monopolised by professional politicians 'having not debated, but shared out the left-overs, as from a pot-luck meal ( _h\u00f4sper ek t\u00f4n eran\u00f4n_ )'. The same idea of control of the demos by politicians who hold the purse-strings is conveyed by a fragment of Aristophanes (fr.699) which likens them to wine-stewards: 'you stir up our city and dole out cupfuls ( _kotulizete_ ) to the poor'. The consequence of this financial control is that the jurors in _Wasps_ (and presumably the demos at large), like itinerant olive-pickers, will go wherever the money is ( _Vesp_. 712).20\n\nPlato also portrays democratic politicians ( _prostatai_ ) as bad wine-stewards ( _R_. 562cd), though his point is about irresponsibility rather than dishonesty. This is in line with his consistently negative use of the image of service: in the _Republic_ he speaks of the politicians who pamper the chronically ill state (426c), and this portrait of politicians as pandering servants is more fully developed in the _Gorgias_ : the speakers 'treat the citizens like children, simply trying to please them ( _charizesthai_ )' (502e). Plato calls this sort of unreflecting gratification of the people's desires, which undermines the city's health, 'pandering' ( _kolakeia_ : 463b\u20136a, 503a, 513d) and refers to it by the term _diakonein_ (517b\u20138a, 521a), a word he applies to the form of service which has been provided by the politicians of the past (517b); the two expressions appear side by side when the dialogue considers what kind of politician Callicles will be (521ab).21\n\nServants, then, may be dutiful or dishonest, principled or cynical. There is also a clear difference between the sort of service normally posited of politicians as servants and the imagery of wage labour which is applied by fourth-century orators to accusations of corruption. This latter can be described from the perspective of both employer and employee: the briber, for his part \u2013 typically Philip II \u2013 is said to hire or buy the services of a politician. To sell oneself outright clearly carries overtones of slavery, but one does little better if, in another favoured image, one hires oneself out, whether to a foreign power or to domestic interests. In so doing, one loses one's independence of action and speech, and so much of one's status as citizen and politician, and there can be an implication of prostitution \u2013 one notes Aeschines' use of _misth_ -words (i.e. 'hire' or 'pay') in the case of Timarchus.22 Evidently, the implication that the speaker's opponent is a servile tool and a traitor rather than a citizen is the primary objective of such imagery, though it would seem from Demosthenes' repeated dismissal of the relationship between Aeschines and Philip and Alexander not as friendship and _xenia_ (ritualized guest-friendship) but as that of master and hireling, as if Aeschines were an agricultural labourer (18.51\u20132, 284), that he felt the need to disperse the reflected glamour and prestige which Aeschines derived from it, by stressing that they did not meet on equal terms or without an ulterior motive. Such images are only applicable to relations between politicians and outside powers or among themselves: one cannot hire oneself, still less prostitute oneself, to the demos.23\n\nThe precise nature of the relationship between the demos as master and its servants was equivocal: while it would have been demeaning to describe oneself as a slave, not all stewards, treasurers or other holders of delegated authority necessarily had this status. Furthermore, there is a suggestive link to the allusions to politicians as 'lovers of Demos' which appeared in the fifth century and remained current in the fourth (below 115\u201317, 154\u20135), since the mot juste for a lover's attentions is _therapeuein_ or _therapeia_ , which can also refer to domestic service, as well as to courting political favour.24 This overlap in terminology thus left open to politicians the possibility of an alternative self-conception which, though still a little ambiguous (in that it entailed a degree of subordination), was nonetheless more positive both in reflecting an elite lifestyle and in being essentially voluntary.\n\nThe Athenian image of the politician as servant thus expresses central tenets of democratic ideology, the subordination of politicians to the demos and their accountability before it,25 but it seems to be intended primarily for internal consumption, inasmuch as it is focused on power relations within the democracy rather than expressing a virtue of democracy in comparison to other constitutions. The consistent manner in which it is deployed both by individual politicians to promote themselves and disparage their rivals and by Aristophanes, the comic poet as internal critic, likewise implies that this imagery, while retaining a persuasive force, is intended to regulate the operation of Athenian democracy.\n\nEven the opponents of democracy found it difficult to evade, as we can see from the way that speakers in Xenophon's Socratic works express their hostility to the concept but offer no riposte, and can only respond by opting out of political activity. In the _Symposium_ Callias expresses admiration of Antisthenes' spiritual wealth (and physical poverty) 'because the city does not give you orders and treat you ( _chr\u00eatai_ ) like a slave' (4.45). Equally, Aristippus in the _Memorabilia_ (2.1.9) is unwilling to enter politics and make himself the people's servant, a concept which he expresses in the most unfavourable terms possible: 'cities expect to use ( _chr\u00easthai_ ) office-holders as I use my servants ( _oiketais_ ).' As he explains, he expects his servants to provide him with the necessities of life in abundance but not to lay hands on them themselves, and similarly cities expect their leaders to provide them with all possible benefits while themselves abstaining entirely from those benefits (the contrast in tone with Isocrates 4.76 [above, 27] is very marked). From this perspective, submission to the authority of the demos seems to be considered slavish; we are close to the idea of the tyranny of the demos which is explored overtly in the amusing dialogue between Pericles and Alcibiades in _Memorabilia_ 1.2.40\u20136.26 As we have seen, Plato was able to turn the concept into a stick with which to beat democratic politicians in the _Gorgias_ , though his treatment shades into a different devotion, that of the lover of the _demos_ , and his agenda is in any case principally philosophical. Ultimately the escape for anti-democrats seems to have lain in accepting the idea of service, but assigning that service to the laws rather than the _demos_ : Xenophon describes a Spartan king as 'doing service to the laws' and Aristotle in commending the rule of law recommends the appointment of individual rulers as guardians and servants of the laws; only when monarchy made clear the subordinate position of the demos in reality would kings embrace the paradox of styling their position 'distinguished slavery'.27\n\nIf Athenian democracy was able to exert its authority over the figure of the servant, it had more difficulties with the other possible conception of the _oikos_ , as the locus of the family. In part this may have been because images derived from the family had deeper roots which can be traced back to Homer. In the _Odyssey_ , Odysseus is three times described as 'gentle like a father' ( _pat\u00ear d'h\u00f4s \u00eapios \u00eaen_ : 2.47 = 234 = 5.12), just as Helen in _Iliad_ 24.770 credits her father-in-law Priam with the gentleness of a true father.28 These resonances are also typical of the regular use of the image of the king as father in the early Near East: Azitawadda of Adana says 'Baal made me a father and a mother to the Danunites' and goes on to boast that other kings look on him as a father because of his righteousness, wisdom and kindness of heart. Similar is the claim of Kilamurra of Y'dy Sam'al: 'To some I was a father, to some I was a mother. To some I was a brother... They were disposed to me as an orphan is to his mother', in which the variation in the relationship suggests that the king supplies the appropriate care and comfort to each.29 Given the currency of the image in Near Eastern contexts, it is surprising that it is not more frequently used of Homeric kings; it is much more often applied to Zeus, the 'father of gods and men', or simply _pat\u00ear_ , the father par excellence.30 Instances of the image are equally sparse through the archaic period and into the fifth century: Pindar addresses Hieron as _pat\u00ear_ , but since this is in the context of the foundation of Aitna he may have the biological implications more in mind.31 More obviously in the Homeric mould is the opening of Sophocles' _Oedipus Tyrannus_ , where Oedipus enters with the words 'Oh children' ( _\u00f4 tekna_ cf.6, 58, 142): the implication that Oedipus is thinking like a father was picked up by the ancient commentator, who viewed this in a positive light. However, we might be more hesitant, and might wonder whether Sophocles is not allowing the audience the chance to see the image as more equivocal, when we note that all other contemporary references to the king as father are in Near Eastern contexts.32 Thus the chorus in Aeschylus' _Persae_ refer to Darius as 'father' (664 = 671) and Atossa as 'mother' (215), and in Herodotus we find the same image used of Croesus \u2013 'you who were more than a father to the Lydians' (1.155.1\u20132), and of Cyrus, whom the Persians called 'father' 'because he was gentle ( _\u00eapios_ ) and contrived every good thing for them' (3.89.3).33 The latter case is noteworthy as the image is unusually not a piece of royal propaganda, but a tribute from his people, and inverts the advertisement by kings in Near Eastern inscriptions of their own past munificence and kindness.\n\nIn the early fourth century, the heyday of monarchic imagery, the image of the ruler as father takes on a new life. Perhaps the most enthusiastic exponent is Xenophon: in the _Cyropaideia_ , Chrysantas is made to say of Cyrus 'I have often noticed that a good ruler is no different from a good father: for fathers take thought for their children, that they may never want for good things, and Cyrus now seems to be advising us of the ways in which we can best continue to prosper' (8.1.1). The same image is said to have been applied to Cyrus by his newly conquered subjects, the principal point being that of benefaction (8.1.44, 2.9, 8.1).34 In applying the image not only to Cyrus' Persian subjects, but also to those whom he has conquered, Xenophon is going one better than Herodotus (3.89.3), for whom Cyrus is a father only to the Persians (and in contrast to his successors, whom they hold in less high regard). The image is equally applicable to Greek leaders. Xenophon says of Agesilaus that the Greeks in Asia mourned his departure 'as not only of a commander, but of a father and a comrade' ( _Ages_. 1.38), and later describes his behaviour to his political opponents as father-like, chiding their errors, honouring their successes and supporting them in adversity (7.3). Finally, Xenophon as commander of the Ten Thousand is twice equated with a father in speeches made in his own defence: in _An_. 5.8.18 he claims that any application of corporal punishment to maintain discipline should be judged in the same light as a father's chastisement of his sons or a teacher's of his pupils, while in 7.6.38, criticizing the troops for their ingratitude, he reminds them that they used to call him 'father' in recognition of his benefactions. Xenophon's application of the image to himself is suggestive of its attractions for him as a paradigm for the exercise of authority. For him, the chief implications of the image seem to be paternal care and guidance, reciprocated by respect and affection on the part of the children. At the same time, Xenophon also brings into the open another and potentially more problematic aspect of the father-figure, his right to chastise: Aristotle remarks on the need for a tyrant to administer punishment in a fatherly spirit ( _Pol_. 1315a21), and Plato's description in the _Laws_ of a father's rule over his household as 'the most just kingship ( _basileia dikaiotat\u00ea_ )' and his evaluation of the right of parents to rule over their children as self-evident (680e, 690a) similarly imply a more authoritarian view of the father's role than that taken by Xenophon.\n\nA further, potentially controversial issue which has hitherto lurked in the background also emerges clearly in the fourth century: if the concept of the state as a household is combined with monarchy, it follows that the state may be seen as the estate of the ruler, a possession to be disposed of as he sees fit.35 This idea is most prominent in Isocrates' _To Nicocles_ , where the young ruler is encouraged to administer the state in the same way as his royal estate, and advised that all the property of those who reside in the city belongs to the kings who rule them well (2.19, 21 \u2013 there is a sharp contrast to the idea of Athenian politicians handling the state's property as stewards in the _Panegyricus_ [above, 27]), but the same outlook underlies a couple of Xenophontic passages which imply a possessive attitude to the subject: Hiero compares the spirited citizen to a good horse which its master fears may cause him fatal harm, yet which he is reluctant to slaughter ( _Hiero_ 6.15\u20136), while Cyaxares compares Cyrus' winning over of his subjects to subverting the loyalty of watchdogs, servants or a wife ( _Cyr_. 5.5.28\u201330). The concept is given a more characteristically positive slant in _Hiero_ 11.14, where Simonides urges the tyrant to 'think of your fatherland ( _patrida_ ) as your house, the citizens as comrades, your friends as your children, your children as your soul' and encourages him to outdo them in benefactions; the implication is that as paterfamilias he will not only show kindness, but will devote himself to the preservation and growth of his estate rather than simply exploiting it. The unspoken implication is that in so doing, he will change from a tyrant into a true king.\n\nBoth these elaborations point to the continuing utility of the image of the father as an expression of the position of the monarch,36 but they also highlight the distinctly problematic character for democracy, which closely policed any handling of public assets by officeholders, and in which the application of physical sanctions to one citizen by another came close to being taboo.37 When the _Athenaion Politeia_ (28.5) describes the leadership of Thucydides son of Milesias and Nicias as 'treating the whole city in a fatherly manner ( _t\u00eai polei pas\u00eai patrik\u00f4s chr\u00f4menous_ )', it is clearly analogous to the judgment of Thucydides (the historian) on Pericles in 2.65.8\u20139, and equally difficult to align with democratic ideology.38 However, there are indications that Athenians adopted an alternative approach to family which avoided many of these difficulties by marginalizing or distributing parental authority, and which seems to be linked to the myth of autochthonous origins.39 Since all Athenians shared a common descent from the land of Attica, they were all siblings, as Plato says in the _Menexenus_ (238e\u20139a), and all legitimate children too (D. 60.4 cf. Lycurg. 1.48). This shared ancestry is sometimes expressed by referring to them as 'sons' of one of the mythical kings, of Erechtheus or Theseus,40 but attention more often focuses on the land itself. Recent scholarship has tended to focus attention on the masculine aspect of the title _patris_ ('fatherland') but it might be argued that this is to over-emphasize the gendered aspect of a tendency, not unique to Greece, to conceive of descent and inheritance in terms of the male line (which was after all the commonest form of inheritance),41 and to neglect the way in which the earth is also conceived of as nurturing and hence as maternal, or at least specifically female where the reference is to Attica as nurse. This is the aspect highlighted by Isocrates (4.25): 'alone among the Greeks, we have the right to call the same land nurse and fatherland and mother',42 and he goes on to associate this with the origins of agriculture in Attica, acknowledged by the other Greeks in first-fruit offerings to Eleusis (4.26\u201331). He returns to the theme in his last speech, the _Panathenaikos_ (12.124\u20135), where there is an explicit reference to autochthony: 'having as nurse this land from which they sprang, and loving her as the best of men love their own fathers and mothers'. Lycurgus likewise refers to Attica as nurse of Athenians (in two quite different epochs) in _Against Leocrates_ , a speech with some marked resemblances to the funeral orations.43 The emotional bond reinforces the obligation on children to defend their parents: Lycurgus ( _Leoc_. 48) notes that this is naturally stronger for legitimate than for adopted children, while Demosthenes (18.205) spells out the point, claiming that the Athenians of old felt that they had been born not simply for their biological parents, but also for their fatherland, and were consequently ready to face premature death to defend Athens from slavery and dishonour. Such sentiments were not unique to Athens \u2013 Isocrates puts in the mouth of Archidamus (6.108) an appeal to the Spartans to repay their upbringing to the fatherland \u2013 but the ideology gives a particularly sharp edge to Lycurgus' denunciation of Leocrates for failing to meet this obligation by defending Athens in her hour of need (1.53).44 The parental role is thus displaced onto the polis at large, or onto the whole community of citizens of which it is constituted, while the individual citizen, or any group of citizens considered in relation to the polis, is figured as a child. It was presumably on this basis that the newly enfranchised Agoratus could describe the Athenian demos as his father, a ploy to which Lysias ripostes by appealing to the Athenian law against mistreatment of parents. More fanciful variants could be fashioned to suit particular rhetorical contexts: Demosthenes, arguing in the _Fourth Philippic_ in favour of harmony between rich and poor and against the unwillingness of the former to contribute to the support of the latter, states that all citizens should be viewed as parents of the city as a whole, and hence entitled to the support which is guaranteed for individual parents by law and custom.45\n\nIt is noteworthy that Plato's familial imagery proceeds on the same assumptions. The common ancestry of citizens means that the citizens whom a tyrant murders are all his kin ( _R_. 565e with Adam 1902), a fact which emphasizes his impiety and explains his lycanthropic transformation, and likewise it is the kinship of citizens which Socrates regards as obliging him to devote his philosophic efforts to Athens ( _Apol_. 30a). Plato also locates parental authority in the permanent social structure, the city or its laws. Thus in the _Euthyphro_ Socrates talks of Meletus' denouncing him to the city as if 'telling on him' to his mother (2c), and the image of the laws as standing in a similar though superior relation to the citizen as his parents is a major part of the argument of the _Crito_ : the laws claim that, being ultimately responsible for the birth and upbringing of Socrates and every other citizen, they are entitled to the same respect and obedience in all reasonable demands from their 'offspring' as adults, and in a greater degree inasmuch as the city is higher than individuals. In particular they are entitled to immunity from any violence at the hands of citizens, which would be as impious as violence against parents.46 Likewise in the _Laws_ , the proper model for the lawgiver is that of loving, wise parents, not arbitrary tyrants (859a).47 In the same way, unjust behaviour suggests familial disobedience: timarchic individuals will indulge their pleasures in secret 'running away from the law like children from their father' ( _R_. 548b),48 while the tyrant is described as the prodigal son of the demos, not respecting and supporting his father but doing violence to him and consuming his property (568e\u20139c).49\n\nIt is perhaps not surprising that Plato makes use of Athenian conceptions when dealing with Socrates as a citizen of Athens, but the way in which they seep into his more idealizing works is more striking, and perhaps suggests that he could not entirely escape his own ideological conditioning as an Athenian. His avoidance of the king as father, on the other hand, is probably due rather to the fact that, in an era before Dr Spock, parenthood was not a _techn\u00ea_ , and the implications of sympathetic concern which were useful when he applied the image to gods50 were not part of his ideal of earthly authority, in which orthodox monarchy plays little part.\n\nAristotle's disagreement with Plato and Xenophon on the uniformity of the art of rule has already been noted. It may be that he is concerned at the outset of the _Politics_ to establish terms of reference, which in this case leads him to distinguish between different forms of authority in order to isolate the one with which he is properly concerned. It may also be relevant that he is much less interested at a practical level in monarchy than he is in oligarchy and democracy, and so rejects a model which has little practical application for him. At the same time, the father's relation to his children remains a useful analogue of kingly power, which is itself to be distinguished from his 'statesmanlike' authority over his wife. Yet this is not the whole story, for there is another set of comparisons of the domestic and political in the _Nicomachean Ethics_ , in the discussion of friendship: here Aristotle is primarily concerned with relationships between individuals, which he illuminates by reference to politics, and the parallels are grounded in the affective relation between ruler and ruled, not only between parent and child and husband and wife, but also between brothers; this last, however, Aristotle compares to timocracy, not democracy, which for him is the anarchy of a household with no master, or a weak one. It looks as though Aristotle the metic is rebuffing in one brief passage both the versions of the household espoused by his Athenian hosts.51\n\nWhatever his theoretical preoccupations, Aristotle acknowledges the long-standing appeal of the analogy between monarch and father, which had returned to prominence with the resurgence of monarchy as an effective form of government at the beginning of the fourth century. It is less straightforward to account for the development of the Athenian models of the _oikos_ which, as we have seen, may not emerge until the fifth century. _Prima facie_ , the alternative family is the later of the two, since it is not attested in literary sources until the tail-end of the century, but other considerations suggest that this is misleading. As we have seen, the conception of all Athenians as siblings sprung from Attic soil is associated with the discourse of autochthony and its expression in speeches at Athenian public funerals, both of which are probably to be assigned to the period shortly after the Persian Wars.52 In undertaking the burial of war-dead, the state appropriated to itself what had previously been an obligation of individual _oikoi_ , and it went further in maintaining war orphans to adulthood at public expense, an initiative also dating from this period.53 The role of the polis as surrogate parent was underlined by the suppression of patronymics on the lists of war casualties erected as part of this process.54 Finally, Pericles' citizenship law in the middle of the fifth century effectively enacted what the concept of autochthony symbolized.55 It is often suggested that the growth of Athens problematized the relation between polis and _oikos_.56 At the most basic level, it is possible that the growth of the city, in increasing a general consciousness of a separation between the two, simply made individuals more aware of the household, which had previously been so universal and obvious as to escape notice as an entity. However, the development of the city as a democracy and a power in Greece placed increasing demands on its citizens, not least in military service: increasingly citizens were expected to risk their lives on behalf of the city, but not directly in defence of its territory or of their own homes and families, although many of the casualties in the period when this ideology seems to be taking shape fell in fighting with the Persians and hence still in the cause of the security of the polis in a wider sense.57 Insofar as there were tensions between household and state, however, the model of the alternative family avoided them by figuring the state as a super- _oikos_ which by virtue of its size and inclusiveness transcended the individual _oikos_ , and at the same time by representing all members of that household as siblings the Athenians succeeded in side-stepping the problems of hierarchy and paternalism which are sometimes seen as inherent in such imagery.58 To some extent the potential for this development had always been present: there seems to have been no recognition of the _oikos_ as such in Athenian law,59 while the institution of the civic hearth suggests that an unarticulated sense of the city as a single community resembling a household had always been present.60 The analogy between house and city is already implied by the imagery of the ruler as father, which we can see from Pindar was current in this period, and if Herodotus is to be believed, other Greeks had already started to assimilate political administration to household management. The particular form which that concept took in Athens is easier to understand if the alternative family was already in place: in the absence of a father to head the household, the householder could only be (the) [D]emos, and anyone aspiring to an individual role could only achieve it by subordinating himself.61 Given the prevailing character of political systems from the Hellenistic period on, it is hardly surprising that household imagery has become almost uniformly paternalistic (above n.58); today, however, when almost all countries proclaim themselves democratic, their citizens might find it salutary to revive the model of a household without a head.\n\n## Notes\n\n1cf. Aeschin. 1.28\u201330, and NB Strauss (1993) 45\u20137 on both passages.\n\n2Naturally prominent in the _Odyssey_ : e.g. 1.397, 14.8, 18.303, cf. _Il_. 24.734; also applied to ownership of animals, e.g. _Iliad_ 10.559, 23.417, _Odyssey_ 17.303; NB Calhoun (1935) 4\u20138. West (1997) 545\u20137 cites Semitic parallels for the broad semantics of _anax_ and _anassein_.\n\n3The sixth-century date is of course the historical context, the image being well-established by the time of composition, and some commentators have expressed scepticism about its historicity, though without explaining their grounds: How & Wells (1928) II.11 ask 'is not the story a political parable inserted here for some unknown reason?', and Legrand (1946) remarks on 30.1 'il est douteux que les Pariens aient op\u00e9r\u00e9 comme le dit H\u00e9rodote.' Van Wees (2008) 29 puts forward a literal interpretation of the passage in which the estates in good order are those least damaged in _stasis_ , but this does seem to me rather to stretch Herodotus' language.\n\n4 _oikein_ : E. _El_. 386\u20137, fr.200 ( _Antiope_ ), X. _Mem._ 1.1.7, 4.1.2, Pl. _Men_. 73a, 91a, _Grg_. 520e, _R_. 600d, _Lg_. 714a, 790b, Isoc. 2.19, Aeschin. 1.153, Thphr. _Char_. 26.3. _oikonomia_ : _LSJ_ s.v. 2 and (e.g.) X. _An_. 1.9.19, _Mem._ 4.3.14, _Cyr._ 5.3.25, Theopompus _FGrH_ 115 F224, Dinarch. 1.97, Demad. fr.131, Arist. _Pol._ 1288a34, 1308b32, _Poet._ 1453a29; note also _dioik\u00easis_ 'maintenance' in [Arist.] _Ath.Pol_. 24.3 with Rhodes (1981). In Euripides' _Phoenissae oikein_ is used with _oikon_ (486, 1231) and _domon_ (602) of ruling Thebes. To some extent this is a literal statement, given the confusion caused by the multiple statuses of Polyneices and Eteocles; Pearson (1909) remarks on 486 ' \"to administer my own estate\" was in Polyneices' case to be sovereign of Thebes', but _oikein oikon_ seems also to have been a proverbial phrase (Stevens 1971 on E. _Andr_. 581; NB the alliteration, characteristic of proverbs and popular expressions (Silk 1974, App.IV)), familiar enough to be parodied by Aristophanes ( _Ran_. 105). So perhaps Euripides is bringing the proverb to life by making it literal, suggesting that absolute identification of the two spheres can lead to an excessively proprietorial attitude, and expansion of family quarrels to embrace the city at large. Cf. the similar _oikein oikian_ of the financial mismanagement of Philip II and his Companions in Theopompus F224.\n\n5Universal art of rule: cf. _Alc. I_ 133e, _Laws_ 690a. Plato's view of the evolution of the state from the household as the basic administrative unit suggests belief in a historical basis to this argument, but though Aristotle gives a similar account of the growth of the state in the _Politics_ (1252a24\u201353a1), he regards the state as logically prior (1253a19\u201329).\n\n6Thgn. 504\u20135, 1186, 1242, Pi. _I_. 6.57\u20138, Hdt. 2.121.\u03b12, Thuc. 6.78.2; in.6.18.3 _tamieuesthai_ means 'regulate', cf. 6.79.2. We should remember that _tamiai_ often operated outside the domestic sphere (see next para.), just as at Athens there were public slaves and slaves living independently as well as domestic slaves, though the imagery seems very much to focus on the household.\n\n7For other personifications of Demos produced on stage NB Pl. Com. fr.201 (below 181n.97) and perhaps Eup. fr.346. On the allegory in _Knights_ and its inconsistency see Dover (1972), 93\u20135, who is guarded on the identification of the two slaves in the prologue, and on this play NB also below 115.\n\n8e.g. D. 18.206, 311, 51.7, _Ep_.2.11, [D.] 50.2, Aeschin. 3.13, 15, Hyper. 5 col.30. For Isocrates, the characteristic of the successful constitutional politician is effective _tou pl\u00eathous therapeia_ ('service to the masses': 2.16), and attention to the people is praised in _Evagoras_ (9.46) and commended to Nicocles as one of the paths to success (2.15\u20136). For _epimeleisthai_ and _epimeleia_ used of political service, NB Isoc. 1.37, 3.22, 7.25\u20136, 8.127, 12.56, 15.103, 116, 131, 133; Aeschines (3.13, 16) points it out as slippery political terminology, linking it in the former passage with the more overt _diakonia_ , and _diakonein_ can also be applied pejoratively to non-Athenians doing the bidding of a foreign despot: D. 9.43, 19.69. Demosthenes also tends to use _hyp\u00earetein_ negatively, of service to a foreign power: 9.53, 56, 19.85, 299, _Ep_.6.1, [D.] 17.17; the word is used favourably (of service to the city and the laws), only at 47.42, 48 which is not Demosthenic and perhaps to be attributed to Apollodorus (Trevett 1992 50\u201376); NB also Whitehead (2000) on Hyper. 5 col.30. In the newly discovered speech of Hypereides _Against Diondas_ , _hyp\u00earet\u00f4n_ is used to denote Diondas' legal services to others, so branding him as a sycophant with a mercenary attitude and implicitly contrasting him with Hypereides and Demosthenes as true servants of Athens (175v line 6 \u2013 174r line 4).\n\n9 _epimeleisthai t\u00f4n koin\u00f4n h\u00f4sper oiketas_ , 7.26 cf. 12.146, though Isocrates' commitment to the ideal is questionable: below 177n.68.\n\n10There may be a reference to the _d\u00eamosia sphr\u00eagis_ , the public seal: Neil (1901) on 948\u20139.\n\n11Note how in _Pax_ 686 and _Eccl_. 212 the noun is governed by _chr\u00easthai_ ('make use of '), which also appears in Xen. _Mem_. 2.1.9 in a context of political service (below 30).\n\n12Landfester (1967) 24\u20135, 57 n.165 treats all uses of this terminology as meaning 'guardian', 'be a guardian', 'entrust oneself to a guardian', since it is part of his thesis that Demos is himself incapable until the last scene; Olson (1998) on _Pax_ 685\u20137 on the other hand regards them all as referring to supervision. Landfester (67\u20138) also links _gerontag\u00f4gein_ to the idea of the sausage-seller as guardian; the line is adapted from a passage of Sophocles (fr.487, from the _Peleus_ ), where there were clearly overtones of benign care (NB the expression _k\u00eadeuein t\u00ean polin_ ['care for the city': S. fr.683, E. _I.T_. 1212]), though Aristophanes may also have felt a reminiscence of _d\u00eamag\u00f4gein_ : see further below, 134n.82.\n\n13Compare Thuc. 6.15.4 where _epitrepsantes_ is apparently used absolutely to mean 'hand over' (Gomme, Andrewes and Dover 1945\u201381 _ad loc_.) and, for the concept, X. _Mem_. 2.6.38.\n\n14D. 21.177, [D.] 25.11, Aeschin. 1.7, 187. Dinarchus (1.81) describes the entrusting of Athens to Demosthenes as both _parakatathesthai_ and _epitrepsai_ ; cf. the looser _egcheirizein_ ('put in the hands of ') at D. 19.99. For the sophist Lycophron, law itself was a 'guarantor ( _eggu\u00eat\u00eas_ ) of reciprocal rights' (Arist. _Pol_. 1280 b10\u201311, tr. Robinson).\n\n15Aristotle applies this image to subordinate authority (below 175n.55), whereas Plato is prepared to employ it of cosmic rule (below 174n.51) as well as in the general sense 'govern' (e.g. _R_. 519c), which we can see from Thrasym. B1, a model preface (Yunis 1997), had become conventional by the end of the century. In Herodotus, however, besides two references to guardianship and six to 'rule in another's name' (Powell 1938 s.v. 1 and 2), _epitropeuein_ is three times applied to unlimited monarchy (3.36.3, 82.2, 5.92\u03b6.2, all in speeches); in each case the implication seems to be competent management (though the first passage, part of Cambyses' attack on Croesus, is ironic).\n\n16Plato's passing reference to corrupt guardians at _Tht_. 144d is suggestive. There was a specific procedure against such dereliction, the _dike epitrop\u00eas_ (Harrison 1968\u201371 I.119\u201321), and protection of wards was part of the workload of the eponymous archon (Rhodes (1981) 629\u201336).\n\n17e.g. Hesk (2000b) 255\u20138, drawing on the fuller treatment in Hesk (2000a), esp. 248\u201361.\n\n18Compare D. 2.30 for the idea that the demos must become its own master rather than leaving politicians and generals in the position of tyrants; so too [D.] 58.61: jurors and laws must be in control of speakers, not vice versa.\n\n19Paphlagonian as nurse: _Eq._ 60; for the motif of brushing away insects, which recalls Athena in _Iliad_ 4.130\u20131, cf. 1038 and _Vesp_. 596\u20137; spoon-feeding: 716\u20138; tidying up: 908; NB fr.416 for rejuvenation by removal of grey hairs, a stock flatterer's trick (Thphr. _Char_. 2.3) which contrasts with the real rejuvenation in the finale. Democrates fr.1 Baiter-Sauppe = Arist. _Rh_. 1407a8\u201310.\n\n20 _kirnantes_ is punningly combined with the idea of 'stirring up trouble' which also occurs frequently in _Knights_ (below 132n.68; NB _Eq_. 859 for giving short measure). For the status of wage labour in ancient Greece see below 132n.69; compare its employment as an image of corruption (below 29), and NB Morawetz (2000) 15\u201347 for the antidemocratic concept of the _banausos_ (lit. one who practises a craft or trade).\n\n21Note that in _R._ 562cd Plato distinguishes between irresponsible politicians and the authorities ( _archontes_ ) who come under pressure from the city they have corrupted. The audience of children in _Grg_. 502e recalls the contest before an audience of children between a confectioner and a doctor which Socrates imagines in his account of 'pandering' (464de, 521e\u20132a). There is a clear association between these ideas and Plato's broader concern with health: the doctor is a favourite model of expertise for Plato (below 150n.1), with which Socrates implicitly associates his own true statesmanship here. For the concept of _kolakeia_ in democratic politics, note _Alc. I_ 120b and Arist. _Pol_. 1292a15\u201338.\n\n22Briber hires or buys: D. 10.9, 15.32, 18.33, 51, 149, 284, 19.316; Aeschin. 3.218 cf. [D.] 7.7; politician sells self: D. 8.61, 10.63, 18.46, 19.13, 16, 102, 109, 116, 118, 156, 167, 236, 301, 331, fr.11.2, [D.] 17.13; cf. _\u00f4nios_ ('for sale') = 'bribable': Din. 1.20; hires self out: D. 9.54, 10.19, 59, 18.21, 38, 42, 49, 51\u20132, 131, 138, 149, 236, 307, 320, 19.29, 68, 110, 118, 125, 286, 289; Aeschin. 3.86, 220; Din. 1.15, 28, 3.12 cf. fr.I.2 Conomis; within Athens: D. 24.14\u20135, 67, 200, 25.37, 51.22. Timarchus and _misth_ -words: e.g. Aeschin. 1.51\u20132, 72, 154, 163\u20134. Harvey (1985) discusses Athenian attitudes to bribery (NB also Ober 1989, 277\u20139); on political prostitution see Scholtz (1996). The negative implications of commerce are perhaps prefigured in Theramenes' contemptuous reference to 'those who out of poverty would sell the city for a drachma' (X. _HG_ 2.3.48).\n\n23There is a unique instance of the language of pimping ( _mastropeuein_ ) in Xenophon's _Symposium_ (8.42), where it is suggested that Socrates might act as a go-between for Callias to establish him in the affections of the polis: this plainly provocative idea (contrast the language of matchmaking [ _promn\u00f4mai_ ] at Pl. _Tht_. 151b) picks up Socrates' earlier claim to expertise in this field (3.10), that is, in relationships, with a philosophic slant (4.56\u201364), for which cf. _Mem_. 2.4\u20136, 3.11 and Scholz (2007) 135\u201344.\n\n24On _therapeuein_ see Landfester (1967) 58 and below 115 and NB Isoc. 2.16, 9.46 (cited above, n.8). Plato seems always to use _diakonein_ pejoratively in the _Gorgias_ , though not necessarily elsewhere (e.g. _R_. 467a, _Lg_. 782b), but his handling of _therapeuein_ is more equivocal: while in _R._ 426cd it is applied to political gratification in association with the verb _charizesthai_ ('give pleasure'; NB _Grg._ 502e, above n.21) it can also be used of informed care, for example, by doctors: _Grg_. 521a makes explicit the existence of two types of _therapeia_ ; cf. 464c, 513de, 517e. See further below 155.\n\n25Full discussion in Roberts (1982). It is striking that while the imagery of service continues in the present to be applied to administrators ('civil servants'), it seems more or less to have disappeared from the discourse of politicians themselves.\n\n26Compare the assertion of Callias in the _Symposium_ (4.32) that whereas formerly he was treated like a subject ally and made to pay tribute ( _phoros_ ), now as a poor man he is like a tyrant, since the city supports him. From another viewpoint, it is acceptance of the status of subject which is servile, hence Socrates' assimilation of being ruled in Greece to the condition of the Syrians, Phrygians and Lydians as Persian vassals or the subjection of the Libyans to the Carthagians in his assault on Aristippus' proposed withdrawal from public life ( _Mem_. 2.1.10\u201312) and the assertion that politicians ( _hoi... en tais polesi prostateuontes kai t\u00f4n demosi\u00f4n epimeloumenoi_ ) are considered freer, not more slavish, on that account (2.8.4; cf. _Lac.Pol_. 8.2 \u2013 non-Spartan elites regard submission to officials as _aneleutheron_ \u2013 and the anecdote in _Cyr_. 8.3.21\u20133).\n\n27X. _Ages_. 7.2; Arist. _Pol_. 1287a20\u20132; Ael. _VH_ 2.20; below 196n.188. Fr\u00fcchtel (1952) insists that _douleia_ means 'servitude', not 'service'; so also Adcock (1953) 173.\n\n28The formula is also used at _Od._ 15.151\u20133 (Nestor and Menelaus); cf. 16.17, 17.111 for paternal affection as the essential aspect of the relationship.\n\n29Pritchard (1969) 653, 654\u20135; other examples cited by Graziosi & Haubold (2010) on _Il_. 6.429\u201330; West (2007) 421 notes wider Indo-European parallels.\n\n30'father of gods and men' (e.g. _Il_. 1.544, 22.167, _Od_. 17.137, _hDem_. 6, Hes. _Th_. 47, 524), or simply _pat\u00ear_ ( _Il_. 8.69, 245, 14.352, 16.250, _hCer_. 325 [restored]; cf. Pi. _P_. 4.24); Calhoun (1935) emphasises the patriarchal character of Zeus. Pindar also uses _pat\u00ear_ of Kronos in _O_. 2.76 and refers to the gods as _hupat\u00f4n pater\u00f4n_ ('highest fathers') in fr.75.11. Stanford (1959) comments on _Od_. 13.125\u20138: '\u03c0\u03ac\u03b9\u03b5\u03c1 is often a term of respect, not relationship, and the combination is Indo-European, cf. _Iu-piter_ , _Dies-piter_ '; on 'father' as a respectful form of address from younger to older, see Dickey (1996) 76\u201381, 89, 269; the usage appears on the human plane already in the _Odyssey_ (e.g. 7.28, 48, 18.122, 20.199).\n\n31Pi. fr.105. For founders as fathers, see Weinstock (1971) 201 n.1: Ennius had Romulus called _O pater, o genitor_ ( _Ann_. 108 Skutsch); for 'fathers of liberty', note Pl. _Mx_. 240de on the heroes of Marathon, and compare Cic. _Rab. Perd_. 27, of Marius. In Pi. _P_. 3.71 _xeinois de thaumastos pat\u00ear_ ('and to strangers a father to be admired'), the reference is presumably to Hieron's hospitality. There is one other instance of the image before the fourth century, Ion of Chios 27.1 W _chairet\u00f4 h\u00eameteros basileus s\u00f4t\u00ear te pat\u00ear te_ ('Hail to our king, our saviour and father'); unfortunately, it is impossible to tell whether the reference is to a Spartan king or, as Campbell (Loeb) suggests, to Dionysus or wine.\n\n32Scholars disagree as to how far Oedipus' words are to be seen as figurative: Dawe (1982) _ad loc_. insists that the only adults present are Oedipus and the priest, but Jebb (1887) notes that other groups are implied; Kamerbeek (1967) comments that while children are in the majority, the group is representative of the whole city and hence _tekna_ is also 'expressive of the father-son relation between the good ruler and his subjects'; in this vein see also Budelmann (2000) 206\u201310. The comments of the scholiast \u2013 'Oedipus' character shows affection for the people ( _philod\u00eamon_ ) and forethought for the public interest, and the masses are well-disposed to him because of his benefactions to them, so that his use of \"children\" like a father is natural' \u2013 are bound to be influenced by the elaboration of kingship theory in the Hellenistic and Roman periods and the place of the father image within it (on which NB Stevenson 1992). Family relationships are a problematic category for Oedipus from the start of the play, as Peter Burian has reminded me.\n\n33In the former passage, however, the image is intriguingly tangled with the idea of killing the father but sparing the sons (for which see _Cypria_ fr.25 Davies = 33 Bernab\u00e9), which may throw light on Cyrus' character, if the remark is authentic. Note the Homeric reminiscence in _\u00eapios_ , on the tone of which see de Romilly (1974) 95\u20136. In Timotheus 791.154 'father' is a respectful term of address (above n.30), but _pace_ Hordern (2002), we should not take the same view of other vocatives in oriental contexts in tragedy, given Dickey's emphasis on age-differential as the norm.\n\n34The last clause in 8.1.44 'so that they would continue to be slaves for ever without dispute ( _anamphilog\u00f4s_ )', implies a cynicism of which there is no hint in Xenophon's other uses of this image, and in my view should be bracketed, given that there is no hint that the image is to be read against the grain; in favour of retention see however Due (1989) 213 n.21, who attributes objections to anachronistic moralizing, and Gera (1993) 295\u2013300, esp. 295 with n.66, who argues that Cyrus slips from the earlier ideal. Gray (2011) 282\u20133 retains the phrase while softening it by making the slavery a philosophical one to pleasure, but still has to treat it as an exception to the positive reading of the leader as father which she wants to adopt overall (325\u20138, 370). In 8.8.1 _etima_ ('he honoured') seems to express an expectation of certain behaviour on the king's part not found elsewhere in connection with this image; this could be taken as an argument against the authenticity of the controversial final chapter, or as an element introduced to point up the decline from past to present. Due (1989) 211\u201312, 221 has a good appraisal of the blend of affection and authority underlying the father image in the work as a whole.\n\n35In the fifth century, the idea of the king as owner of his realm was associated with Persia and hence carried implications of autocracy: above 12.\n\n36In Rome, the title _parens patriae_ is applied first to Cicero as saviour of Rome from Catiline, and then to Julius Caesar, Augustus and his successors, whose authority it reinforces through the concept of _patria potestas_ (Weinstock (1971) 200\u20135), though Dio 53.18.3 stresses the affective aspects of love reciprocated with respect in the title's origin. The image continued to develop: note for example Cic. _Cat_. 1.17 (Catiline as would-be parricide) and Plut. _Dion_ 39.4 (fatherly restraint), and see Alf\u00f6ldi (1952\u20134) for an exhaustive study. Kingship theory in the Middle Ages evolved the concept of the ruler as husband of the realm, drawing both on classical sources, notably Aristotle, and on Christian theology: Kantorowicz (1957) 214\u201323, while modern times have shown both that the image is still alive and that ripostes to it have evolved: '[Mobutu] says he is father of the nation. If he was a good father, he would visit his children' (quoted in _The Guardian_ 4 January 1993).\n\n37Financial accountability: _Ath.Pol_. 54.2 with Rhodes (1981) _ad loc_.; physical sanctions and ideology: Hunter (1994) 154\u201384.\n\n38Strauss (1993) registers (e.g. 214\u201315) but does not properly address the difficulty of extrapolating the father-son relationship onto the polis level caused by paternal authority; Griffith (1998) faces the issue directly (esp. 24\u20136, 30\u20133, 68, 75) in a stimulating psychologizing treatment, though he seems to me to concentrate rather too much on elite concerns (but NB 76 for the suggestion that the wide spread of office-holding might have made father-figures good to think with for the demos at large).\n\n39For the autochthony topos, see in general Loraux (1993) 35\u201370, and on its development, Rosivach (1987), suggesting (305) that this may essentially belong to the period _c._ 480\u2013450; for its significance in funeral speeches, Loraux (1986) 148\u201353, 193\u20134, Nouhaud (1982) 60\u20131. As Rosivach notes (297\u20138, 305\u20136), other groups also claimed to be autochthonous; I suggest that we should include among these the Thebans, through the myth of the Spartoi, the original inhabitants sown by Cadmus as dragons' teeth; Rosivach 296 seems to me unduly restrictive on this point.\n\n40Children of Erechtheus: e.g. E. _Med_. 824, _Supp_. 702; of Cecrops, _Ion_ 296, _Pho._ 855, Ar. _Eq._ 1055. 'Children of Theseus' in S. _O. C._ 1066 seems to be unique, and all the more notable in a play in which Theseus is a character, though no commentator remarks on it.\n\n41Loraux (1993) 10, 15, 65\u20136, 121\u20132, Strauss (1993) 44\u20135, 57\u20139. The noun _patris_ itself is feminine, like _g\u00ea_ and _ch\u00f4ra_ , the other regular words for land or territory.\n\n42Cf. the very similar 'the same land as mother and fatherland ( _m\u00eatera kai patrida_ )' in L. 2.17, and 'our earth and mother' in Pl. _Mx._ 237e. By the time of Menander, this has become a commonplace of universal reference: _Mon._ 145, 511 (and cf. fr.247); cf. the proposition in Arist. _Oec_. 1343a30-b1 that agriculture is natural because 'all are nourished by their mother'.\n\n43Lyc. _Leoc_ 47 (Chaeronea), 85 (time of Codrus); the verb _treph\u00f4_ ('rear') could apply either to a mother or a nurse. Creon's appeal to Oedipus to return to his 'old nurse' Thebes (S. _O. C._ 759\u201360) shows that the concept was not conceived of as unique to Athens. The formula 'nurse and mother' makes a perplexing appearance elsewhere in Sophocles, applied at _O. T_. 1091 to the mountain Cithairon by the chorus during their speculations about Oedipus' true birth, just after it has been revealed that he is not the son of Polybus and Merope: perhaps they mean to suggest that he is an autochthonous Theban (above, n.39) whose mother is the earth rather than any mortal.\n\n44Nielsen (2004) 50\u20131 documents the widespread association of _patris_ with familial terminology.\n\n45L. 13.91, D. 10.40\u20131; the former image is a kind of inversion of Tecmessa's identification with Ajax as the only homeland ( _patris_ ) she has (S. _Aj_. 514\u20138; cf. also Andromache's appeal to Hector as her whole family at _Il_. 6.429\u201330). Compare the appeal of Demetrius to the Roman Senate, in which he claimed to regard all the senators as his fathers (Plb. 31.2.5; the title _patres conscripti_ might be a factor here). Filial obedience is put to a different use in another Demosthenic passage ( _Ep_. 3.45), where he argues that the relationship between a politician and the demos should be that of a son who hopes that his parents will be reasonable, but puts up with them as they are, submission being the honourable course.\n\n4650d\u20131c, 51e with Kraut (1984) especially 48\u201352, 91\u2013114, 143\u20138. The analogy is reinforced by the use of _patris_ : Kraut 54 n.1. This image reappears in the _Seventh Letter_ as an argument against using violence to change even a constitution which one regards as bad (331cd).\n\n47The similarity in expression to the two types of doctor-legislator (720; below 72) suggests that such lawgivers will explain and persuade.\n\n48Aristotle picks up the underlying link between the timarchic state and Sparta when he echoes the phrase at _Pol_. 1270b34\u20135 (below, 191n.155).\n\n49The corresponding tyrannical individual literally behaves in the same way (574ac), though the link to the polis is made at 575d (NB _m\u00eatrida te...kai patrida_ , 'motherland and fatherland').\n\n50Discussed by Pender (2000) 104\u20136, who also notes Plato's use of the generative aspect, which is almost entirely absent from political imagery (only perhaps hinted at with reference to the founding of cities: above, 30 and n.31); this is applied to the artistic creation of immortal offspring, of which laws are treated as one form, in the _Symposium_ (209de).\n\n51 _Oikonomia_ is stated to be a domestic kingship, and kingship the domestic administration of a city or one or more nations, at _Pol_. 1285b31\u20133, i.e. the relationship between the two is reciprocal. Father and husband as analogues: _Pol_. 1259a37-b17. Types of friendship in house and state: _EN_ 1160b22\u201361b10, esp. 1161a6\u20139; cf. the briefer discussion in _EE_ 1242a1\u201313. At _EE_ 1241b27\u201331 he remarks that all the constitutional forms, good and bad, are present in the household at once.\n\n52Autochthony: above, n.39; public funeral: Hornblower (1991\u20132008) on Thuc. 2.34.1 usefully summarizes the debate; the _epitaphios logos_ may have been added later, but NB Rosivach (1987) 303\u20135 for the ideology of autochthony as a stimulus to the patriotism and defence of freedom which the speeches eulogize.\n\n53Both points made by Kallet-Marx (1993) 140; date of support for war orphans: Hornblower (1991\u20132008) on Thuc. 2.46.1. Pl. _Mx_. 249a-c makes considerable play with the language of familial relationships in describing these provisions: particularly striking is his allusion to orphans who have just reached adulthood returning 'to their ancestral hearth' (b1\u20132), presumably from the civic hearth.\n\n54Noted by Osborne (1997) 29.\n\n55Osborne (1997) 3\u201311.\n\n56Finley (1981) 77\u201394, Humphreys (1983) 1\u201332, Roy (1999); NB also, more generally, Strauss (1993) 33\u201353.\n\n57Three of the six theatres of operation named at the head of _IG_ I3 1147 (460 or 459 BC) saw action against the Persians, for example; the extent to which all these developments are motivated simply by aggressive imperialism can easily be overstated.\n\n58e.g. Sennett (1980) 50\u201383; Ringmar (2008) 60\u20131; Honohan (2008) 73\u20134.\n\n59Hansen (1998) 135\u20137.\n\n60Glotz (1929) 19\u201320; Gernet (1981) 322\u201339; Jameson (1990) 105\u20136; Parker (1996) 26\u20137.\n\n61Not that any distinction between public and private was thereby effaced: just as the Athenians regarded an individual's conduct in regard to his domestic obligations as indicative of his character in public life, and good personal behaviour as a kind of service (Liddel [2007] 211\u201327), so living well could be represented as a kind of liturgy (Is. fr.30 Thalheim, L. 21.19; below, 164), and bad living as a form of treason: Isoc. 15.305.\n\n#\n\n# The Shepherd of the People\n\nOne rarely encounters the 'shepherd of the people' these days, at least in the western world: the image is hardly at home in an era in which almost all regimes profess to be democracies, and the shepherd as such has more or less disappeared from public perceptions, which think instead in terms of 'farmers' in general. Yet if the image has withered in the last century,1 it is an ancient and deep-rooted one: its origins are elusive, but it is found earliest and most widely in Mesopotamia, and is commonly used in the ancient Near East.2 Its implications seem to be particularly of care and responsibility: we hear of Adadnirari III 'whose shepherding [the gods] made as agreeable to the people of Assyria as is the smell of the Plant of Life', and the establishment of the king as shepherd by the gods is often stressed, while a text of Hammurabi lays stress on the abundance provided by the king.3 The idea of care is likewise central to the prophets' criticism of the shepherds of Israel and their promises of intervention by the Lord, the true shepherd.4\n\nIn Greek literature the image is present from the beginning, in Homer and other early hexameter poetry, but in the particular shape of a formulaic metaphor, the expression 'shepherd of the people', which occurs some 65 times as a formula at the end of a line.5 The formulaic quality of the image (Silk 1974, 30 calls it 'epic clich\u00e9') makes its implications hard to assess, but I would suggest that its particular significance lies not in ideas of pastoral care, but in the idea of directing and marshalling an unruly crowd; one may compare the simile of the Greek commanders sorting out their men like goatherds separating flocks ( _Il_. 2.474f.),6 the comparison of Odysseus to a bellwether (3.196\u20138) and the description of Aeneas followed by his men like a ram (13.491\u20135).7 This might also explain why the formula is found much less frequently in the _Odyssey_ and in other early hexameter poetry than in the _Iliad_. The military aspect is to the fore in certain Near Eastern texts: the leaderless Ethiopian army as 'like a herd which has no herdsman', and in Mesopotamia leaderless soldiers could be compared to sheep without a shepherd, though it is clear in the Ethiopian example that the king's functions extend well beyond the military. It is also worth noting that Xenophon in the _Memorabilia_ attributes to Socrates an exposition of the epithet as applied to Agamemnon with specific reference to generalship (though for the revaluation of the image in the fourth century see below).8\n\nThe most recent extended treatment of the Homeric image is that of Haubold (2000, esp. 17\u201332) who emphasizes two aspects: the marginal and subordinate status of the shepherd, and his failure to protect the flock. The former point is true enough and has been noted by others, but was presumably equally true of the contemporary Near East, where it is clear that human shepherds are entrusted with the flocks of the gods.9 Indeed, in Mesopotamia, gods are also called shepherds, and the idea of Jehovah as 'the Shepherd of Israel' is familiar to every reader of the Bible.10 Occasionally, such ideas are echoed in Greek literature, as when Anacreon (fr.348) says of Artemis of Magnesia 'the citizens you herd ( _poimaineis_ ) are not uncivilised ( _an\u00eamerous_ , lit. 'untamed').11 Clearly, then, there is nothing inherently demeaning in the concept; it is certainly hierarchical, but since it assigns a humble status to both parties, it neither widens the gap between them, nor does it necessarily simply reduce the herd to mute beasts,12 for all that it makes plain their need for care and protection. Haubold's claim that the Homeric shepherd fails to provide this protection, which is important for his wider argument, relies on supplementing the unforthcoming formula with the frequent similes in which a lion or other predator raids a flock or steading; this, however, fails to allow for the context in which such similes tend to occur, namely the battlefield dominance of an individual hero which is emphasized when the poet identifies it with the prowess of a beast of prey. In such contexts the focus is obviously on the successful onslaught of a hero who at other times may function as a shepherd; only at those times when the predator is fended off (for example, in a struggle over the corpse of a hero) do the similes reflect successful defence. Thus the corpus of similes is rather skewed, and will tend to produce a skewed view of shepherds and herding.13 Contrariwise, the fact that in Hesiod the epithet seems to be simply ornamental (most contexts in which it appears are concerned with parentage, in fact) implies a positive view of the pastoral analogy at an early date.\n\nAfter Homer and Hesiod, the image is strikingly uncommon down to the end of the fifth century: the majority of instances are found in tragedy and usually reflect both Homeric influence and a military context.14 In a fragment of Aeschylus, Achilles refers to Agamemnon as a 'bad shepherd', and in another the Greek leaders who awarded the arms of Achilles to Odysseus are called shepherds ( _poi]mandridai_ ), while in a fragment of Euripides' _Temenos_ a wise adviser applies the verb _poimainein_ ('tend') to a general ( _strat\u00ealat\u00ean_ ).15 Similarly, when in Euripides' _[Supplices_ Adrastus describes Theseus as a 'good shepherd', the reference may be narrowly military, since he continues 'for want of which many cities have perished, lacking a general' (191\u20132). In the _Persae_ , Aeschylus alludes to the widespread use of the image when he refers to the Persian expeditionary force as _poimanorion_ ('flock' 74\u20135) and has Atossa ask the chorus concerning Athens 'what shepherd ( _poiman\u00f4r_ ) is set over them as master?' (241); at the same time, however, the identification of the shepherd's role with mastery underlines the contrast between an absolute monarchy and Athenian democracy and hints at related imagery of the control and taming of animals, setting up the reply that the Athenians are no man's slaves.16\n\nIn other passages, we can detect some articulation in a broader context of the functions of a shepherd as, for example, the source of nourishment: hence, Pindar speaks of Iamus praying for 'the honour of nourishing a people ( _laotrophon timan_ )', and the same concept may lie behind the name of the Spartan king Leobotes ('Feeder of the people').17 The principle that the herdsman cares for his charges is by now taken for granted, as one can see from the generalised use of _poimainein_ and the related _boukolein_ ('herd cattle') and their cognates in the sense 'take care of '.18 Likewise when the chorus of Aeschylus' _Agamemnon_ state that their king is (or should be) 'a good knower\/judge of the flock ( _agathos probatogn\u00f4m\u00f4n_ )' (795) and so able to identify the genuinely loyal, the implication that a good king will know his flock is starting to develop the potential of the image,19 and the identification of ruler and shepherd might also lie behind the story that the lawgiver Zaleukos of Locri was a shepherd who was inspired by a vision (Arist. fr.548R = 555 Gigon).20\n\nNevertheless, even if we can infer that imagery from animal husbandry was popular in other contexts, the shepherd appears only sparsely as a political image up to this point, and almost entirely in high poetry and contexts set in the mythical past, which makes the resurgence of the image from the turn of the fourth century on all the more striking. Though it is still limited in distribution, this time to philosophic and quasi-philosophic literature, it is clear that its significance and validity had become a topic of lively debate. In his defence of Socrates, Xenophon quotes him as having criticized the Thirty for being like a cowherd who makes his cattle fewer and worse, yet will not acknowledge his incompetence, an analogy which apparently annoyed Charicles and Critias. Given the apologetic context, this anecdote ought to be reliable: if so, then it is a reasonable inference that the image of the shepherd was, like other political imagery derived from practical activities, in common circulation in Socratic circles, and indeed, as we have seen, Xenophon also represents Socrates as exploring the implications of the Homeric formula. 21The tendentious use of the image by Thrasymachus also gives the impression of being well-developed, as if by the time of the first book of the _Republic_ we are tuning in to a debate which has been going on for some time.\n\nIt is Thrasymachus who introduces the figure of the shepherd there, accusing Socrates of childish naivety because he cannot distinguish between sheep and shepherd and supposes 'that shepherds or herdsmen look to the good of the sheep or cattle, and fatten them up and care for them with some other object in view than the good of their masters and themselves' (343ab). This is clearly an attempt to mobilize the shepherd in support of his contention that 'justice is the interest of the stronger' and to side-step the conclusion of the previous discussion of _technai_ such as medicine and seafaring that any art, including the art of rule, is exercised in the interest of the subject. In so doing he is implicitly substituting a different authority relation, between a ruler and subjects unlike him, rather than between one human and others like him.22 Socrates, however, ripostes by insisting on extending the principles of the previous discussion to animal husbandry: the true shepherd will look to the benefit of his charges, since that is the objective of the art of shepherding ( _poim\u00eanik\u00ea_ [sc. _techn\u00ea_ ]) in the true sense (345cd). In thus assimilating animal husbandry to other arts, he also legitimizes it as a model of the exercise of authority of wider scope than medicine or seafaring. Of course, in reality rulers may well fall short of this ideal, hence the suggestion in the _Theaetetus_ (174de) that in the philosopher's eyes the king or tyrant will resemble a herdsman whose success lies in the scale of his exploitation ('milking', _bdallein_ ), his mind cramped by the difficulty of imposing on subjects more bad-tempered and treacherous than domesticated animals.23\n\nAfter this initial prominence, the image of the shepherd largely disappears from the ensuing discussion in the _Republic_ : the Guardians are only characterized as shepherds in regard to their relationship with the Auxiliaries, who are characterized as watchdogs. Initially, indeed, the image is applied to the whole group of Guardians in the broader sense (375a\u20136c) who share the same initial education, hence the suggestion that the proper watchdog, who can distinguish friend and foe and act appropriately, is in a sense _philosophos_ (376ab), but when the Auxiliaries are separated out from the Guardians proper, what is important is that they be properly trained and obedient, as dogs obey their shepherds.24 It is the job of the Auxiliaries, both male and female, to guard the flock, but the higher authority of the Guardians as shepherds over the flock remains only latent, and their superiority to their subjects is likewise left implicit, though the 'tough and wiry watchdogs' are contrasted with the 'fat and tender sheep' who inhabit other states.25 Plato seems to want to downplay, or at least not to emphasize, the disparity between ruler and ruled which is to the fore when he next makes use of the image, in the _Statesman_.\n\nCertainly the shepherd plays a more prominent part in that dialogue, but the use which Plato makes of the figure is idiosyncratic and ultimately abortive. The attempt to define the expertise of the statesman is initiated by a process of a series of divisions intended to isolate it with ever-increasing precision: at an early stage in this process, the art of the statesman is said to be akin to the rearing of living creatures in herds (as opposed to being concerned with individual animals or inanimate things: 261b-e), and by implication tame animals (263e\u20134a). His charges are then successively distinguished as land-dwelling, non-flying, hornless, non-interbreeding and without cloven hooves, which leaves them in the same class as pigs (265b\u20136c); an alternative process identifies them immediately as bipeds and lacking feathers (266de); clearly this is as much an exercise in method as in political thought.26 The combined results are summarized (267a-c), but then immediately critiqued, first (267d\u20138c) on the grounds that whereas the herdsman deals with all aspects of the care of his flock, including nutrition and medicine, there is a whole range of professions dealing with the care of humans \u2013 'merchants, farmers, millers and bakers... and gymnastic trainers too, and doctors' (267e [tr. Rowe]) \u2013 who could dispute the statesman's claim and so must be excluded in order to isolate him; and then in the myth of the age of Kronos, which highlights the problem that the image of the shepherd suits the relationship of a god to humans much better than human statesmen who are 'far more like their subjects in nature' (275c) while at the same time leaving the precise nature of the statesman's activity ill-defined, given that it does not consist in 'rearing' ( _trephein_ ).27 Although a token effort is made to address these problems by substituting a more neutral terminology of 'herd-keeping' ( _agelaiokomik\u00ea_ ) or 'care' ( _epimeleia_ ), explicitly distinguishing human kings and adding the further criterion of voluntary rule to separate the king from the tyrant, the image is evidently still unsatisfactory, since at that point it is essentially discarded in favour of the paradigm of weaving: insofar as herding is still relevant as providing the raw material for that process, it functions in a distinctly subordinate role, though a couple of passing mentions hint that it has not quite been abandoned altogether.28\n\nIf the image of the shepherd is not entirely discredited in the _Statesman_ , it is certainly distinctly problematized; however, the difficulties which he raises do not appear to trouble Xenophon. One probable reason for this is that Xenophon is very largely concerned with contexts in which the exercise of power is in any case rather authoritarian, and his shepherds tend to be generals, or else the Great King of Persia. In the latter case, the image was also culturally appropriate, since the shepherd and kingship were associated in Persian ideology, a link exemplified in the ritualized return in the investiture of each Persian king to the purported pastoral origins of the Achaemenid monarchy in the time of Cyrus, and the issue of difference presented no problem, since Persian kings were in fact believed to be of a superior nature to their subjects.29 It was therefore natural for Xenophon to introduce the image programmatically at the very beginning of the _Cyropaideia_ (1.1): reflecting on the nature of human authority, he contrasts the difficulty which men have in ruling men, even at the level of the household, with the ease with which they control herds of animals. Animals are more willing to obey their herdsmen in everything and to allow them to profit from them as they wish and, so far from rebelling, are more compliant towards their herdsmen than to outsiders. He concludes that man's natural condition makes it easier for him to rule other creatures than others of his own species.\n\nHowever, the case of Cyrus shows that such rule is not impossible, although Xenophon acknowledges that he was very different from other kings (1.1.4). The singling out of Cyrus, and the course of the succeeding narrative, imply that Xenophon has in mind a role considerably more substantial than basic care and provision of necessities: Cyrus gathers together the Persians as a flock and actively leads them militarily and politically to a new imperial destiny. At the same time, his expert man-management, founded on his knowledge and understanding of individual character, mimics the shepherd's knowledge of his flock.30 The benefits conferred on the Persians also do much to address the charge that the shepherd simply exploits his flock: towards the end of the work Cyrus is made to expound the argument that the duties of the good shepherd and the good king are very similar: both must make their subjects happy ( _eudaimonas_ ) as they make use of them ( _chr\u00easthai_ ; 8.2.14). That perception of a relationship which is to some degree reciprocal, and hence implies that the shepherd's power brings with it duties, underlies Socrates' interpretation of the formula _poim\u00ean la\u00f4n_ ( _Mem_. 3.2.1), namely that both general and shepherd must keep their charges safe and supplied with life's necessities and ensure that the object for which they exist is attained.31\n\nThe stress laid on pastoral care suggests that Xenophon feels, or wishes to imply, an affective aspect to the idea: the shepherd's concern for his flock is more than simply mercenary, and so the flock can put their trust in his leadership and protection.32 Xenophon's position is the easier to maintain as he has no latent moral or didactic agenda:33 provided the relationship is mutually beneficial, then as long as the needs of the sheep are provided for, there is no need to deny the element of exploitation, particularly since it is surely conceived of as operating at a limited and sustainable level, and in terms of milk, cheese and wool rather more than meat. Since livestock were both a measure and a major component of wealth, particularly in the pre-monetary economy of Homeric times, one would expect their preservation to be a high priority, and indeed the herdsman is frequently expected or enjoined to increase the flocks.34 What subverts the relationship is dereliction of duty on the part of the shepherd: in Jehovah's denunciation of the shepherds of Israel in _Ezekiel_ , their crime is not exploitation, but failure to deliver their part of the bargain by caring for their charges: 'How I hate the shepherds of Israel who care only for themselves! Should not the shepherd care for the sheep? You consume the milk, wear the wool and slaughter the fat beasts, but you do not feed the sheep. You have not encouraged the weary, tended the sick, bandaged the hurt, recovered the straggler or searched for the lost; and even the strong you have driven with ruthless severity' ( _Ezek_. 34.2\u20134, _NEB_ ).\n\nHaving not quite rejected the image of the shepherd, Plato returns to it once more in the _Laws_. It would seem that he did so in response to Xenophon, since in his account of the Persian monarchy as constitutional model, he criticizes Cyrus for having failed to educate his children in the art of herding, even though he left them great herds, including human herds, and despite the fact that the Persians were by tradition 'shepherds and offspring of a rugged land' (695a): while that tradition made them tough, ascetic and warlike, the royal princes were brought up in the lap of luxury by women and so corrupted. The implication is that while the analogy of the shepherd is not completely inappropriate for a king as leader (and the Athenian concedes that Cyrus was a good general: 694c), the morally corrosive environment of monarchy makes it extremely difficult to hand on or teach the qualities on which it depends for its validity.35 Yet as in the _Statesman_ , the image does not quite disappear: when the discussion comes to the selection of the citizen body for the new ideal state, the Athenian invokes the model of animal husbandry to validate the principle that, as the herd must be cleared of unhealthy and inferior animals before the herdsman can apply himself to its care, so the population of the state must be purged of unsuitable individuals. It is noteworthy that here too, it is the legislator who is authorized to apply this process: even if it is conceded that he is unlikely to have tyrannical power, he is clearly envisaged as operating from a position of superior expertise which authorizes his acting thus.36\n\nNor is Plato's quite the last word: notwithstanding his criticisms, Aristotle aligns himself closely with Xenophon when he observes ( _EN_ 1161a12\u201315) that a king, if he is a good king, treats his subjects well so that they benefit, just like a shepherd, and he cites the Homeric formula in evidence.\n\nThat last example brings us full circle, and it also illuminates the development of the image from an invariant formula of mainly military significance to a carefully articulated paradigm of benign authority. Hardly any of that process of articulation takes place before the fourth century: the essential point about pastoral care is made explicit, moving the image away from its military origins, but the controversial nature of one-man rule, especially in Athens, makes it easy to understand why shepherding is not part of contemporary political discourse in the fifth century. Such attitudes clearly persisted into the fourth century: hence discussion of the shepherd remains for the most part theoretical and exploratory, critiquing or justifying the concept rather than deploying it as an image whose implications can be taken for granted. More than any other complex of imagery, the imagery of animal husbandry illuminates for us the process of the reconstitution of the conception, ideology and presentation of monarchy prompted by the changing political landscape of the fourth century: if Greek images of the shepherd are sparser than in earlier or later periods, they are more thoughtful than many.\n\n## Notes\n\n1For the later history of the image see Murray (1990), Dvornik (1966), Index s.v. 'shepherd, good, ruler's title', and more generally Foucault (2002), though he rather understates the extent of Greek usage, not least because he takes no account of Xenophon. Even today, the crozier of a bishop or abbot is a symbolic crook, harking back to Jesus' injunction to St Peter to 'feed my sheep' ( _John_ 21.15\u201317).\n\n2Murray (1990) 3\u20135, West (1997) 226\u20137; and beyond: West (2007) 421; Watkins (2001) 45 considers the shepherd of the people formula 'probably of Indo-European antiquity'.\n\n3Adadnirari: Pritchard (1969) 281; divine establishment: Pritchard (1969) 298 (Ashurbanipal), Frankfort (1948) 238 (Gudea of Lagash, Hammurabi; for Gudea cf. 256). Among a wealth of material, see also Pritchard (1969) 289 (Esarhaddon), 558 (Ashurbanipal III); 604 (Uruk) \u2013 Gilgamesh too is shepherd of Uruk, 'the sheepfold of Eanna' ( _Gilgamesh_ I i-ii); 481, 574, 583\u20135, 641, 648 (Sumeria); Frankfort (1948) 252 (Nabonidas). Hammurabi: Dvornik (1966) 34, and see 266\u20138 for an excellent brief survey of the pre-Hellenistic use of the image in the Near East.\n\n4e.g. _Ezek_. 34 (vv.2\u20134 quoted below, 48), 37.24; _Jer_. 23.1\u20134; further examples in Murray (1990) 5. Persian propaganda trades on this tradition when Cyrus is called the Lord's shepherd in _Isaiah_ 44.28: Dvornik (1966) 327.\n\n5The phrase appears in the accusative and dative, _poimena\/poimeni la\u00f4n_. There is a useful tabulation of instances in Haubold (2000) 197; for _poimena la\u00f4n_ add Hesiod frr. 10a47, 40.1, _Scut_. 41, and for _poimeni la\u00f4n_ , Hes. _Th_. 1000. Besides Homer and Hesiod, the formula is attested in the _Iliupersis_ (fr.4.2 Davies = 6.2 Bernab\u00e9) and Asius (fr.1.3).\n\n6Compare the prayer addressed to the Good Shepherd in the _Dies Irae_ : _inter oves locum praesta et ab haedis me sequestra_. The _laos_ is frequently assembled ( _ageir\u00f4_ e.g. 2.438, 4.28, 377) or dispersed ( _skedannumi_ e.g. 19.171, 23.162), just as the shepherd constitutes the flock by his actions (Foucault 2002, 301\u20132); note also that _s\u00eamant\u00f4r_ can mean both 'commander' and 'herdsman': Collins (1996) 28\u20139.\n\n7Collins (1996), who grounds on the same basic approach a more elaborate interpretation then I offer, remarks that 'warfare in the _Iliad_ is a matter of pastoral management' (24); see also Gutzwiller (1991) 24.\n\n8Pritchard (1969) 447, cf. 443, from Egypt; Frankfort et al. (1946) 202; X. _Mem_. 3.2.1, and cf. Arist. _EN_ 1161a12\u201315 (below 48). Lonsdale (1990) 20\u20131 notes the intrusion of military language into the description of lions attacking a herd of cattle on the Shield of Achilles ( _Il_. 18.573\u201386) which implies some reciprocity between the two fields.\n\n9Noted also by Collins (1996), 20\u20131 and Blondell (2005) 27\u20138, who also discusses the association of pastoralism with primitivism in Greek thought (28\u201331).\n\n10Mesopotamian gods: Pritchard (1969) 337, 574\u20136, 613 (Enlil), 387\u20138,556 (Shamash), 398 (the Hittite sun-god); the idea is also basic in the lamentation for the destruction of Ur, sheepfold of the gods (ibid. 455\u20136, 460\u20131). In Egypt men can be called 'the cattle of the god' (ibid. 417); for Israel NB Murray (1990) 4\u20135; West (2007) 131 notes wider Indo-European parallels.\n\n11The Homeric formula 'shepherd of the people' is applied to a god, probably Zeus, in a Samian inscription of the fourth or third century: _CEG_ II 852.2.\n\n12 _pace_ Collins (1996) 20, 25\u201335, for whom the expression of power through speech relations is a central concern. He (20\u20131) and Murray (1990) 3\u20134 also suggest an element of nostalgia for a simpler era.\n\n13Lonsdale (1990) 39\u2013110 provides an excellent discussion of the subtleties and complexities of Homeric lion imagery: he counts seven instances out of 27 in which lions attack livestock and are actually or potentially defeated. Haubold does not comment on the episode on the shield of Achilles ( _Il_. 18.520\u20139) in which shepherds ( _nomees_ rather than _poimenes_ , but NB his 19 n.28 for the lack of distinction in the terms) are killed by another _laos_ , highlighting the risks that they too run.\n\n14There is a striking contrast with the prominence of herdsmen themselves in drama: Gutzwiller (1991) 45\u201365.\n\n15A. frr.132c8, 451q8 [dub.]; E. fr.744. A. fr.451 p12 [dub.] might also identify shepherd and king, though the text is fragmentary and the attribution uncertain, but in _Agam_. 657 the 'evil shepherd' is best understood as the storm which wrecks the fleet (so Fraenkel [1950] _ad loc_.).\n\n16Below, 107\u20138; there are similar overtones in the use of _elaunei_ ('drives' 75) of Xerxes' command.\n\n17 _O_. 6.60 (below, 112; Hdt. 1.65.4, 7.204. These ideas are sarcastically perverted in Aristophanes _Knights_ , where the Paphlagonian calls on the jurors 'whom I feed' (256), since as Neil (1901) remarks _ad loc_., the verb in question, _bosk\u00f4_ , is properly used of animals, so that the jurors are in a sense the Paphlagonian's flock. Here comedy is clearly evoking negative implications of democracy; cf. Murray (1990) 7 for the dangers of ovine docility in a democracy.\n\n18E.g. _h.Merc_.167, Pi. _O_. 11.9, A. _Supp_. 767, _Eum_. 91; Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990) 17\u20138 (on S. _Aj_. 360) cite extensive parallels.\n\n19As Fraenkel (1950) _ad loc_. remarks, noting that _probatogn\u00f4m\u00f4n_ may have been coined by the poet for this context.\n\n20So Dunbabin (1948) 69, though the motif of the lonely shepherd who has visions or meets divinities is probably also involved: Hes. _Op_. 23 with West (1966) 159\u201360; Gutzwiller (1991) 29\u201335.\n\n21X. _Mem_. 1.2.32, 37; for the argument that _techn\u00ea_ analogies can be traced back to Socrates and the late fifth century, see below, 148. The particular point is echoed in the comparison of Athenian politicians to incompetent keepers of animals or charioteers in Pl. _Grg_. 516a-e (below 150).\n\n22For the egalitarian Herodotus, by contrast, the creation of Median court ceremony and protocol is motivated by Deioces' desire to conceal the fact that he is _not_ superior to his subjects (1.99), and the tyrant Polycrates is criticized for 'mastery over men like himself ' (3.142.3); contrast Xenophon's approving account of Cyrus' use of ceremony in _Cyr_. 8.1.40\u20132, 3.1\u201318. Skemp (1952) 52\u201366 discusses the implications of inequality in fourth-century herding imagery with particular reference to Pl. _Plt_.\n\n23Cf. Solon fr.37.8 (below 91) and the analogous language of olive-harvesting applied to exploitation by politicians in Ar. _Eq_. 326, Cratin. fr.214. By the same token, _basileis_ who ought to be shepherds can be denounced for devouring their flocks (Hom. _Il_. 1.231 cf. Hes. _Op._ 38\u20139, 263\u20134; below 90) without invalidating the image in principle.\n\n24415e\u201316e, 440d, 451cd, Halliwell (1993) 17, 140; at 440cd canine imagery is applied to the idea of reason calling passion to heel, suggesting a correspondence between the tripartite relationship between shepherd, dogs and sheep and Plato's individual psychology.\n\n25422d (tr. Lee); cf. the association of canine toughness and vigour with the training of the Guardians at 404ab. Plato also makes play with the ascetic character of the herdsman's life in the _Laws_ (694e\u20135a; below 48).\n\n26Rowe (1995) 3\u20134, Lane (1998) 13\u201397; note in particular the discussion of principles at 262a\u20133e (cf. 285b\u20136c). Rowe also observes (1\u20132) that the word translated as 'statesman', _politikos_ , is almost unique to Plato, and hence that what is being sought, both the expertise and its practitioner, are more theoretical than actual.\n\n27274e\u20135c; cf. the allusion to divine shepherding in the age of Kronos at _Lg_. 713d. On mistakes in this process of division see Rowe (1995) 197\u20138, Lane (1998) 117\u201319, Blondell (2005) 38\u201343. For divine shepherds in Plato see Pender (2000) 108\u201310, 119\u201323, 139\u201344.\n\n28275c\u20136e; weaving is introduced at 279b (below 161): for the subordinate role of the shepherd see Blondell (2005) 54\u20135, who also notes the residual use of the image of the legislator's subjects as 'herds' at 294e, 295e. Despite the attempt to separate off king and tyrant, Miller (1980) 43\u201354 suggests a problematic association between the shepherd image and contemporary enthusiasm for strong one-man rule.\n\n29Murray (1990) 4\u20135; the ritual is described in Plut. _Art._ 3. On belief in the superior nature of Persian monarchs, see above 12, below 160; however, if the re-emergence of the image in Greece goes back to the later fifth century, it is less likely that Plato and Xenophon were more generally influenced by Persian practice, as Dvornik (1966) 267\u20138 suggested.\n\n30Foucault's comments on the resonances of the image are instructive here: (2002) 301\u20133.\n\n31That herdsmen profit from their charges is already acknowledged in 1.1.2, though Xenophon uses the neutral word _karpos_ \/ _-oi_ ('fruit[s], profit[s]').\n\n32NB Brock (2004b) 249\u201351 for this aspect of Xenophon's political imagery, which is also implicit in his fondness for father imagery.\n\n33Indeed, although imagery of animal husbandry can slide into that of the taming or control of animals, as we have seen, strictly speaking the notion of taming or training is alien to the image of the shepherd: even if the herdsman may seek to improve his flock, he does so by acting on his understanding of their needs and interests, and by guiding natural processes in breeding, as the charming portrait at Pl. _Plt_. 268ab indicates. Gray (2011) 48\u201351 sets out a positive evaluation of Xenophon's animal imagery in general as a model of leadership; for a more cynical reading, see Tatum (1989) 63\u20136.\n\n34Animals as measure of wealth: Hom _Il._ 6.234\u20136; as constituent: (e.g.) _Od_. 14.96\u2013104. Increasing the flock: 'May he multiply the sheepfolds like a trustworthy shepherd': Pritchard (1969) 641 ('Inanna and the King'); for the pharaoh's duty to his flock see Frankfort _et al_. (1946) 78\u20139, and cf. nn.3\u20134 above for examples from Babylon and the Old Testament. The same outlook is reflected in the analogical claim in Hp. _Vict_. 25.2 that the strong _dunast\u00eas_ is one who can 'nourish ( _trephein_ )' most men: one may compare _Proverbs_ 14.28: 'In the multitude of people is the king's honour; but in the want of people is the destruction of the prince.' The importance of moderation is reflected in the dictum attributed to Tiberius, that the good shepherd should shear the sheep, not shave them (Suet. _Tib_. 32.2, Dio 57.10.5).\n\n35 _Lg_. 694a\u20135b; the pattern recurs with Darius (an outsider not brought up as a prince) and Xerxes: 695c\u20136a. For the passage as anti-Xenophontic polemic see Tatum (1989) 225\u201334, who notes the criticism of Cyrus as (actual) father and householder at 694c; the passage echoes other contexts where Plato remarks on the inability of real-world political leaders to pass on skills to their offspring (cf. _Men_. 93a\u20134e, _Prt_. 319d\u201320b; below 179n.86).\n\n36 _Lg_. 735b\u20136c: the concept is supported by quasi-religious language of purification ( _katharmos_ , _katharsis_ : England 1921 on 735b3), by medical imagery of disease and purgation (below 170n.29) and by an analogy from the selection of sources of pure water (below 79n.23).\n\n#\n\n# The Ship of State\n\nMaritime imagery comes naturally to those who live by the sea and get their living from it.1 For example, Holland in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries abounded in images of the ship of state, and in other communal images of seafaring, particularly the related image of the Ship of the Church and its antithesis, the Ship of the Heresy,2 a reminder that ship imagery does not have to be positive and that some of those who put to sea are, like Edward Lear's Jumblies, neither well-advised nor competent. Indeed, probably the most influential ship image of the Early Modern period was a negative one: Sebastian Brant's _Das Narrenschiff_ , inspiration for a host of translations and imitations produced all over Europe.3 _Das Narrenschiff_ also goes to show that the appeal of maritime imagery is by no means confined to seafaring peoples, having been originally published in land-locked Basel in 1494. Another product of land-locked central Europe was the mechanical galleon in the British Museum, made in Augsburg around 1585: here the central figure is the Holy Roman Emperor, surrounded by the empire's seven Electors, and the ship is evidently to be read in part as symbolic of the hierarchical order of the empire, as well as of its wealth and sophistication.4 It is the immediate comprehensibility and perennial adaptability of the image of the ship of state which has kept it alive through the ages and maintains its status as a popular trope in political discourse even today.5\n\nAs far as the somewhat scanty surviving evidence allows us to judge, the ship of state comes into view only gradually. The first instance of maritime imagery used in a communal context is in Archilochus, who describes the sudden and alarming onset of an impending storm, and calls on his comrade Glaukos to aid him in shortening sail and other precautions.6 At first glance, the passage is a realistic description of a storm at sea; for its allegorical nature we have to accept the testimony of the ancient scholar Heraclitus, writing in the first or second century ad ( _Alleg. Hom_. 5.2), who unlike us knew the context of the passage and before citing it states that the poet 'compares the war to a surging sea'. That statement, and the fact that he distinguishes the military context of this image from the political one of Alcaeus fr.208, which he cites immediately afterwards, shows that we have not yet quite arrived at the concept of the ship of state:7 on one level, Archilochus' use of the metaphor of storm may be seen as an early instance of the general use of maritime imagery in Greek literature to indicate trouble or distress, while the specific reference to a military threat echoes the comparison of the surge of Trojan warriors attacking the Achaean camp (and its ships) to a vast wave.8 However, the references to the crew in the first person plural and to the sails of the ship in fr.106 show that the concept of the ship as some kind of community already underlies the image, though that is more likely to be the poet's _hetaireia_ or war-band than any more extensive grouping.9\n\nThe next stage of development is the appearance of overtly political examples in Alcaeus (frr.6 and 208). Although both passages, like the Archilochus fragments, read superficially like naturalistic storm descriptions without an obvious political reference, as Heraclitus remarks, he again assures us that the passage cited is a political allegory, and this is confirmed by references to the Mytilenean tyrant Myrsilus in ancient commentators on both fragments. More importantly, each passage contains terms which hint at its true significance: Silk points out that in fr.6.2 _steichei_ ('advances') is intrusive in the maritime context, being normally used of soldiers on the march, while in fr.208.1 the pun on _stasin_ serves to explain the allegory 'without violation of its own terms'.10 All of this makes it clear that we are dealing with considered and artful imagery. This is not to say that we can necessarily identify the significance of each detail in the nautical descriptions,11 but the implication of the images as a whole is clear: whereas Archilochus is reacting to a clear external threat, here there is a shift to focus on internal dissent, or to the need for internal solidarity in the face of external dangers on all sides: Alcaeus cannot tell from where the wind is blowing.\n\nThe simple conception of the ship of state menaced from without and, perhaps, within finds an echo in the early fifth century when Herodotus attributes to Miltiades before the battle of Marathon the fear that failure to engage will cause a great _stasis_ to fall upon ( _empesousan_ ) Athenian will to resist and shake it apart ( _diaseisein_ ), though here if there is any specific implication, it is of the treachery of a fifth column siding with the Persians, and that association with an invader implicitly locates the threat to the community predominantly outside it, as the squall surrounds the ship.12\n\nInternal disorder is also a feature of an extended and again highly self-conscious passage at an earlier date in the Theognid corpus (667\u201382):13 this ship is also storm-tossed by night, but in this case the danger posed by the elements is exacerbated by the behaviour of the passengers, on which the emphasis falls. The poet complains that they will not bail out the water washing over both sides of the vessel and indeed have deposed the expert ( _epistamen\u00f4s_ : 676) helmsman; discipline has collapsed, the cargo is being plundered and mere porters14 are in control. This is a fairly transparent allegory of the collapse of political and social order, the reading made easy by the use of language which can be read in two senses, with reference to seafaring and to life in the polis.15 Although the poet concludes the passage by saying that he fears that the ship will be swamped (680), his attention is clearly focused on what is happening on board, and for the first time we start to see some articulation of the ship's internal organization.\n\nHitherto, the helmsman has not played any significant role: in Archilochus and Alcaeus, insofar as he is implied, he is as bewildered as the other passengers, and even in the passage just discussed he has lost control (675\u20136).16 Another couplet in the Theognid corpus (855\u20136) similarly likens the poet's city to a ship which, through the negligence or cowardice17 of its commanders, has often listed and run close to shore: here the focus is shifting from the ship to the helmsman, though as yet only as someone to blame.18 From now on, however, the helmsman rises to a position of increasing prominence in the ship of state.\n\nThe earliest reference to the statesman as helmsman of the ship of state which can be reliably dated is the Delphic oracle said to have been given to Solon: 'Sit in the middle of the ship, straightly guiding the helmsman's task ( _kubern\u00eat\u00earion ergon euthun\u00f4n_ ): many Athenians are your allies.'19 Since the image of the helmsman is almost entirely confined to individuals in a position of sole direction, the oracle looks suspiciously like an exhortation to tyranny, which is how Plutarch interprets it; however, the reference to sitting in the middle of the vessel, rather than at the stern, where the rudders are, suggests that the encouragement to take power, if such it is, is being masked or muted by an implication of moderation.20 After this, however, although the frequency with which helmsman imagery is used of divine and cosmic guidance from the beginnings of Presocratic philosophy implies that it is firmly established as a model of leadership, it is strikingly uncommon in actual political contexts: only when Pindar speaks of 'pilotings of cities' with reference to the Aleuadae of Thessaly and exhorts Hieron to 'guide the host with a just rudder' does the image refer to men exercising power in reality.21\n\nBy contrast, the helmsman features widely in tragedy. In Aeschylus the earliest example concerns Darius, who 'captained the host well';22 the image suits a good king even if he is a Persian. Next come three in _Septem_ , a play rich in maritime imagery: Eteocles characterizes himself at the very beginning of the play as the man who 'keeps watch over affairs, plying the rudder in the stern of the city' (2\u20133), and the messenger calls on him 'to screen the city like a ship's careful steersman before the storm-blasts of Ares strike' and to 'judge how to command ( _naukl\u00earein_ ) the city', while Eteocles criticizes the chorus for fleeing through the city like a sailor \u2013 by implication the helmsman \u2013 rushing from his post in the stern to the prow and jeopardizing the ship.23 The helmsman image is used to criticize dereliction of duty again in Theramenes' trial at the end of the fifth century, when Critias, denouncing Theramenes' change of sides, says that a man who deserves to live should not lead his friends into trouble and then change sides at the first reverse, but persevere until the wind turns fair: sailors who put about at any obstacle will never reach their destination.24 The use of the helmsman image by both Eteocles and the messenger promotes a uniformly favourable view of the king in the first two-thirds of the play: the people of Thebes look to him as an experienced commander and sole possible saviour, while he in turn is duly aware of his duty and responsibilities. However, the helmsman is not automatically a positive figure: the recognition of the chorus in the _Prometheus_ that 'new rudder-guiders ( _oiakonomoi_ ) control Olympus' makes it plain that the fundamental significance of the motif is of autocratic control.25\n\nSimilar usages are found in Sophocles: in the opening scene of the _O.T_., as Campbell shows, a complex of images establishes a perception of Thebes as a storm-tossed ship with Oedipus as her helmsman, but later in the play Oedipus' anxiety comes to alarm the passengers who depend on him. Likewise in _Antigone_ Creon presents himself as a model helmsman who understands the priority of the safety of the ship of state over individual interests, but when Teiresias replies to his claim that he has never previously disagreed with the seer 'and so you steered this city rightly', he is warning him that there are limits within which the helmsman's authority should operate: Creon may steer the ship, but Teiresias has a better eye for the lie of the wind.26 Euripides likewise has the Herald warn Theseus in _Supplices_ that he must follow his advice if he is to keep his city in calm water, and points to the risk of wrecking the ship of state which is also implicit in a later allusion to the adverse impact of a bad helmsman on his city's reputation.27\n\nAn analogous expression, _pr\u00f4rat\u00eas stratou_ ('bow-watcher of the army') appears in a fragment of Sophocles: although strictly speaking the _pr\u00f4rat\u00eas_ is the lookout in the bows, and the reference is to a general, the notion of the watcher in the forefront is appropriate to the proper position of the general at the head of his troops (like the shepherd leading his flock); the speaker complaining of his inability to please all of the people all of the time is presumably Agamemnon, and his reference to himself as commander is natural in a Trojan War context; no doubt Eteocles is also seen in part, perhaps primarily, as a military leader.28\n\nThe spatial articulation of the ship is also elaborated in a related group of passages in which the ruler's position is spoken of in terms of the helmsman's bench ( _zugon_ ). Aegisthus (another unappealing helmsman) chides the chorus 'do you talk like that, sitting at the lowest oar, when those on the bench are masters of the vessel?', and a position of political power is described in Euripides as 'the first bench of the polis' and 'the benches of office ( _zugois... arch\u00eas_ )'. Similarly, the description of the gods as 'sitting on the dread bench of the helmsman ( _selma_ )' gives a specifically nautical slant to the epithet _hupsizugos_ ('seated on a high bench') which is applied to Zeus as ruler in the _Iliad_.29 Since helmsman imagery is, naturally, used of individuals exercising power or authority \u2013 in the real world, monarchs or leading statesmen, and in lyric and tragedy, almost always of kings or tyrants30 \u2013 it finds ready parallels in passages concerned with divine guidance or control, some of which we have already encountered, and in cosmological passages concerned with the direction of the universe which probably derive from the use of the image in connection with the gods; by the fourth century the language of 'steering ( _kubernan_ )' is freely applied to the bodily microcosm as well.31 Body and ship can also be treated as parallel cases, as when Plato assimilates the integrity of the body and of a ship in treating both the cables which undergird a ship ( _hypoz\u00f4mata_ and _entonoi_ ) and the sinews of a body as analogies for the vital preservation of the unity and integrity of the polis, and the anchor, too, though strictly speaking external to the ship, is also perceived as crucial to its survival when he describes the Nocturnal Council as the 'anchor of the whole city'.32\n\nAlthough the basic notion of the helmsman image would seem to be one of control, hence the occasional appearance of helmsmen who are simply autocratic, this is usually linked to notions of superior skill or wisdom, and the generally favourable tone of the earlier, lyric examples implies that this is an image which arose in aristocratic circles, as a comfortable view of themselves which grounded their claim to authority on a basis of ability and expertise, and framed it with the appealing implication that its ultimate object was the preservation of the community. We can see this clearly if we compare the ship of state with a related image, the chariot of state: the two images are structurally similar in the way that they depict an expert individual directing a larger, complex system, to the degree that at times they came to be reciprocal, with charioteers being described as helmsmen, and vice versa, and the language of 'steering' ( _euthunein_ ) applied to both functions alike. The charioteer, however, is directly linked through the reins to animals which he must control and direct through his superior intelligence and skill, and the image of the chariot therefore carries associations with mastery over and taming of animals which, even if they are more muted in this context, imply a more openly authoritarian attitude to those who are ruled: the frequently used motif of the 'handing over' of the reins or goad of the state implies that while the holder of the reins may change, it is natural and desirable that the demos should remain in harness, under control. The position of the helmsman is much less ambiguous, which makes the ship of state an image capable of appealing to the wider community while remaining attractive as a model of rule: the statesman knows where to go and how to get there, and a sensible demos will entrust itself to him, hence the fact that in Plato's imagery the helmsman is aligned with the doctor, as another representative of the knowledgeable expert whose authority is justified by skill.33 Yet there were limits to that appeal: although ship of state imagery is widespread in tragedy, it is strikingly uncommon in other fifth-century genres. The passage in Herodotus cited above is the only instance in prose, and there is little in comedy either \u2013 a mention of the ship of state in _Wasps_ which marks it as a clich\u00e9 and a couple of allusions to that ship as storm-tossed at the end of the Peloponnesian War is a pretty thin haul.34\n\nNevertheless, it is notable that even if poets may have seen the basic image as hackneyed, it had not lost its usefulness or potency, witness the fact that the ship of state and its crew continue to furnish imagery in fourth-century oratory. However, there are some significant changes in presentation: the ship itself is mentioned relatively sparsely, and \u2013 with the important exception of Plato (below) there is almost no interest in its internal organization,35 while in contrast the helmsman, who as we have seen played no part in fifth-century political discourse, is now widely appropriated by politicians to enhance their status,36 or to call into question the competence of their rivals. A speaker in the Demosthenic corpus draws a contrast between the minor consequences of error on the part of the individual sailor and the universal impact of blunders by the helmsman to emphasize the need for stringent supervision of politicians like Aristogeiton (26.3). Furthermore, in an atmosphere of political failure and decline, there is naturally an increased element of mutual recrimination and self-exculpation, bringing into renewed prominence the motif of shipwreck not simply as a danger, but as actually experienced. Thus Demosthenes accuses Aeschines of having failed in his duties as a statesman, and having overturned and sunk the ship of state and, as far as he could, put it in the power of the enemy. Aeschines returns the compliment in their later encounter, remarking that whereas the Athenians punish any ferryman guilty even inadvertently of capsize by banning him from the occupation, they are proposing to allow Demosthenes to continue to be their helmsman ( _apeuthunein ta koina_ ) although he has turned turtle both Greece and Athens. In his reply, Demosthenes evades responsibility: like the good ship-owner or captain, he has taken every reasonable precaution against foreseeable dangers, but he cannot be blamed for the typhoon of Chaeronea, an act of _tuch\u00ea_ (Fortune), and anyway, he was not at the helm, since he was not in command.37\n\nThus far, we have been entirely concerned with images of the ship of state in which the authors or speakers have a personal involvement, usually an anxious one \u2013 that is, they are on board. However, there is another possible point of view, namely, that of the detached external observer. This is a position which first emerges clearly in the works of Plato. Maritime imagery is a Platonic favourite, and in political contexts, occurs almost uniquely in variations of the picture of the helmsman: though Plato acknowledges it as a commonplace, it has, as already noted, a strong appeal for him as one type of the expert practitioner whose authority should be accepted.38 The most celebrated of Plato's maritime images, however, is a burlesque one, that in _Republic_ 488a\u20139a. Prima facie this concerns the relationship of philosophers to politics, but it shares with Plato's other maritime images a stress on skill and knowledge, and is also self-consciously literary and rich in echoes of earlier authors. Demos is the ship-owner ( _naukl\u00earos_ ), the biggest and strongest individual \u2013 this a perfunctory bow to democratic theory \u2013 but he is also somewhat deaf, like Aristophanes' Demos, shortsighted and with similarly vague notions of seafaring;39 as the 'owner' he delegates his power to the helmsman and thus though, as Adam says, not positively vicious, he must bear a share of responsibility for failure to approach the true helmsman for help. The sailors (that is, the demagogues) are squabbling for the helm in a way that recalls Thucydides' account of the situation after Pericles' death, though they have no knowledge of or education in the skill ( _techn\u00ea_ ) and indeed they claim that it is not teachable and are ready to kill anyone who says it is.40 Instead they spend all their time doing anything to get the captain to give them the helm: persuasion, killing or throwing overboard their rivals, or overpowering him with drugs or drink. Once they get control they plunder the stores, like the crew in the version of the image in the Theognid corpus which I discussed earlier, and go on a voyage of self-indulgence which may be expected to end in disaster, though that implication is not emphasized.41 Their definition of nautical skill is the ability to seize control, and anyone who does not possess it is 'useless' \u2013 again, there are echoes of Thucydides here, this time analysing factional conflict ( _stasis_ ), while as to true helmsmanship, with its requirement of detailed practical knowledge, they believe it impossible to acquire, and look down on those who practise it as mere daydreamers.42 Plato's insistence here on the helmsman's need for a knowledge of matters such as the seasons, stars and winds (488d) is picked up in the _Statesman_ , where he adds to the remark that the helmsman 'preserves his fellow-sailors... by offering his expertise as law' the observation that this expertise is not set down in writing, and he drives home the point with a satirical picture of an attempt to regulate seafaring and medicine by democratic procedure, enacting rules of procedure on the basis of an open debate, and even selecting practitioners by lot and subjecting them to popular review, while absolutely forbidding scientific study of these arts.\n\nHere again there is a contrast between genuine experts and ignorant politicians, though in this case the latter are nevertheless credited with pretensions to knowledge when the Elean Stranger remarks that many cities have gone under through the mistaken belief of their helmsmen that they knew all about the art of politics.43 As in the image in the _Republic_ , the external danger from which the helmsman protects the crew and passengers is acknowledged, but remains more in the background than is usual in maritime imagery, though it implicitly underlies the justification of his position and the need for obedience to him,44 and by the same token, although there is a destination implicitly in view, the focus is far more on the continuing process of steering a safe course than on the ultimate arrival. In this respect there is a significant divergence between the figure of the helmsman and that of the doctor, who is more strongly associated with the ultimate objective of health (in other words, with the concept of moral improvement), but whose position is less easy to justify: people will recognize an impending storm more readily than they will acknowledge that they are sick, and the two fields of imagery thus complement one another.45\n\nIf we return to the origins of the image of the ship of state and survey its historical evolution, we can sketch a coherent picture of the early stages. As we have seen, our evidence suggests that it emerges in the archaic period, being absent from Homer. There is, of course, no shortage of ships in Homer, but one may suspect that the very different character of power relations, and the absence of even a vestigial sense of the polis as a citizen-state, prevented any perception of the ship as a model of the community, which indeed emerges only gradually. Perhaps, too, there was insufficient distinction between the vehicle and the tenor for the image to be effective \u2013 and Odysseus' loss of all his ships on his homeward voyage hardly made him a good role model in this respect. By contrast, in the period of colonization a ship, or a small group of them, will have been more or less literally synonymous with a community-to-be, even though the earliest examples of the analogy, in Archilochus and Alcaeus, are sectional, and apply only to a faction or _hetaireia_ ;46 there again, such a grouping might well form the crew of a ship, particularly a _pentekonter_ , the early fifty-oared type which could be used for both military and commercial activity. The possibility that there might be more than one ship, and the scope for interaction with the surrounding elements of wind and water, left open a convenient indeterminacy as to just what community was being represented: hence the image perfectly suited a context in which issues of community definition and membership were still in flux, while the dangers created by struggles for power were mirrored in a perception of the hazards of seafaring and the horrors of shipwreck which is already attested by the Pithekoussai krater.47\n\nGiven the political climate of the archaic period, it is not surprising that the element of the helmsman should have achieved prominence; what might seem to us rather more odd is that democratic Athens seems to have evolved no maritime imagery to illustrate its ideals, the more so given the abundance and variety of maritime imagery in general in this period; at first sight the trireme would seem a paradigm of communal effort and mutual reliance \u2013 Barry Strauss has presented it as an engine of thetic political consciousness48 \u2013 and yet it never appears as such in literature. Two possible explanations from internal factors spring to mind: first, despite broad citizen participation which in times of crisis could include hoplites and, exceptionally, knights, as in the crisis mobilization for the battle of Arginusai in 406, the Athenian navy in the Peloponnesian war was not in practice crewed exclusively by citizens: metics also rowed as did _xenoi_ (foreigners), both as mercenaries and conscripts and so, in emergency, did slaves, notably again at Arginusae. Furthermore, within the ship, rowers were not all the same, but divided into three types, _thalamioi_ , _zugitai_ and _thranitai_ , with the upper tier, the _thranitai_ , being paid most and the _thalamioi_ at the bottom least; above them were the professionals of the _hup\u00earesia_ , the specialist deck-crew, and there is evidence that it was possible for those with talent to work their way up the trireme from bottom rower to helmsman.49 All this will have made it hard to regard the crew of a trireme as equal in any but the most superficial sense. Against this it could be argued that for the idea which the trireme would most naturally suggest, that of 'all pulling together', complete equality was unnecessary, and indeed the image could have been used to suggest that it was irrelevant. In fact, Aristotle does remark on the basic identity of sailors, as of citizens, despite their differing capacities and specialized roles, 'since the safety of the voyage is the task of all, and each of the sailors aims at that' ( _Pol_. 1276b20\u20137).\n\nThe other possible social and political factor is prejudice against the navy, despite Athens' public naval pride; though the _nautikos ochlos_ ('naval mob') is primarily a fourth-century phenomenon, there are already shades of it in the 'Old Oligarch' and in Euripides. How widespread such views were is hard to tell, given the restriction imposed by a popular audience; no doubt they enjoyed greater popularity among the trierarchic class, who had to foot the bill, and the feelings of their peers might have influenced Athenian authors. Nevertheless, it remains hard to explain the absence of positive maritime images in drama, especially comedy, which one would expect to be aimed at a popular audience, as indeed Dicaiopolis' allusion to 'the host of _thranitai_ who save the city' implies.50\n\nHowever, there is a further possible explanation, rooted not in the circumstances of fifth-century Athens, but in the character of the image of the ship of state. If we ask ourselves what kind of ship the ship of state is, it rapidly becomes clear that it is not a trireme, a warship, but a merchantman. When triremes make a journey, it is to fulfil some further military purpose; in the ship of state, it is the voyage from A to B in itself which matters, and the safe arrival of crew and cargo. Unlike the trireme, which notoriously had to put to shore every day in all but the most exceptional circumstances,51 the ship of state is, like a merchantman, frequently portrayed on the high seas at the mercy of the elements, since she will tend to travel directly, and whereas triremes typically operated in substantial flotillas \u2013 the only regular exceptions would be those used to carry messages or for diplomatic missions, particularly the 'state triremes' _Paralos_ and _Salaminia_ \u2013 the ship of state is imagined sailing alone. The roles of those on board differ sharply, too: on a trireme, skilled rowers make up the bulk of the crew and provide the essential motive power, and command rests with the trierarch rather than the helmsman. On the ship of state, the _naukl\u00earos_ may be the owner, but he must defer to the expertise of the helmsman; under the command of the helmsman in turn come the sailors, and below them are the passengers, lacking all skill and completely passive as far as the journey is concerned, while it is the wind(s) which move the vessel. If this distinction is correct, it helps to explain why the image evolved as it did, with an emphasis on hierarchical command and differing levels of expertise. It would still, presumably, have been possible to create an image of the trireme of state, but all the weight of previous usage militated against it. It must, incidentally, be due to the aristocratic origins of the image that figurative seafaring is nowhere associated with fishing, in contrast for example to the biblical tradition: for the Greeks \u2013 and indeed Romans \u2013 fishermen were conceived of as poverty-stricken and socially marginal, even though the fish trade itself could be highly lucrative.52\n\nFinally, we should consider briefly the relationship of the demos to the ship of state. As we have seen, the early ship of state was not necessarily imagined as carrying the entire population of the polis, and even after the concept of the polis as community becomes firmly established, it remains possible for the demos to be located outside it and implicitly perceived as a threat to it through the use of another field of imagery, the elements. Water and weather were equally natural sources of imagery for the Greeks. In a famous fragment of his poetry Solon states that the sea's nature is _dikaiotat\u00ea_ , 'most just', and that any disturbance is due to external causes, a passage often seen as indicating that the demos is naturally just unless disturbed by agitators; that reading is encouraged by parallels in Herodotus, Polybius and Livy, but other comparisons of the demos to water are less favourable: in the constitutional debate which Herodotus sets in Persia, Megabyzus, the proponent of oligarchy, argues that the _hybris_ of the demos is worse than that of tyranny because it is irrational, and compares its impetuous, irrational decision-making to a river in spate, an image echoed by the Spartan Lampito in Aristophanes' _Lysistrata_ and by Isocrates in the fourth century. There is also in all these cases an overtone of powerful forward impetus (like our 'surge'), perhaps more emotional than physical, which is difficult to resist.53 Euripides uses the related image of a storm-wind to describe the demos: 'but if one slackens sail and gives way to it when it exerts itself, watching for the right moment, perhaps it may become calm; and if it abates, you may easily get from it all you want.' The implication is that the demos is wild and primitive, unmanageable by normal methods of control, but it is also implied that there are ways of handling it (as indeed the speaker succeeds in doing later in the play) and this perhaps diminishes the extent to which it can be regarded as responsible for its own actions. A similar though less positive passage by an anonymous iambic poet observes that 'the demos is a restless menace, stirred by the wind like the sea, and if there should perchance be a calm, a slight breeze rears its head and, if there is any accusation, it swallows up the citizen.' In the images both of sea and of wind the demos is seen less as uncontrollable than as unpredictable, needing intelligent and judicious management. The recurrence of the 'torrent' image in Isocrates, and passages in which Demosthenes imputes the use of comparisons between the demos and the sea to his pro-Macedonian opponents, show that this strand of anti-democratic rhetoric persisted into the fourth century.54 Thus anti-democratic perceptions of the demos found expression through a field of imagery which implicitly located it outside the ship of state, though since the two fields were never actually combined, the exclusion was never directly presented. The existence of this option also helps to explain why the Greeks never developed a negative version of the ship of state to set beside Brant's _Narrenschiff_ or the Ship of the Heresy.\n\nMaritime imagery is hugely adaptable, lending itself to a range of essential conceptions: a community or enterprise, threats from outside or from disorder within, trouble or destruction, process and progress, arrival and safety.55 Much of this is specifically true of the ship of state (although as we have seen, the ship of state never reaches a final destination): the image of the helmsman enjoys its successful development because it is founded on an attractive, or at any rate acceptable, conception of the community at large. Given the political climate of the archaic period, it is not surprising that the element of the helmsman should have achieved prominence, but though this development reflects the dominant ideology, it also seems to attest to some awareness of the persuasive potential of the image, while concepts of control in more direct form over animals, though clearly available and even briefly aired, enjoy a much more limited development even in their most guarded form. At the same time, the image of the ship of state lends itself to ideas of process that is ongoing or open-ended,56 and which can be seen as menaced by a present crisis or a future threat, calling in turn for an obedient response to the helmsman's commands. It seems to establish itself only slowly in Latin literature, but the frequency in Cicero of the image of the _gubernator_ , the Latin helmsman, and of the shipwreck ( _naufragium_ ) of the Roman republic, attests to its continuing appeal,57 and it is doubtless through Cicero's influence that it continues into post-classical literature and so comes down to us. Thus one might say that we owe it to Archilochus and Cicero between them that what regulates our country's affairs is a 'government'.\n\n## Notes\n\n1Though strangely, the Vikings would seem to be an exception: runic inscriptions and skaldic verse seem to have no imagery for community or leadership drawn from ships, to judge from Jesch (2001), though seafaring is frequently described figuratively (see her Index svv. kennings, metaphor), including comparisons of sailing to horsemanship (176\u20137), like the Greeks (below, 56\u20137). Perhaps there was insufficient distance between tenor and vehicle to make maritime imagery effective.\n\n2See the survey in Knipping (1974) 355\u201360, who notes that the image goes back to early Christian authors (well discussed by Rahner 1963, 55\u20136, 85\u20136, 345\u201353, 371\u201386); Noah's Ark supplied an obvious model, while masts naturally suggested the Cross, and the main part of a church building is of course still called the 'nave', from Latin _navis_. On the other hand, it does not seem to be an important element of Old Testament imagery, though West (1997) 531\u20132 cites a couple of examples in the Hebrew prophets of the shipwreck of the city; however, there are parallels elsewhere in Indo-European poetry: West (2007) 420\u20131.\n\n3It was reprinted three times in the year of publication, and six editions appeared in Brant's lifetime, making it the most successful work in German before Goethe's _Werther_ (Killy 1988\u201393, s.v. Brant), and was translated into Latin, French, English and Dutch, not to mention versions in Low German: Manger (1983) 66\u201394 gives full details.\n\n4MacGregor (2010) 490\u20136 gives a good brief account of the artefact and its symbolism.\n\n5One thinks of Canning's description of Pitt the Younger as 'the pilot that weather'd the storm' in a poem written for a banquet in honour of his birthday (28 May 1802), Whitman's 'O Captain! My Captain!', or Tenniel's depiction of Kaiser Wilhelm II 'dropping the pilot' Bismarck ( _Punch_ , 29 March 1890). Meichsner (1983) in her study of the 'Steuermannstopos' cites examples from German politics in the era of Helmut Schmidt and Franz-Joseph Strauss; more recently, _Private Eye_ used the grounding of the submarine HMS Astute in October 2010 to paint a satirical portrait of the ship of state on the rocks (no. 1274, 29 October\u201311 November 2010, front cover), and the centenary during a global financial crisis of the sinking of the _Titanic_ was a gift to political cartoonists.\n\n6Fr.105, with which fr.106 is probably to be associated on the basis of correspondences between its content and the reaction of the helmsman described by Plutarch ( _Mor_. 169b) after his citation of fr.105: West (1974) 128\u20139.\n\n7'he... compares the upheavals caused by the tyrants with stormy conditions at sea' (loc. cit, tr. Campbell); commentators nevertheless have a tendency to see a political context here: even West (1974) 129 speaks of 'the impending political situation'.\n\n8.Maritime imagery for trouble in general: LSJ s.v. \u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bc\u03ac\u03b6\u03c9 III.2, Collard (1975) on E. _Supp_. 269; Pearson (1917) on S. _Ichn_. 267 for the medical sense; a later military example: Musaeus fr.22 DK. In Pindar, for personal political downfall: _I_. 1.36; _eudia_ ('calm') for political peace: _P_. 5.10, frr.52b.52, 109.1; NB also _P_. 8.98. Trojan wave: Hom. _Il_. 15.381\u20139.\n\n9See the discussion of Gentili (1988) 213\u20135, who notes the mention of 'ships' in the plural in fr.106.1, which must preclude identification of the singular 'ship' of l.3 with the community as a whole.\n\n10Heraclitus states that 'it is Myrsilus who is indicated' (loc. cit.): cf. frr.305b 8, 306C (c). Interactive terminology: Silk (1974) 144, 123: _stasis_ can mean both 'direction' of wind and 'civil strife'.\n\n11That is, I read these passages as extended metaphor rather than as allegories, as Gentili (1988) 197\u2013215 does, though his full discussion is valuable nevertheless.\n\n12Hdt. 6.109.5; How and Wells (1928) _ad loc_. comment 'the metaphor appears to be taken from a squall... splitting a ship and causing a leak'; for an alternative medical significance to the verb _empipt\u00f4_ and on _sathron_ ('rotten') in the following sentence see Scott (2005) 384 and below 71 and n.16, 80n.37. Fear of treachery must have been acute after the betrayal of Eretria to the Persians (Hdt. 6.100\u20131).\n\n13West (1971) inclines to attributing these lines to Euenus of Paros (see critical note on Euenus frr.8a-c) but their authenticity is defended by Van Groningen (1966) 267\u20139 and Nagy (1985) 22\u20133.\n\n14Gentili (1988) 201 translates _phort\u00eagoi_ (679) as 'stevedores' and Campbell (1967) 369 suggests 'porters', though both note that the word elsewhere means 'merchant' (Nagy 1985 adopts the neutral 'carriers of merchandise'); however, given Theognis' attitude to _nouveaux riches_ , either could be denoted as base men ruling over noble (679 cf. 53\u201368, 183\u201392), and either would suit the nautical context (though NB the argument of Coffee 2006 that merchants link it more appropriately to the social situation): the point is that the inexperienced passengers are in charge, not the expert crew.\n\n15Silk (1974) 125 n.10: _phulak\u00ea_ (676) can refer to a 'watch' at sea or to military and political 'safety', _chr\u00eamata_ (677) can denote 'cargo' and 'property' more generally, _kosmos_ can mean both 'discipline' and political and social 'order'. Hence the poet presents his vignette as a riddle (681), if to us a pretty transparent one.\n\n16If, that is, he is specifically identified: van Groningen (1966) 266 argues that the generality of _hotis_ suggests the traditional governing class rather than any individual, but Dover in Gomme, Andrewes and Dover (1945\u201381) IV 199 draws attention to the Ionic use of _hostis_ as a relative pronoun.\n\n17 _Kakot\u00eata_ implies both incompetence and fear, presumably of going too far from land.\n\n18Though his skill is already acknowledged when he is called 'wise' in Archil. fr.211 and his ability to avoid reefs is made a point of comparison at Thgn. 576.\n\n19No. 15 P-W, _c_. 595 BC; on the dispute over its authenticity see below 98n.29. My translation attempts to capture the flavour of the artful periphrasis: _euthun\u00f4_ can mean 'make straight' literally and figuratively, as well as simply 'direct' or 'steer'.\n\n20Silk (1974) 122 emphasizes what he sees as the message of moderation, but NB below 98n.29 for the reading of Plutarch ( _Sol_. 14). The language of the oracle looks deliberately ambiguous, too: _euthun\u00f4_ could imply the righting of injustice, like _dikai\u00f4sei_ in the oracle for Cypselus (Hdt. 5.92\u03b22), and _epikouroi_ can denote the mercenary supporters of a tyrant.\n\n21 _P._ 10.72, 1.86, and maritime imagery applied to politics is relatively rare even in Pindar (below 113).\n\n22 _eu podouchei_ ( _Pers_. 656) is Dindorf 's emendation of the transmitted text, but generally accepted (see Garvie 2009 _ad loc_.): since the verb means 'guide a ship by means of the sheet', Darius was technically speaking not a helmsman, but the idea is plainly the same, and _pace_ Garvie, we do not need to look for a specifically nautical historical context; Hall (1996) appositely compares 767 for the metaphor. Van Nes (1963) treats all these Aeschylean passages in fuller detail.\n\n23A. _Th._ 2\u20133, 62\u20134, 652; 208\u201310; NB Hutchinson (1985) on 62\u20134 and 208\u201310. 'Stern' now denotes the helmsman's post: _prumn\u00eat\u00eas_ ('stern-man'), an Aeschylean coinage, appears twice in _Eum_., once of Delphos, mythical eponymous ruler of Delphi (16), and once of a putative future aggressor against Athens (765), in both passages governing a word for 'land' in the genitive; the ancient commentators gloss the word with 'Delphos, who is the lord and helmsman of the land' and 'stern-man: ruler, helmsman'.\n\n24X. _HG_ 2.3.31 (below 180n.89); cf. Ar. _Ran_. 534\u201341 for Theramenes as the experienced seafarer who knows how to roll to the comfortable side of the ship: was some such expression in general circulation?\n\n25[A.] _P.V_. 149; for divine helmsmen cf. _Ag_. 182\u20133 and below, n.31.\n\n26Campbell (1986): see esp. _O.T._ 22\u20134, 103\u20134 and contrast 922\u20133: 'Look at us, passengers in the grip of fear, watching the pilot of the ship go to pieces.' (tr. Fagles); _Ant._ 189\u201390, part of the passage quoted with approval by Demosthenes (19.247); contrast 994, and NB Goheen (1951) 44\u201351, locating these images in the wider context of divine action and power.\n\n27E. _Supp._ 473\u20134, 507\u20139 (with Radt [1970] 345), 879\u201380; there is also a more neutral allusion to the storm-tossed polis at _Rh_. 245\u201350.\n\n28Fr.524 ( _Polyxena_ ); NB Murray (1990) 13 for the ancient shepherd leading his flock.\n\n29A. _Ag_. 1617\u20138, E. _Ion_ 595, _Pho_. 74\u20135; A. _Ag_. 182 with Fraenkel (1950) _ad loc_. The symbolic importance of the stern as the helmsman's station is also reflected in a passage in Aeschylus' _Suppliants_ in which the suppliant Danaids call on the king to 'respect the stern of the city thus garlanded' (345), on which Tucker (1889) comments (his line 316) 'i.e. that part of the ship of state in which the places of honour are situated'.\n\n30In Thgn. 855\u20136 and A. _Ag_. 1617\u201318 we find helmsmen in the plural, in the former case with reference, unusually, to oligarchy; in the latter passage the reference is to the joint tyranny of Aegisthus and Clytemnestra.\n\n31Divine helmsmen: A. _Ag_. 182\u20133, [A.] _P.V_. 515, S. _Aj_. 35, _TrGF_ _Adesp_. fr.348g; Pi. _O_. 12.3, _P_. 4.274 (below 113), 5.122\u20133, frr.40, 214; B. 13.185; Pseudepicharmeia fr.240.3KA; Antiphon 1.13; Pl. _Smp_. 187a1, 197e 1 (Eros), 197b3 (Zeus); _R_. 573d4\u20135 (tyrant Eros), _Ti_. 42e3 and cf. _Criti_. 109c2\u20134, _Lg_. 709b8; cf. Anaxandr. 4 _oiaka streph\u00f4n_ 'turning the rudder' of Tyche (Fortune), and Men. fr.372; steering the universe: Anaximander A15 (with Guthrie 1962\u201381, I 88), Heraclitus B41, 64, Parmenides B12 with Lloyd (1966) 272\u20134; _kubernan_ linked with _kratein_ of the directing element in cosmos: Diogenes B5; Guthrie (1962\u201381) II 369 notes the religious colour of Diogenes' language here. For the extension in Plato of _kubernan_ and its compounds to direction and rule on all planes of existence see below 174n.50; the verb is already applied to control of the body in fifth-century medical writing (Hp. _Vict_. 10; below 131n.60).\n\n32P. _Lg_. 945c (and for the concept cf. _R_. 616c); 961c. The proverbial principle that two anchors were better than one (Pi. _O_. 6.100\u20131; [D.] 56.44 with Carey and Reid 1985; van Nes 1963, 112\u201313) could be cited in Euripides as an argument for the superiority of joint rule over monarchy (fr.774 [ _Phaethon_ ]), though the image of the two councils as twin anchors in Plut. _Sol_. 19.2 seems more likely to derive from Plutarch than Solon (see the cautious remarks of van Nes 1963, 74\u20135). It was presumably the implications of solidity and stability which led the Seleucid monarchs, though essentially rulers of a land power, to adopt the anchor as part of their symbolism (App. _Syr_. 56, Just. _Epit_. 15.4.3\u20139).\n\n33See below 96n.22 for helmsman and charioteer as interchangeable, and 86\u20137 for a fuller treatment of the underlying divergences between the two; for the subtler differences between helmsman and doctor in Plato, NB 150\u20131. It is rare for the crew or passengers to be depicted as disorderly, as in Theognis (above) or Plato's satirical ship of state in _R_. 488\u20139 (which alludes to that passage: below): insofar as the demos is unruly and a threat to the ship, it is more likely to be characterized as a force of nature, wind or wave (below 61).\n\n34Ar. _Vesp._ 29, _Ran_. 361, 704, the latter in fact derived from Archilochus: Dover (1993) _ad loc_. Taillardat (1962) 381 describes the ship of state in comedy as 'tout \u00e0 fait banale', in contrast to the chariot of state. _Eccl_. 109 seems to refer to the ship of state lying dead in the water, but the expression verges on the proverbial (Ussher 1973 _ad loc_.) and may in any case be a sexual double entendre: Henderson (1991) 162.\n\n35Demades alludes to the ship of state positively at fr.29 (Athens is the greatest vessel [ _skaphos_ ] in Greece), but more frequently describes it as in danger of sinking (frr.13 and perhaps 42\u20133; cf. fr.17 [below]). D. 9.69, calling on the Athenians to exert themselves for the ship's safety while they can, draws a rare distinction between helmsman and sailors. Other more developed Demosthenic images imply the ship's existence: in _Ep_. 1.8 he refers to different policies for salvation in terms of a choice between rowing and sailing (for which choice cf. Men. fr. 183); in 18.281 he compares the loyalty of a politician to 'riding at the same [sc. anchor] as the masses' and in fr.13.16 he refers to the demos as feeling seasick, either at its situation in general (so the ancient commentator) or because of the incompetence of some other helmsman.\n\n36Cf. Demades' retort to the criticism of having only one son that it was better to leave behind one trierarch than ten rowers (fr.56); also below 156.\n\n37D. 19.250; Aeschin. 3.158; D. 18.194: for the argumentation here NB Yunis (2001) _ad loc._ ; cf. Demades' defence of his policies in terms of shipwreck in fr.17 (below 156). Aeschines' allusion to ferrying is apposite, since because of its importance it tended to be heavily regulated: Constantakopoulou (2007) 222\u20136.\n\n38External observer: Anderson (1966) 87\u20138. Commonplace in Plato: _Plt_. 297e, _Lg_. 905e cf. 906e and below 148; for full discussion of the helmsman as expert, see below 150\u20131. The view of the ship of state from an external viewpoint was to prove popular in later political analysis: one may compare Polybius' image of Athens as a ship with no-one at the helm (6.44.3\u20137; NB military examples at 3.81.11, 10.33.5, 11.19.3) and numerous passages in Cicero (e.g. _Sest_. 99, _Prov. Cons_. 38, _Att_. 2.7.4, _Fam_. 1.9.21, 16.27.1, _Q.F_. 1.1.5); see also below, n.57.\n\n39For the nod to democracy cf. the 'large and powerful beast' of 493a, but _gennaion_ ('honest' or 'worthy') in 488c4 is ironic (though perhaps also an echo of _kubern\u00eat\u00ean... esthlon_ at Thgn. 675\u20136, and that passage or this one is presumably unconsciously echoed when _gennaion kubern\u00eat\u00ean_ is used positively at _Plt_. 297e11); Aristophanes uses the same word for partial deafness ( _hypok\u00f4phon_ 488b1) of his own Demos at _Eq_. 43. Socrates' mention of 'a ship or ships' at 488a7\u20138 presumably implies that what is true of Athens may apply to other poleis too.\n\n40Demos as 'placid and not deliberately vicious': Adam (1902) on 488a7; post-Periclean power-struggle: Thuc. 2.65.11. Socrates credits the Athenians with the belief that political expertise cannot be taught in the _Protagoras_ (319a-d, esp. d6\u20137; cf. 319d\u201320b for the failure of politicians to educate their sons, and below 179n.86).\n\n41Plundering the cargo: Thgn. 667 (above 54); unlike the poet, Plato does not spell out the consequences of anarchy aboard ship, presumably because he wants to focus attention on the continuing situation of misrule. Equally, the evocation of luxury and self-indulgence attaches here to the crew\/demagogues rather than referring to the negative consequences of indulging the demos as in the _Gorgias_ or the sketch of the democratic constitution and individual in book 8. For Plato's knowledge of Theognis, NB _Men_. 95d\u20136a, _Lg_. 630a; Levine (1985) 195\u20136 and cf. X. _Smp_. 2.4, and see also Lane Fox (2000) 45\u201351 for the currency of the Theognid corpus in the symposiastic culture of late fifth-century Athens.\n\n42The assessment of nautical ability in terms of the ability to seize power (488d) has much in common with the pragmatic revaluation of ethical terminology described in Thuc. 3.82.4\u20135; daydreamers: _mete\u00f4roskopon te kai adolesch\u00ean_ ('a stargazer and idle chatterer') 488e4\u20139a1, echoed almost verbatim at _Plt_. 299 b7\u20138 (below). Hunter (2012) 68\u201379 has an illuminating discussion of this passage from a Platonic perspective and reaches similar conclusions on the literary influences at work here.\n\n43 _Plt._ 296e4\u20137a2 (tr. Rowe); democratic seafaring: 297e\u20139d and below 171n.33; cities go under: 302ab; Schofield (2006) 122\u20135 explores the philosophical implications.\n\n44The idea of constant peril at sea is most explicitly evoked at _Laws_ 758ab; for the argument, cf. X. _Anab_. 5.8.20, Arist. _Pol_. 1320b33\u201321a1 (below 171n.35).\n\n45Hence the kinds of misdeed which the imaginary democrats of the _Statesman_ seek to repress also differ: the doctor's treatments are inherently painful, whereas the charges against the helmsman \u2013 marooning passengers, throwing them overboard, causing shipwrecks \u2013 arise from malice or incompetence (298ab).\n\n46Cucchiarelli (2004) 195\u2013200 rightly insists on the specificity of the situation and of Alcaeus' personal point of view, in contrast to the stock 'ship of state' of later periods; for the focus on the _hetaireia_ see further below 97n.26.\n\n47See further below, 85\u20136; the evolving definition of the archaic polis and its members are discussed by the contributors to Duplouy & Brock (forthcoming). Pithekoussai Krater: Ischia Sp.1\/1 ( _c_. 725\u2013700 BC); see e.g. Boardman (1998) pl.161 for an image.\n\n48Strauss (1996), though we should remember that oligarchic states such as Corinth and Aegina were also major naval powers. It is curious, too, how few warships in the fourth-century naval catalogues ( _IG_ I2 1604\u201332) were named after democratic ideals: we do find _D\u00eamokratia_ (two vessels of that name in _IG_ I2 1607), _Parrh\u00easia_ ('Free Speech') and other less exclusively democratic values ( _Eleutheria_ ['Freedom'] _Homonoia_ ['Unity'], _Dikaiosun\u00ea_ ['Justice'], _Philotimia_ ['Competition']), but these represent only a small fraction of the names attested.\n\n49Citizens as rowers: [X.] _Ath.Pol_. 1.2, Plut. _Cim_. 11.2\u20133, _Per_. 11.4; hoplites: Thuc. 3.16.1; knights: X. _HG_ 1.6.24; metics: Thuc. 1.143.1, 3.16.1, 7.63.3; foreign mercenaries: Thuc. 1.121.3, and conscripts: Thuc. 7.13.2; slaves: Thuc. 7.13.2, X. _HG_ 1.6.24; Graham (1992), (1998). Tiers of rowers: Ar. _Ach_. 162 with Olson (2002), _Ran_. 1074 with the scholia, Morrison and Coates (1986) 132\u201351, esp. 136\u20138; pay for _thranitai_ : Thuc. 6.31.3; for _thalamioi_ : \u03a3Ar. _Ran_. 1074; _hyp\u00earesia_ : Morrison (1984); career structure: Ar. _Eq_. 541\u20134 (with Gilula [1989]), and cf. Pollux _Onom_. 1.95.\n\n50 _nautikos ochlos_ : Pl. _Lg_. 707a-d, Arist. _Pol_. 1304a17\u201324, 1327a40-b15; in the fifth century: [X.] _Ath.Pol_. 1.2 (and cf. Gigante 1957, esp. 70\u20131, for similar views in another apparently contemporary pamphlet); E. _Hec_. 606\u20138, _I.A_. 914; the same phrase is put in the mouths of Athenian oligarchs in Thuc. 8.72.2. NB also below 139n.125 for the rarity of visual representations of the navy in fifth-century art. Navy in comedy: Ar. _Ach_. 162\u20133; likewise Demos in _Knights_ is imagined to have the calloused backside of a Salamis veteran (781\u20135), and paying the rowers in full is part of the 'happy ending' of that play (1366\u20138).\n\n51Highlighted by Gomme (1933).\n\n52The paradox is suggestively discussed by Purcell (1995). Xenophon briefly mentions the trireme as a model of orderly disposition at _Oec_. 8.8, but follows this with a much more elaborate account of a Phoenician merchantman as a model of organisation in a complex system (8.11\u201317 with Pomeroy 1994 _ad loc_.; for the theme cf. below 188n.147).\n\n53This negative characterization of water as a force is very persistent: as Polly Toynbee remarks, 'reason is irrelevant: the water metaphors always win. Images of human tidal waves of asylum seekers also swamp the facts' ( _Guardian_ 7 April 2004); cf. Charteris-Black (2005) 23\u20134 on the use of similar language by Norman Tebbit with reference to immigration.\n\n54Solon fr.12; cf. Hdt. 7.16\u03b11; Plb. 11.29.9\u201310, 21.31.9\u201311; Livy 28.27.11, 38.10.5 ( _vulgata similitudo_ ); demos a stormy sea: E. _Or_. 698\u2013701, Iamb. Adesp. 29D; for parallels see below 88, 120 and 159, and cf. Cic. _Rep_. 1.65.4, Sen. _Her. F_ 170 for Roman disparagement of the _mobile vulgus_ by analogy with the sea.\n\n55e.g. Steiner (1986) 73\u20135 on the voyage of the poem in Pindar, and cf. West (2007) 40\u20135 for Indo-European images of poetry as a ship or other modes of travel.\n\n56Contrast the journey metaphors of contemporary politicians such as Tony Blair and Bill Clinton analysed by Charteris-Black (2005) 130\u20135, 152\u20134, which generally do envisage arrival, presumably because they are applied to particular policy goals within the constraints of a finite electoral term.\n\n57Fantham (1972) surveys early Latin maritime imagery (19\u201326) and looks in more detail at political examples in Ciceronian rhetoric (117\u20139, 126\u20138). Even allowing for the extent of the Ciceronian corpus, the number of figurative and, in particular, specifically political examples cited by the lexica ( _TLL_ s.vv. _gubernaculum_ , _gubernatio_ , _gubernator_ , _guberno_ , _portus_ (B); _OLD_ s.v. _naufragium_ ) is striking, and these entries suggest a process by which, under his influence, political examples slowly percolate into historiography (e.g. Liv. 4.3.17, 24.8.12\u201313, V. Max. 9.15.5) and imperial rhetoric, particularly panegyric, and thence into the language of the Christian church (though the latter must also be influenced by wider use of such imagery with reference to divinities).\n\n#\n\n# The Body Politic\n\nBeset by sickness and death in reality, the cities of ancient Greece were also subject to a range of symbolic and metaphorical diseases, among them disorder in the state ( _stasis_ ) perceived as a sickness of the body politic. This image is not part of the Homeric repertoire and appears first in Greek literature in the early sixth century with Solon and Theognis;1 it is thus the latest of the major complexes of political imagery to emerge and, like the ship of state, appears to be a distinctively Greek conception.2 It is also significant, I think, that it emerges at a time when the sense of the polis as a community is becoming stronger and more inclusive than was the case at the time when the ship of state makes its appearance.3 Solon and Theognis already strike the notes which will be characteristic of the image to the end of the classical period: first, there is very little anatomical detail in the picture of the body politic; and secondly, the overriding concern is with a disorder in that body which is increasingly identified with civil strife ( _stasis_ ). As we shall see, it is also typical of the archaic period that the idea of treatment is less prominent than that of disease.\n\nIndeed, when Theognis speaks of Megara as 'pregnant', he evokes a situation in which no treatment may be required, yet one in which the outcome is uncertain and potentially hazardous.4 Elsewhere, he and Solon speak of a _helkos_ , a wound or a sore: in Theognis the identity of the body afflicted by it is not spelt out, but Solon says explicitly that it 'is coming on the whole city' because of the behaviour of leading citizens, and the sense that this is a wound which they are inflicting is more in evidence.5 Theognis also suggests the possibility of treatment, since he uses the word _pharmakon_ ('remedy', whence our 'pharmacy'), though what that might be is far from clear; conversely, there are hints that Solon might have claimed to have avoided any medical intervention for fear of harming the patient, i.e. Athens.6\n\nThereafter, the tendency is for medical imagery to become more general, and by the fifth century the malady affecting the polis is normally simply _stasis_ , dissension, civic strife, or in extreme cases civil war, to the point that the identification becomes almost conventional.7\n\nIt is of a piece with the generality of this identification that the disease ( _nosos_ ) of _stasis_ is not any disease in particular, in contrast to the modern usage of allusions to specific maladies such as tuberculosis, cancer and AIDS described by Sontag (1991). In one sense, this is not surprising at all, since classical Greek doctors apparently did not identify and name as such any infectious disease. What is more striking is that the disease of civil strife has no aetiology and few, if any symptoms: other than the term _helkos_ which we have already encountered, the 'wound' or 'ulcer' which appears as an alternative term, or perhaps a precursor, to _nosos_ ('disease') in the earliest instances of the image in Solon and Theognis, and Theognis' allusion to pregnancy, the only specific symptom associated with the political disease is swelling ( _oidein_ ), applied to political upheaval in Herodotus; in the fourth century, Plato and Demosthenes add to the register of symptoms inflammation, swelling, fracture and sprain, but this is still hardly a great haul.8\n\nEqually striking is the absence from the medical metaphor of any anatomical detail: the body politic is articulated only to the extent of distinguishing the head, as seat of authority, from the rest of the body. Thus, an oracle allegedly given to the Argives shortly before Xerxes' invasion (Hdt. 7.148.3) distinguishes between the body and the head: 'hated by your neighbours, dear to the immortal gods, sit on your guard, holding your spear drawn in and guard the head, for the head will save the body.' The oracle's instruction to guard the head is interpreted by commentators as a reference to the remnants of the Argive ruling class laid waste by the Spartans after the battle of Sepeia, the body being the mass of the population, including the so-called slaves.9 A near-contemporary oracle given by Delphi to the Athenians (Hdt. 7.140.2) enumerates the parts of the body more fully: 'The head is unstable, the trunk totters; nothing \u2013 not the feet below, nor the hands, nor anything in between \u2013 endures; all is doomed'; here, however, the detail is elaborated for rhetorical emphasis, to underline the imminent danger of defeat at the hands of the Persians, and not to make a political point. In the same way, the nocturnal council of Plato's _Laws_ is the intellect of the state, which the junior guardians serve as sense-organs10 and, by inversion, the head governs the microcosm of the body in the _Timaeus_.11 It might be held that the reference in an oracle given to the Spartans to a 'lame kingship' ( _t\u00ean ch\u00f4l\u00ean basileian_ ; X. _HG_ 3.3.3) should furnish the body politic with legs, but Lysander's interpretation, that the lameness of which the Spartans were warned referred to a general dysfunction of the monarchy, is supported by other examples of the broad semantic field of the language of lameness; if there is a more specific point, it lies in an association between bastardy and a lack of the physical integrity particularly expected of kings.12 The phrase _to t_ \u00ea _s pole\u00f4s s\u00f4ma_ ('the body of the state') itself does not actually appear until the later fourth century, in Deinarchus and Hypereides, by which time other orators have already attributed a soul to the city, either its constitution or its laws.13 The detailed description of wounds in the _Iliad_ attests to at least a basic knowledge of internal anatomy early in the archaic period, and so while we should acknowledge the very limited impact made by dissection before the Hellenistic period, and the persistence of unscientific conceptions of the internal economy of the body,14 the failure to exploit what would seem to us the full potential of the image cannot simply be ascribed to ignorance, and must be explained in terms of other factors.\n\nIn fact, we do find parallels drawn between parts of the body and other human associations: Xenophon compares the dysfunction of strife between brothers to dysfunction in co-ordinate bodily systems such as the hands or feet. The image is also applied to military contexts: Polyaenus reports that Iphicrates compared the parts of an army to the parts of the body, the head being the general, without which the army would not simply be lame or maimed (as it would be by the loss of hands [i.e. light-armed troops] or feet [i.e. cavalry]) but helpless, and Aesop makes a similar comparison in a fable about the stomach and the feet, the stomach in this case somewhat surprisingly being the general. We might rather expect the lesson drawn from the same sort of analogy by Menenius Agrippa in Livy, that despite its apparent passivity, the stomach has a vital part to play, but in fact it is hard to find a parallel in the Greek world for his commendation of the Senate\/stomach as 'sleeping partner'.15\n\nVagueness about anatomical and clinical particulars is paralleled by the very general language in which the disease of civil strife is described. To the symptomatic terms that I have already mentioned, we can add _arr\u00f4stia_ of illness in general, the language of 'attacks' of disease, and _sathros_ ('unsound'), _hupoulos_ ('festering') and \u2013 perhaps \u2013 _eklelusthai_ ('be faint, fail') of conditions of sickness.16 None of these words can really be considered technical; even the language of Thucydides' description of the Plague of Athens, though it is now generally conceded that, in Adam Parry's words, it 'is not entirely, is not even largely, technical', is a great deal more varied and circumstantial, and the language of the Hippocratic writers, for example in the roughly contemporary _Epidemics_ 1 and 3, is substantially more densely technical than that.17 As with anatomical knowledge, the expressive resources were available, had they been wanted.\n\nIndeed, a wider comparison between accounts of the sickness of _stasis_ and the literary genre of the plague description is instructive. In examples of the latter, such as those in Thucydides, Lucretius and Virgil, the enumeration of the many forms and symptoms of the disease serves to reinforce the impression of its intractability, both rhetorically, by an overwhelming enumeration of details, and in a more explicit manner, by creating an impression of an enemy too versatile and cunning for its human opponents to master; one might compare modern presentations of viral mutation or the development of 'super-bacteria' resistant to all antibiotics. In contrast, the bare assertion in the imagery that the city is sick simply establishes the existence of the disease, leaving scope for the possibility of a more hopeful prognosis. Furthermore, literary plagues are epidemics which strike a whole community, passing by contagion or infection from one individual to another \u2013 and indeed sometimes from species to species \u2013 but this dynamic is absent from the imagery, which is only concerned with the presence of the disease within the single organism of the body politic.\n\nI now turn from examining the descriptive qualities of medical imagery to consider its implications, which are more closely linked to the other side of the medical coin: the issue of treatment. Here I shall begin with Plato and work backwards, partly because his attitudes are fairly obvious and uncontroversial, and partly because they are much more in line with later usage of this sort of imagery.18 Plato's medical imagery is based on two basic concepts: the idea of health or dysfunction within an organic unity, and the equation of those in political authority with doctors, an example of Plato's fondness for craft analogies to describe the practice of philosophical state-craft. That it is particularly dear to his heart is suggested by the close correspondence between passages in the _Republic_ and the _Seventh Letter_ which compare the Athenian democracy to a patient whom it is pointless to treat until he changes his way of life; in the _Seventh Letter_ , the image is used to justify Plato's own refusal to intervene in Athenian politics.19\n\nThis field of imagery offers Plato a number of advantages in presenting his programme. Health is a universally recognized good, and therefore rhetorically persuasive; however, it is not universally understood, and the layman would therefore be well advised to submit to the judgment of the expert, not only as to what constitutes health, but also as to the most appropriate therapy for any given malady. Finally, since the good of the organism as a whole is what matters, it is reasonable to submit parts of the body to painful processes, or even to remove them altogether, if that is what is required to restore health. Medical imagery thus adds to the general claim of the craft analogies to superior wisdom and expertise a charter for intervention which the persuasive force of the concept of health makes it hard to resist (always provided that the diagnosis is accepted), and against which the idea of a living organism (with unspoken overtones of a finite lifespan) makes it difficult to temporize. This is true whether it is the maintenance or the restoration of health which is at issue: at times, as in the _Gorgias_ , Plato distinguishes the former as the province of the trainer, but in the real world of flawed constitutions it is the doctor who is much more likely to be needed.20 However, as we have just seen, Plato knew from personal experience that he would not necessarily be called on, and similarly in the _Gorgias_ (521e\u20132a) he makes Socrates the true legislator identify himself with a doctor victimized by a pandering confectioner.\n\nWhile the patient is expected to seek out the doctor and submit himself to him, he must not necessarily expect to have his treatment explained: in the _Laws_ , Plato outlines two forms of treatment, corresponding to two modes of legislation, the authoritarian and the persuasive, and in the _Republic_ rulers are the doctors of expert judgment who will know how to use the remedy ( _pharmakon_ ) of lying.21 There is also the expectation that medical treatment will be painful: Plato does not refer specifically in a political context to surgery and cautery ('the twin horrors of pre-anaesthetic surgery', as Dodds calls them) but references to them elsewhere in his works are common, particularly with the implication of necessary submission to a painful but beneficial process, and when the Athenian Stranger remarks in the _Laws_ that the patients of doctors and trainers are content if they achieve their results without great pain, he is implicitly providing an apologia for the use of force or coercion.22 The image of purging also occurs several times in Plato in a strikingly modern sense. In the _Statesman_ the Eleatic Stranger suggests that true rulers may on their own authority carry out violent purges 'killing or else expelling individuals'. In the _Laws_ the description of purges is superficially more moderate, distinguishing the gentler from the harsher, but even the milder option is admitted to be essentially exile under a euphemistic screen. As noted earlier, whatever is good for the body politic as a whole can be justified, and the philosopher-statesman is the only individual in a position to make that judgment.23\n\nContemporary political discourse in the fourth century seems to reflect the Platonic model, though inevitably in a debased form.24 We have already seen how the orators mimic Plato in offering a slightly richer medical language than that of the earlier period; they also want to be seen as doctors of the state. The model of expertise not only enables them to claim the thanks of the demos for their medical services, but also to disparage their rivals: Demosthenes, in an ironic variant of the image, compares Aeschines' political wisdom after the event to the case of a doctor who fails to advise a sick man of the proper treatment while he is alive, but goes to the funeral and there specifies the r\u00e9gime which would have saved him. Medical imagery can also reflect competition between self-professed experts: Demosthenes likens the theoric distributions of his rivals to invalid food, which neither gives the patient strength nor permits him to expire, while Aeschines, accusing Demosthenes of divisiveness, contrasts his policy of opening new wounds ( _helkopoiein_ ) with the amnesty of 403.25 Like Plato, the orators seek authority for violent intervention by cautery or surgery to dispose of opponents whom they represent as cancers or ulcers, and resort in increasingly violent language to images of the demos being 'hamstrung' and Athens 'mutilated'.26\n\nThe medical imagery of the fourth century is, of course, shaped by personal interest, and usually wielded by men with an axe to grind.27 Plato, with his sense of intellectual and moral superiority, regards the whole of practical politics as in need of his expert treatment, while Demosthenes and his contemporaries wrangle in a squabble for access to the patient which Galen would have had no trouble in recognizing. However, if one goes back to an earlier and less self-interested discourse, the picture is, I believe, rather different.28\n\nOne important difference is that earlier medical imagery displays little moral aspect. In this regard it is very different from the discourse which Sontag presents as associated with cancer in modern times. For Plato, of course, the practice of the statesman-doctor is tied up with the health of the soul and the moral good of the community, as emerges clearly from the discussion of punishment in the _Gorgias_ (477e\u201379e), where it is the judge who is identified with the doctor, but such a clear-cut moral agenda is much less in evidence before his time. It is certainly true that Solon perceives the sickness about to befall Athens as divinely inflicted in response to the misdeeds of Athens' leading citizens, and Theognis' fears of the 'birth' of a man \u2013 by implication, a tyrant \u2013 'to make straight our evil _hubris_ ' likewise suggests some form of requital for immorality which affects the wider community.29 Such a perception is in line with the belief expressed in the earliest Greek poetry that the health and well-being of the whole community are dependent on the character of its rulers, so that it will flourish if they are virtuous but will suffer if they are wicked, and with the analogous perception of disease as frequently of supernatural origin.30 However, such a perception is not apparent in later cases of the sickness of civil strife, partly no doubt because the figure of the charismatic leader has more or less disappeared. Certainly by the fifth century the sickness of civil strife is not presented as sent by the gods or as a judgment on the body suffering it or as a reflection of general corruption. Whereas the plagues visited by angry gods on the Achaeans at Troy in the first book of the _Iliad_ or on Oedipus' Thebes reflect fundamental problems in the health of the community on a religious or ethical level, and so naturally have a moral dimension, the plagues and blights first threatened and then abjured by the Furies in Aeschylus' _Eumenides_ embrace civil strife, but only within the wider framework of their relationship with the city of Athens and its moral values.31 It should also be noted that the sickness of _stasis_ is always denoted by the neutral word _nosos_ ('disease') rather than _loimos_ ('plague'); the latter term embraces a complex of disasters which include failures of crops and of human and animal reproduction, just as the benefits of a good ruler extend to healthy reproduction and bountiful crops.32\n\nIt would not be surprising if there remained in Greek minds in later periods a residual concern that the moral character of their leaders might carry risks for the city at large, as Parker argues, but it is far from clear that this carries implications of pollution or contagion, as Connor has argued, suggesting that there is an association between the demolition of the houses of those guilty of tyranny or treachery and the treatment of offences which clearly did attract pollution or divine vengeance, such as murder and temple robbery.33 While the process may well represent the same objective in both cases, namely the complete removal of the criminal and his _oikos_ (household) from the city, the motives may well be different. Where pollution is at issue, it is obviously important to eject or destroy any trace of the perpetrator from the polis lest the polis come to harm through contagion: in the case of a traitor, however, it makes equally good sense to regard the razing of the house and ejection of the offender's body without burial as a retaliation against one who has betrayed the community by expunging that person and his _oikos_ from that community.34 Insofar as traitors and other political malefactors have made themselves subject to _agos_ (divine retribution), this is the product of curses which the community itself has pronounced as a pre-emptive sanction to prevent such behaviour and which they can hardly have believed would rebound on them.35 Furthermore, almost all the evidence suggestive of a belief that bad leaders could bring disaster on their cities through a form of pollution derives from the heated and self-serving context of later fourth-century Attic oratory, at a nadir in Athens' fortunes which fostered recrimination and personal attacks.36 As we have seen, for the politicians of the fourth century, medical imagery is associated with mutual charges of disloyalty, perceived as a disease in the body politic, or perhaps rather portrayed as such by speakers in order to seek a pretext for action by the demos against their rivals; this aspect is largely absent from the earlier imagery, and where it appears, is almost always applied to loyalty to the Greek cause in the Persian wars rather than to a polis.37 Where a city's leaders are \u2013 or turn \u2013 bad, there are purely pragmatic reasons for civic surgery, above all in the case of tyrants, who are unquestionably morally repugnant; yet even in this case, while it is true that tyrants are regularly presented as the worst disease which can befall a city,38 a city suffering from a tyrant does not seem to attract blame expressed in medical terms, and the same should apply _a fortiori_ to references to other individual figures identified with disease.\n\nOne obvious objection to this view of sickness imagery would arise from the often perceived affinity between Thucydides' account of the Plague at Athens and his account of the _stasis_ in Corcyra. Given that both seem to be presented as quasi-case histories, it has been suggested that he regarded the events in Corcyra as a kind of epidemic, and in both cases there are clear allusions to the collapse of moral standards.39 However, these allusions are concrete, part of the actual experience brought about by an epidemic in one instance and chronic civil strife in the other. The two instances are parallel and co-ordinate, witness the very similar treatment they receive, with a symptomatic description, indications that both accounts are intended to have a prognostic function, and a recurrence of medical language in the introduction of his analysis of _stasis_ in the Peloponnesian War; accordingly, the two are at most to be regarded as both symptoms of some sort of meta-disease, the wholesale collapse of civil society.40 Moreover, Thucydides' reaction in both cases is direct (and disapproving): he regrets the abandonment of moral norms resulting from the disruption of society in both cases, but that reaction stands on its own, and is not extrapolated into any kind of global judgment.\n\nThis conclusion, if correct, may be aligned with another apparent difference, namely a much vaguer attitude to treatment, and a much gentler one. Agamemnon threatens to remedy any political malady which has developed in Argos during his absence by surgery: 'where anything is in need of healing remedies ( _pharmaka_ ), we shall endeavour to turn to flight the harm of the disease by sage use either of knife or of cautery' (A. _Ag_. 848\u201350 tr. Fraenkel), but this threat is unique in the fifth century (and placed in the mouth of a not entirely sympathetic character).41 Much more representative is Pindar's appeal to Arkesilas in his fourth _Pythian_ : 'You are a most seasonable healer, and healing Apollo ( _Paian_ ) honours your glory. You must tend the ulcer's wound with the application of a gentle hand.' Reconciliation is the keynote of the poem, and it is natural to expect Apollo's support for a Pythian victor.42 If the inference from Plutarch that Solon spoke of refraining from giving medical treatment to Athens in the city's delicate state is sound (above, 69), that implies an appreciation that treatment is itself traumatic which engenders a cautious attitude rather than a radical one. In general, indeed, references to treatment are confined to vague mentions of _pharmakon_ ('remedy') or _iasthai_ ('to heal'), even when a specific measure is in view, as in Nicias' appeal to the _epistates_ (presiding officer) in the Sicilian debate to re-open a debate already settled by vote and so 'act as physician ( _iatros_ ) to the city when she has made a bad decision'.43 Indeed, in the majority of references to the sickness of _stasis_ in the sixth and fifth centuries, the figure of the doctor does not appear, and there is no specific allusion to treatment. Nevertheless, I suggest that there _is_ a specific medical significance to the image, and that it resides in the concept of the internal economy of the body as a balance between humours, and of the need to maintain or re-establish a proper balance between them to promote or restore health.\n\nThis concept surfaces in political imagery in the late fifth century in the pages of Thucydides, when Alcibiades, perhaps as a riposte to the foray of Nicias into medical imagery just mentioned, speaks of 'the inferior, the ordinary and the really acute blended together ( _xygkrathen_ )' as being the strongest combination in the city; later in the work the historian himself observes of the government of the 5000 that it was 'a moderate blending ( _xygkrasis_ ) of the interests of the few and the many'. Euripides, too, speaks of a blending ( _sygkrasis_ ) of rich and poor, which shows that the concept was in general circulation by this time.44 The inverse image, Alcmaeon's account of the internal economy of the body as an _isonomia_ (equality of political rights) between the humours, permits us to trace the link between the two fields back to about the middle of the fifth century.45 The later use of the image has been very well discussed by de Romilly, who analyses the close link between ideas of balance and blending on the one hand, and of organic unity on the other in early Hippocratic treatises such as _On the Nature of Man_ and _On Ancient Medicine_ and their application to political thought. These concepts of mixture and balance are not alien to Plato either, although they are not often expressed in a specifically medical form and seem to float between medicine, the symposium and even music.46 However, if the scientific articulation of ideas of mixture is a product of the fifth century, I suggest that the basic principles behind such ideas can be applied to the image of sickness in the polis from its beginnings.\n\nOf course, the application of the detailed concepts to political thought cannot antedate their articulation by the medical writers, but that does not necessarily preclude an intuitive appreciation of the organic unity of the body politic or of the need for balance and harmonious unity within it, and indeed such an appreciation of the value of blending and combination seems to be reflected in the use of words such as _mignumi_ ('mix') and _amiktos_ ('unmixed', hence 'unsociable, savage').47\n\nSuch an interpretation would help to explain why the figure of the doctor plays a minor role in the early development of the image and \u2013 in contrast to the common later use of disease imagery as an interventionist's charter \u2013 the approach to treatment is much more cautious. Furthermore, the perspective from which disease in the polis is usually viewed is that of the community itself, or else of a non-expert observer looking at the community as a whole. From such a perspective, and considering the body politic holistically (and we have already noted the late and limited development of the hierarchical anatomical model of the body politic), the important task is to remedy the dysfunction in it with minimal harm to the body. How exactly this is to be done is not spelt out, but the implication is that radical measures are not likely to be favoured; better to leave the body to heal, encouraged by a suitable regimen. In fact this is in line with the sort of treatment often implied by early Hippocratic writings for infectious diseases, in which interventions are cautious and relatively infrequent;48 the only difference is that it seems to be implicit in the imagery that as often as not it will be the patient who knows what is best. A further attraction of the concept of mixture is that the optimal composition will vary from case to case or patient to patient and so is a matter of informed judgment, and indeed there is a degree of flexibility in the concept itself, which may be imagined sometimes as a tempering of a powerful element by a milder one (as in the dilution of wine with water in the symposium) and sometimes as the concoction of a recipe from a range of ingredients.49\n\nIf this approach is correct, the fundamental concept behind the image of the sickness of the body politic is of dysfunction within an organic unity and of the need for this to be remedied; in its origins, however, it is the patient who occupies the central position, and the patient's interests, _as perceived by the patient_ , which are paramount. Detailed diagnosis is also much less important than prognosis, and this, as Sontag remarks 'is always, in principle, optimistic'.50 That does not make the image as a whole positive, of course \u2013 the possibility of a cure does not guarantee a cure in any particular case, and the patient may die, or remain a chronic invalid \u2013 but it is free from the authoritarian tone of much medical imagery.51 In these terms, the sickness of civil strife is a problem and a misfortune, but not a sign of pollution or corruption, and to draw attention to the disease is to issue a rallying-cry for the highest form of community medicine.\n\n## Notes\n\n1The language of suffering as illness appears in Archil. fr.13, but without any clear political reference. Lloyd (2003) 8\u201313 (cf. 147 for Plato) speaks in terms of 'semantic stretch' rather than metaphor; however, where such language is applied to a community, that involves a conception of the community as an organic unity of which the idea of health or disease can be predicated which I would regard as substantially figurative.\n\n2Distinctive within the Western tradition, that is: early imperial China has its own very different conception of the body politic, founded, according to the tenets of Chinese medicine, on an ideal of '\"free flow\", interaction, intercommunication between parts, with each fulfilling its due and proper function', so that sickness and disorder are the product of stagnation, and deployed by advisers to the emperor rather than (actual or aspiring) rulers or legislators: Lloyd (1996) 190\u20134, 206\u20138 (quotation from p. 206).\n\n3Though the examples in Theognis do not certainly concern the polis as a whole: below 92\u20133.\n\n4Thgn. 39\u201340; the veiled suggestion that the situation will engender a tyrant (made more explicitly in the variant passage 1081\u20132; below 103n.83) focuses on the outcome of the birth, but we should bear in mind the considerable hazards of childbirth for the mother until relatively recently which caused pregnancy to be described as a medical 'condition' ( _OED_ s.v. II 9e).\n\n5Thgn. 1133\u20134, Sol. fr.4.17; for the ambiguity of _helkos_ see below 103n.79. In Solon there are clear moral implications which hint at divine punishment (Lloyd 2003 stresses the persistence of the concept of disease as divinely inflicted), but there is also the suggestion that the harm has been knowingly inflicted: cf. Fantham (1972) 16\u201317 on Cicero's use of _vulnus_ to denote injury at the hands of political enemies.\n\n6For the semantic range of _pharmakos\/on_ , which covers drugs, poisons, charms and scapegoats, see Lloyd (2003) 10\u201311; on the possibility that Solon alluded to treatment, see below 75, 92.\n\n7Hdt. 5.28, E. _HF_ 34, 272\u20133, 542\u20133; D. 2.14, 9.12, 50, Isoc. 12.99, 165; Pl. _Mx_. 243e, _Plt._ 307d, _Soph._ 228a, _Lg_. 744d, [Arist.] _Ath.Pol_. 6.4, 13.3; cf. Pl. _Lg_. 628cd, Arist. _Pol_. 1273b18\u201324, 1284b17\u201322, where the word _nosos_ does not appear. For the increasingly commonplace character of the image, note the evidence of the lexicographers: Hesychius has the gloss ' \"sick\": in a state of civil war', and Pollux 8.152 gives ' \"to be sick\": used of states of disorder and disturbance'. Likewise the commonplace used in D. 9.12 _nosousi kai stasiazousi_ ('sick and split by strife'), has clearly been inserted in full in 2.14 by unthinking scribes, though two manuscripts have _stasiazousi_ only: McQueen (1986) 140. Aristophanes parodies such language at _Vesp_. 650\u20131, though with specific reference to the behaviour of some dikasts (below 135n.88).\n\n8 _helkos_ appears also at Pi. _P_. 4.271, where Braswell (1988) sees it as an appositive genitive in place of an adjective ('an ulcerous wound'); swelling: Hdt. 3.76.2 and 127.1. Inflammation ( _phlegmain\u00f4\/phlegma_ ): Pl. _R_. 372e cf. 564b, _Lg_. 691e (imitated by Plut. _Lyc._ 5.2, _Numa_ 8.1); swelling ( _sparga\u00f4_ ): _Lg_. 692a; fracture ( _rh\u00eagma_ ) and sprain ( _stremma_ ): D. 2.21 cf. [D.] 11.14).\n\n9e.g. How and Wells (1928) _ad loc_.\n\n10One might compare the conception of the associates of monarchs (particularly oriental ones) as multiple eyes, ears, hands or feet which extend their capacity for perception or action: Arist. _Pol_. 1287b29\u201331 with Newman (1887\u20131902) on 29; X. _Cyr_. 8.2.11\u201312; for the idea of the king of Persia as thus endowed with more than human capabilities see above 12.\n\n11 _Lg._ 964d\u20135b; _Tim_. 69de, 70b cf. _Lg_. 942e; in Arist. _Part. An_. 670a26 the heart is an acropolis. For the fourth-century conception of the rule of the rational element over the body see below 152\u20133; whether it was located in the head or the torso remained a matter for controversy, on which see Taylor (1928) on _Timaeus_ 44d5; on earlier conceptions of the internal location of consciousness which placed it broadly in the torso see Padel (1992) 12\u201333. By contrast, in the Middle Ages it was taken for granted that the king was the head of the body politic, as Christ was head of the mystical body of the Church ( _1 Cor._ 12.14\u201327): Kantorowitz (1957) 15, 199\u2013200, 255\u20136 and _passim_.\n\n12For the semantics of 'lame' see _LSJ_ s.v. \u03c7\u03c9\u03bb\u03b5\u1f7a\u03c9 2, \u03c7\u03c9\u03bb\u03cc\u03c2 II; Ogden (1997) 33\u20134 points to the 'link between sure-footedness and legitimacy' in discussing this episode. Diodorus (11.50.4) cites the oracle in a quite different context (475\/4 BC) and in relation to the dual hegemony of Athens and Sparta; Cimon reportedly argued that its abandonment would leave Greece lame: Plut. _Cim_. 16.10 = Ion _FGrH_ 392 F14 = fr.107* Leurini; de Ste. Croix (1972) 170.\n\n13Dein. 1.110, Hyp. 5 col.25; soul of the city: Isoc. 7.14, 12.138; D. fr.13.23 (below 175n.57).\n\n14Of which Padel (1992) gives a highly illuminating account.\n\n15X. _Mem_. 2.3.18; Polyaen. 3.9.22; Aesop 130 [Perry]. Menenius Agrippa: Liv. 2.32, cf. Dion. Hal. _Ant. Rom_. 6.86, Plut. _Cor_. 6.2\u20134; for the argument that the fable, memorably elaborated by Shakespeare in the opening scene of _Coriolanus_ , goes back to a Greek origin see Nestle (1927). It is indeed surprising that fables based on the body seem not to feature in Greek political contexts, given their effectiveness in communicating with a popular audience: Daube (1972) 130\u20139, cf. de Ste Croix (1981) 444\u20135.\n\n16 _arr\u00f4stia_ : Hyp. 2 fr.10, [D.] 11.14; 'attacks' of disease ( _katabol\u00ea... astheneias_ , _prosistasthai_ ): Pl. _Grg_. 519a; Pl. Com fr.201 [= Plut. _Mor_. 804a]; _sathros_ : Hdt. 6.109.5 (though NB above 54 for an alternative interpretation of the word; perhaps both senses are in play); _hupoulos_ : Pl. _Grg_. 518e, cf. Thuc. 8.64.5 (below 135n.88); _eklelusthai_ : D. 19.224. I exclude _paligkot\u00f4s_ (Hdt. 4.156.1), _pace_ How and Wells (1928) _ad loc_., since _paligkot_ \\- does not appear in any of the Hippocratic treatises commonly regarded as possibly datable to the fifth century. In later treatises ( _Art._ 19, 27, 40, 67, 86(2), 87; _Epid._ 4.20; _Fract._ 11(4), 25, 31; _Loc.Hom._ 43.3; _Mul_. 2.171) the principal notion is of deterioration and malignancy (almost the modern 'complications'), though not gangrene, for which the term is _sphakelizein_.\n\n17Parry (1969), quotation from p.113, cf. Hornblower (1987) 97, particularly noting Thuc. 2.49.3, for Thucydides' restraint as an artistic rather than a practical choice, and (1991\u20132008) 1.316\u201318; at Brock (2000) 26\u20137 I quoted Hp. _Epid_. 1.2 to point up the contrast.\n\n18Well discussed in Sontag (1991) 73\u201387.\n\n19 _R._ 425e\u20136c, _Ep. 7_ 330c\u2013331a (below 172n.37). For fuller discussion of Plato's use of craft analogies, see below 148\u201352, for medical imagery in particular 150\u20131, and NB 152\u20134 and Brock (2006) for the related use of parallel and reflexive corporal images of microcosm and macrocosm.\n\n20 _Grg_. 464b; on the relationship of the doctor and the trainer see below 151\u20132.\n\n21Patient should seek doctor: _R_. 489bc; two forms of treatment: _Lg._ 720 with Jouanna (1978) and below 151; _pharmakon_ of lying: _R_. 389b-d: for the sense here, close to 'spell' or charm', NB Lloyd (2003) 145\u20136.\n\n22Dodds (1959) 210\u201311; see in general Welcker (1850), a reference I owe to Vivian Nutton. _Laws_ 684c is more concerned with training i.e. legislation (below 172n.38) so a fortiori the expectation of pain from medical treatment will be stronger; for doctors justifiably applying coercion cf. _Plt._ 296bc.\n\n23 _Plt_. 293d, cf. 308e\u20139a, where the same policies are discussed literally; _Lg_. 735d\u20136a. Conversely, unhealthy bile is said in the _Timaeus_ to be 'ejected from the body like an exile from a city suffering from _stasis_ ' (85e\u20136a). Plato is aware that purging can go wrong: in the comparison of constitutions and characters the tyrants manage paradoxically to purge themselves of their good elements ( _R_. 567c, 573b and NB L. 12.5 for the Thirty's appeal to the language of purity, perhaps not coincidentally). Plato's imagery of purging is part of a wider spectrum of concepts of cleansing and purifying: below 144n.154, 172n.38, 188n.141, and NB Lloyd (2003) 146\u20138.\n\n24They also share the more general language of health and disease, and a concern with the vulnerability of the body which _inter alia_ reflects the situation of Athens in the fourth century: see below 156\u20137 for details, and the suggestion that the direction of influence is from philosophy to rhetoric, though it is also the case that the image of the doctor in general is much more frequent in fourth-century comedy (Fantham [1972] 15\u201316). For a more positive appraisal of medical imagery in the orators see Piepenbrink (2003), who sees it as actuated mainly by principle and a consciousness of a falling-off from the higher standards of the fifth century in the more straitened and threatening circumstances of the fourth.\n\n25Claim to thanks: Demades fr.64 (below 156, with other examples of self-promotion via medicine); ironic version: D.18.243, reflected in Aeschin. 3.225. Competition between doctors: D. 3.33 cf. _Pro_. 53.4; Aeschin. 3.208.\n\n26Surgery: [D.] 25.95, cf. D. 18.324 (below 180n.94). 'Hamstrung': D. 3.31, cf. Aeschin. 3.166; mutilation: D. 18.296, where there is a step from illness to violent injury (n.5 above); for the increasing violence of the language of public discourse at this time, see below 163\u20134. Wiseman (2012) shows how in the deteriorating politics of the Roman republic Cicero likewise came to embrace the image of surgery on the body politic, in other words political assassination (e.g. _Catil_. 2.11, _Sest_. 135, _Phil_. 8.15, _Att_. 2.20.3, 4.3.3); cf. also Fantham (1972) 16\u201318, 122\u20133 for his frequent use of medical imagery, which would seem to have been typical of the period, if the recurrent medical imagery in Plutarch's _Pompey_ and _Caesar_ (and other late Republican _Lives_ ) is influenced by Asinius Pollio: Pelling (2004a) 322\u20135; NB also n.38 below. The emperor Claudius, on the other hand, had a weakness for the language of _remedium_ : Last and Ogilvie (1958) 485. On Plutarch's political imagery from medicine see briefly Duff (1999) 93; its Platonizing character makes the instances in the _Dion_ rather piquant: Pelling (2004b) 94.\n\n27It also entailed taking the public persona of doctors at face value and turning a blind eye to the shortcomings of their expertise, which indeed they sometimes acknowledged (Cordes 1994, 188\u20139, Lloyd 2003, 54, 58\u20139, 149\u201350, 237\u20138) as well as to the persistence of sacralized medicine, especially the cult of Asclepios (ibid, esp. 53\u201361).\n\n28It should be conceded that Aristotle does not fit this tidy schema: his medical language tends to be rather general and while he speaks in broad terms of 'cure' ( _iasthai_ , _iatreia_ : _Pol_. 1273b20, 1284b18\u201319, 1302b20), 'remedy' ( _akos_ : 1305a32, 1308b26) and 'treatment' ( _pharmakon_ : 1273b23, 1321a16), this is barely more than the muted vernacular usage (below n.51; cf. _Pol_. 1339b17); he goes into no details as regards treatment and would prefer the lawgiver to establish the constitution in such a way as to obviate any need for it. On concepts of mixture and proportion in Aristotle see below 160\u20131, 189n.149.\n\n29Above, 69\u201370; however, the scope of Theognis' first personal plural is uncertain and need not embrace all Megara.\n\n30Rulers: Hom. _Il._ 16.384\u201392, _Od._ 19.109\u201314, Hes. _Op_. 225\u201347; Parker (1983) 265\u20137; below 92. Lloyd (2003) e.g. 5\u20136, 14\u201317, 116\u201319, 236 stresses the persistence in Greek culture of belief in a link between disease and the gods, noting the influence which the narration of the plague sent by Apollo at the opening of the _Iliad_ is likely to have had; Parker (1983) 235\u201356 makes clear that divine visitation may equally be due to caprice, misfortune or anger at mortal disrespect or dereliction of religious duty. Willi (2008) 153\u201361 argues that etymologically _nosos_ means 'lacking divinely granted well-being', hence its extension to other undesirable states such as hunger and lovesickness.\n\n31A. _Eum_. cf. _Supp_. 625\u2013709, esp. 679\u201387, where the Danaids' prayers invoking blessings on Argos reverse a previous threat of religious pollution.\n\n32Parker (1983) 257. This outlook is also in line with the more rational attitude taken by the Hippocratics to the aetiology of disease, especially epidemic disease (Longrigg 1993, 33\u201346), though even Thucydides uses the language of _loimos_ outside the actual description of the 'plague' of Athens (1.23.3, 2.47.3, 54.2\u20133); for the wider spectrum of popular belief NB Parker (1983) 207\u201334 and above n.30.\n\n33Parker (1983) 267\u201371; Connor (1985), esp. 91\u20133; nevertheless, magistrates were required to be physically and spiritually healthy, as Parker notes (268).\n\n34Connor is not so far from this more pragmatic position when he suggests that the doctrine of pollution of the household, i.e. collective guilt, was intended as a restraint on the _oikos_ within a still developing polis system (1985, 93\u20134). For the extirpation of serious offenders from the polis cf. Parker (1983) 45\u20137, 195\u20136, 206: as he remarks, 'it is probably true even in cases of sacrilege that the primary public response is one of rage rather than of fear' (196).\n\n35 _Agos_ : Parker (1983) 193\u20136.\n\n36Parker (1983) 268\u20139 and NB Yunis (2001) 201, 250, 274 for Demosthenes' forensic tactics in particular; likewise the only two overt references to traitors as sources of divine anger cited by Connor (Lycurg. 1.117, D. 18.296; [1985] 92) come from this period.\n\n37Most clearly at Hdt. 7.157.2, where the non-Medizers are described as 'the healthy part of Greece'; Eretria with its medizing faction is described as having 'completely unhealthy counsel' and, as we have seen, the term _sathron_ in the context of Marathon (6.109.5) may have similar implications. Demosthenes likewise applies disease imagery to support for Philip of Macedon (19.259, 262, cf. 289), though Aeschin.2.177 is more suggestive of internal subversion; cf. 'health and trust' in the context of _stasis_ in Pl. _Lg_. 630a. Only in A. _Ag_. 846\u201350 does Agamemnon appear to apply the image of health and disease to loyalty to himself.\n\n38[A.] _P.V_. 224, Isoc. 10.34, Pl. _R_. 544c, Plut. _Sol_. 29.5 (= Solon fr.35W). As individuals, tyrants will of course often have been polluted insofar as they were, or were thought to be, guilty of murder. By contrast, by the late first century BC, autocracy had come to be identified with the cure for Rome's ills or the doctor who would administer it: Woodman (1988) 133\u20134, and cf. Plut. _Brut._ 55[2].1, _Pomp_. 55.3, _Caes_. 28.6, _Cat.Min_. 47.2.\n\n39Thuc. 2.53, 3.82\u20133; Hornblower (1991\u20132008) 1.480 with references to earlier discussion.\n\n40Prognosis: 2.48.3, 3.82.2, Lloyd (2003) 121\u20132; medical language: Hornblower (1991\u2013 2008) 1.480\u20131, Swain (1994); Clarke Kosak (2000), esp. 47\u20138 suggests that _stasis_ is a real disease of cities; NB also Kallet (1999).\n\n41Cordes (1994) 34\u20135 notes the implicit threat to particular individuals; cf. S. _Aj._ 581\u20132 for a similarly ruthless resort to surgery (i.e. suicide, in that case).\n\n42Pi. _P_. 4.271\u20132, cf. _N._ 3.55 for gentle healing in Pindar; discussion in Marshall (2000) 16\u201318, noting that Apollo is also the mythical founder of Cyrene as well as a healing god.\n\n43Thuc. 6.14; below 117, where the possibility of an allusion to the Hippocratic principle _primum non nocere_ is noted.\n\n44Thuc. 6.18.6, with de Romilly (1976), Brock (2006) 355, though Hornblower (1991\u20132008) _ad loc_. rightly notes that 'ch.14 is explicitly medical, whereas ch.18 is not'; 8.97.2; E. fr.21, from the _Aeolus_ ; Rechenauer (1991) 296\u2013303 traces specific connections in 6.18 to dietetic theory that the best food is compounded of elements which in their pure and unprocessed state would be noxious to health. For further medical nuances in the 'Sicilian debate' see Jouanna (1980a, b), arguing persuasively that the debate also draws on another contemporary medical controversy, that concerning the appropriate character of change or alteration in treatment; Rechenauer (1991) 353\u201361 takes this further, comparing the positions of Cleon and Diodotus in 3.37\u201348, with the implication that the opposition between two models of treatment, one favouring radical change and the other avoiding it even when a regimen is far from ideal, has been taken over into politics by Thucydides.\n\n45Alcmaeon B4 with Ostwald (1969) 96\u2013106; see further below, 131n.60, also Triebel-Schubert (1984); Schubert (1997) 125\u201332. Cambiano (1982) 227\u201336 draws attention to the diversity of models of illness compatible with the model of health as mixture.\n\n46As I should have recognized in Brock (2000): see further below 189n.149. Plato does display some sense of the organic unity of the body politic at _R_. 462c: Schofield (2006) 215, 218\u201322.\n\n47 _LSJ_ s.vv. \u03bc\u03af\u03b3\u03bd\u03c5\u03bc\u03b9 B Ia; \u1f03\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 III.1a.\n\n48NB Welcker (1850: 215\u201317) for cautious attitudes to surgery and cautery in practice, as opposed to the freedom with which they are deployed as a rhetorical commonplace. We might compare the treatment through diet and exercise, i.e. regimen, applied to an unhealthy Tragedy by Euripides in Aristophanes' _Frogs_ : 939\u201344 with Dover (1993).\n\n49Neither Alcmaeon's _isonomia_ (above 20n.65, below 131n.60) nor _krasis_ entailed equality among the elements involved: at the symposium, the appropriate ratio for dilution varied with the quality of the wine, but almost always with wine in the minority: Villard (1988). Aristotle correspondingly reports the observation that different regimens suit different bodies as an argument for proportional equality ( _Pol_. 1287a10\u201316).\n\n50Sontag (1991) 77, though note Plato's willingness to write off individuals ( _Prot_. 325a, _R_. 410a, _Lg_. 735e) and cities ( _Ep. 7_ 326a; below 172n.37) as hopeless cases and incurable: in fact, he uses _aniatos_ ('untreatable', cognate with _iatros_ , 'doctor') very largely figuratively and almost always with reference to individual moral health ( _Ep. 7_ 326a is the one exception), as also the one instance in his works of _an\u00eakestos_ ('incurable': _R_. 619a4).\n\n51That disease could potentially be viewed in such a relatively neutral manner is surely reflected in the very wide use of _nosos_ ('disease') and _nosein_ ('to be ill') to refer to difficulties of all sorts and _iasthai_ ('heal') of their remedies, often in cases where we would more readily think in terms of mechanical malfunction: _LSJ_ s.v. \u1f30\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 II, \u1f32\u03b1\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9 I.2, \u03bd\u03cc\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2 II; for \u03bd\u03bf\u03c3\u03ad\u03c9 NB Xenophon's allusion to poleis 'sick from crop failures or war' in _Vect_. 4.9. In the public sphere such language can be used of personal downfall (Pi. _P_. 4.293, Ant. 2.2.13 \u2013 the jurors are potential doctors), legal disability due to illegitimacy (E. _Ion_ 579, 591, fr.141 ( _Andromeda_ )) and legal redress (Pl. _Lg_. 918c, 933c, e, _IG_ I3 164.28), as well as of troubles afflicting the state and their resolution: Andoc. 2.9, Isoc. 4.114, 6.101, 12.99, 165, Pl. _Lg_. 919bc. Note also the proverbial advice not 'to cure evil with evil': e.g. A. fr.349, S. _Aj_. 362, fr.77, where 'cure' is variously _iasthai_ , _akos_ , or _par\u00eagorein_.\n\n#\n\n# Leaders and Communities: the Archaic Period ( _c_. 750\u2013480 BC)\n\nLike so many things, political imagery begins with Homer, and as with much else in Homer, its roots extend back in time and away from Greece.1 Just as Near Eastern kingship seems to have formed the model for the Greek kingship we find depicted in the earliest archaic poetry,2 so, as we have seen in earlier chapters, the imagery through which it is represented is also very largely derived from Near Eastern models. This imagery was clearly long-established in the oral tradition, since it appears as recurrent poetic building-blocks, as unvarying formulae, or repeated lines or half-lines, or noun-epithet combinations,3 without any explanatory or persuasive elaboration.\n\nNone of this, it may be thought, is very surprising: not only had Bronze Age Greek rulers enjoyed extensive contact with Near Eastern cultures with longer-standing traditions of monarchy, but one can readily imagine that the established monarchic ideology of these cultures would appeal to the upwardly-mobile among these relative kinglets. Yet there are also striking differences. The almost entirely formulaic character of the images, which are never developed in extended simile, suggests that they were not being used in contemporary discourse, in contrast to the individuality of Near Eastern examples, which implies that each one is being devised anew (though no doubt within long-established conventions), nor are they being considered or evaluated, as is plainly the case when the same images re-appear with the resurgence of monarchy in the fourth century BC. Most notable, however, is the absence of the characteristic self-assertiveness of the Near Eastern monarch, who typically speaks in the first person, so that his representation as a good father or shepherd is a matter of self-appraisal; where it is not, it is usually his transmission of the purportedly favourable judgement of a god or gods.4 This is not what we find in Homer: Odysseus the good father is so designated by his son, or by Athena in disguise or in _propria persona_ ,5 and the change of perspective makes a great difference. It is not simply that the image is not self-praise: the fact that it is represented as the verdict of another person implies the basic principle that a monarch can legitimately be externally appraised and that the appraisal need not be positive. Since the king is said to be a good father to those whom he rules, the judgment must be that of his subjects (or at least founded on their experience), but their identity is not yet quite clear: in this case the community is more likely than not the polis, but if my reading of the shepherd image as concerned with military leadership is correct, in other contexts the monarch's association is principally with his followers. 6 However, the Thersites episode in _Iliad_ 2, though it demonstrates the existence of dissent,7 should make us cautious about assuming that the right to judge is as yet open to all (and in all circumstances). On the other hand, Hesiod's fable of the hawk and the nightingale ( _Op_. 202\u201312), in which the hawk dismisses the nightingale's complaint and asserts the folly of trying to rival one's betters, is clearly in some way a coded protest against the _basileis_ , to whom it is directly addressed: earlier interpretations plausibly viewed it as a complaint against the law of the jungle, intended to shame the _basileis_ and arouse sympathy for their victim(s), or a negative paradigm intended to assert the difference that ought to exist between men and animals,8 although the trend more recently is to read the hawk as referring to Zeus or the power of Dik\u00ea, and hence the fable as a whole as an oblique warning that injustice will meet with retribution.9\n\nThis, then, is a critique from the margins of the community,10 yet significant by its very existence, and as with the implicit evaluation of the king as father, it places the ruler in a social context, even if the nature of the family or household is as yet not defined or developed. The implications of the imagery are therefore consistent with the picture widely accepted today of an early archaic society in which social institutions are gradually emerging but still somewhat inchoate, and are in the process of coming to constitute a wider framework within which the 'king' operates.11 Here, it may be illuminating to consider the Homeric pantheon, which seems to be much more tightly genealogically integrated than its Near Eastern peers: the core divinities who play major roles are essentially organized as two generations of a single family,12 within which the children of Kronos seem to have a higher status, to judge by the agreed disposition of roles among the males, and from Poseidon's sharp retort to being threatened by his brother (above, 3). It is also significant that, as we have seen (ibid), the prerogatives of the other gods are formally recognized by Zeus: their particular roles (e.g. sun-god, sea-god, love-goddess) are typical of many pantheons, but here they are integrated into a kind of cosmic settlement. The effect of this familial and organizational integration of the Olympians is to tie Zeus into networks and obligations which affect his freedom to exercise his power \u2013 he has, as it were, 'to live with these people', so that when his suggestions that he might save his son Sarpedon, or Hector, whom he loves for his piety, meet with the response 'do so \u2013 but I tell you, we other gods will not all approve' ( _Il._ 16.440\u20133, 22.178\u201381), he prudently backs down.13 Noteworthy, too, are the programmatic expressions of concern at the outset of both epics that his actions in conflict with their wishes will antagonise Hera and Poseidon respectively ( _Il_. 1.518\u201323; _Od_. 1.64\u201379), and the fact that much of the history of conflict with Hera recorded in the _Iliad_ amounts to a 'family quarrel' over his bastard Heracles.\n\nThe position of Zeus as lord of the gods thus appears analogous to the position of the _basileus_ in the Geometric and archaic periods: Thucydides and Aristotle describe this kingship as hereditary but with 'fixed prerogatives', 14 and though our evidence is sketchy, there does seem to be a widespread pattern of gradual circumscription of the powers of the _basileus_ , sometimes extending to his being chosen by election, and\/ or to a reduction in his term of office from life tenure, as at Athens, where this trend culminates, as quite often, into his fading into a magistrate. In some cases, monarchy was supplanted by an 'oligarchie royale' of the ruling family, as in Bacchiad Corinth or at Ephesus.15 Other than a finite duration, all these stages of development find an echo to some extent in the politics of Olympus, where Zeus has to negotiate his position among other lesser but still influential figures rather than enjoying the apparently unconstrained power of a Near Eastern autocrat.\n\nThe leader is perhaps more overtly associated with the community in imagery which represents him in architectural terms: while description of heroes (or, in one case, the massed Achaeans) as a bulwark or rampart16 is not strongly figurative, given the physical protection which they provide, and the base reference is to a free-standing wall, there is a stronger sense of integration in the description of the dead Ajax as 'a tower': the exceptional physical protection of Ajax's tower-like shield is extrapolated into an idea of the great warrior as a permanent defensive structure and part of the walls of the polis,17 a conception which fits well both with the growth of monumental defensive walls in Ionia in the Geometric period and with the argument that walls are a central element in the idea of the Homeric city.18 It is curious that this imagery clusters on the Greek side; perhaps the prominence of the literal walls of Troy precluded allusion to figurative ones. At any rate, it was left to Pindar to extend the concept to its most natural object in describing Hector as the 'impregnable, steadfast pillar of Troy' ( _O._ 2.81\u20132).19 Elsewhere the same poet described Athens as 'the support ( _ereisma_ ) of Greece' (fr.76.2), presumably particularly with reference to the defeat of the Persians, for which a Homeric echo would be appropriate. The word can refer either to a pillar or to a prop or stay, and the resonances are slightly different: holding up a structure in one case, holding it firmly in place in the other. The latter is, I think, also the implication of the poet calling the dead Sarpedon _herma pol\u00eaos_ ('support of the city', _Il._ 16.549): although the word is often used literally of one of the stones used to support beached ships, there does not appear to be any specifically maritime reference here, nor is there any indication of the ship of state elsewhere in Homer.20 In the other instance of this image, when Odysseus says of the suitors 'we have slain the support of the city' ( _Od._ 23.121), the reference is evidently to their position as leaders of the community and heads of households.21\n\nWe can sense an underlying conception of the community here, but the totality of the structure remains only implicit; for a clear and explicit image of the community, we have to wait for the appearance of the ship of state, a century or so after the Homeric epics.22 If we accept the ancient testimony that Archilochos fr.105 is to be read metaphorically, the conception of some sort of community, perhaps a _hetaireia_ , which could be figuratively represented in this way was already established by the middle of the seventh century BC, initially in a military context, and had been extended to a specifically political context around 600 BC in Alcaeus and Theognis (above, 53\u20134).23 In its developed form, the image describes a merchantman, but the demarcation between warships ('long ships') and cargo vessels ('round ships') was less clear-cut earlier in the archaic period, and it seems more likely that the ships behind the image in its earliest stages are penteconters, fifty-oared war-galleys which nevertheless had a significant cargo-carrying capacity;24 these seem to have been the choice of long-distance explorer-traders like the Phocaeans (Hdt. 1.163.2), and were also used by colonial settlers heading off into the unknown, such as the Theraeans who founded Cyrene (Hdt. 4.153, 156.2). Indeed, it is attractive to see the ship of state as the product of an era of extensive mobility in which a handful of ships could literally constitute the whole of a community: Herodotus (1.164) paints a poignant picture of the Phocaeans evacuating their city in the face of the Persian siege, launching their penteconters, putting on board their families, possessions and the moveable property from their sanctuaries, and setting sail in search of a new life. 25\n\nThe referent of the ship in Alcaeus cannot be determined with certainty: it is possible that he means to refer to the polis as a whole, but equally possible that he is only thinking of his own faction.26 Indeed, a certain indeterminacy may be part of the initial character of the image, especially if the suggestion that it is originally based on a penteconter is correct, since the crew will usually have been men who could both row and fight, and so were prosperous enough to own their own armour;27 even colonial expeditions normally consisted only of men, who expected to find wives where they settled. Hence the ship of state did not have to take in the polis as a whole, and even when it did, it was perfectly compatible with an aristocracy or oligarchy whose members, though a minority of the population, could identify themselves with the polis.28 At all events, in the Theognis passage the allusion is quite clearly to the polis as a whole, just as in the case of his metaphor of the body politic (below 92), and in his poetry the ship of state has also acquired a helmsman, even if he is no longer in control. If we are prepared to accept that the Delphic oracle supposedly given to Solon (no. 15 P-W, above 55) is either genuine or goes back to contemporary poetry,29 that enables us to trace the helmsman back to the very beginning of the sixth century BC, and suggests that the helmsman was on board the ship of state more or less as soon as it was clearly identified with the polis as a whole. The way in which the image of steering likewise comes to be applied to the direction of the cosmos from not long after this time by Presocratic thinkers (above 56)30 is suggestive of its attractions as a way of expressing the concept of rational authority and direction. Likewise on the political plane the submission of a ship's crew to the authority of the helmsman in view of his skill and expertise will have been an appealing model for the authority of a leader over his followers or over the wider community of a polis. The whole concept of the ship of state could have arisen from elite experience of voyages by sea;31 even if it did not, it looks highly likely that the rapid rise to prominence of the helmsman was due to their initiative. This is probably the earliest of the images applied to leadership which rest on a concept of professional expertise: these images chime with the aristocratic belief that by virtue of their birth they possessed superior innate endowment and practical ability which is summed up in the label _kalos kai agathos_ ('handsome and good').32\n\nAt the same time, this is an image of considerable persuasive power through the relationship which it implies between leader and followers or community. The particular effectiveness of the figure of the helmsman can best be appreciated by comparing him with the related figure of the charioteer. As we have seen, for literary purposes these images came to be more or less interchangeable, but in fact they are far from being homologous. The helmsman controls the ship, rather than its crew and\/or passengers, and while he commands the latter, he does so with their consent, insofar as they have chosen to take passage on his ship.33 By contrast, the charioteer directly controls the chariot and its horses using the physical constraint of the reins and the goad, so that while he too provides expert direction, he does so in a different mode: here the implication of superiority, of man over beasts, is made more explicit \u2013 and indeed, we find appeals to the taming of animals in archaic poetry, most strikingly when Theognis (847\u201350) exhorts his audience to firm treatment of the empty-headed demos: 'strike it with a sharp goad, and put a galling yoke on it', adding that this will make it the most _philodespoton_ ('master-loving') in the world; to put on a yoke himself, on the other hand, would be to accept humiliating submission to his enemies (1023\u20134). Similar resonances are present in Tyrtaios' description of the Messenians as 'labouring under heavy burdens like asses' (6.1), though their literal subjection to the Spartans makes the simile less pointed, and here the subjugated are directly compared to beasts of burden, an implication not quite spelt out in Theognis.34 With this imagery we are close to Near Eastern ideas of subjection, expressed in royal inscriptions such as that of Ashurbanipal who 'has made bow to his feet all the other rulers and who has laid the yoke of his overlordship on them' and Cyrus 'whose yoke the kings of all the countries are pulling'; likewise a Babylonian hymn to Ishtar boasts that she has made subject to the king 'the four world regions at his feet, and the total of all peoples she has decided to attach them to his yoke.'35 The story of Reheboam contains similar elements in the subjects' request to have their yoke lightened, and in the threat that whereas his father has chastised them with whips, he will chastise them with scorpions ( _1 Kings_ 12.4, 9\u201311, 14). The whip, more aggressive than the goad, appears in the Delphic oracle warning the Sicyonians of a century of tyranny (no. 23 P-W, from D.S. 8 fr.24), and a warning about tyranny \u2013 in this case, that of Phalaris at Himera \u2013 is likewise the point of the animal fable which Stesichorus (ap. Arist. _Rh_. 1393b8\u201322) is said to have told of a horse who, to get revenge on a deer which encroached on his meadow, agreed to let a man put a bit in his mouth and mount him, and found himself a slave ( _edouleuse t\u00f4i anthrop\u00f4i_ ).36\n\nThe goad and the yoke have a common symbolic role, and the latter in particular was to become the principal image in Greek thinking about Persian domination, overlapping with the imagery of slavery which also figures the overlord as a 'master' ( _despot\u00eas_ ).37 It looks as though Near Eastern precedents are one of the influences here, and it is therefore worth noting that this is not an image which appears in Homer, though presumably available. Another factor, and probably a more significant one, is the importance of horse-rearing and horsemanship in elite Greek culture: the chariot-race is by far the most extensive set-piece in the funeral games for Patroclus in book 23 of the _Iliad_ , the four-horse chariot-race at Olympia went back to 680 BC, and chariot-racing was an important feature of the other major games of the festival circuit at which the Panhellenic elite competed and victory in which conferred high status.38 Furthermore, Aristotle in the _Politics_ argues that the first constitution to succeed monarchy was a community formed by the cavalry as the effective fighting force, and makes a connection between wealth, horse-rearing and oligarchy in early Greece.39 Political imagery drawn from horsemanship is thus a natural development, transferring elite prowess and mastery40 from animals to their fellow men; the use of 'horsey' imagery in erotic contexts in sympotic poetry indicates that this was a natural way for aristocrats to think about other aspects of their experience.41\n\nViewed from this perspective, the image of the charioteer can be read in part as an extension or variation of the imagery of animal-taming in a muted form which avoids any explicit mention of the use of force or violence while maintaining the implicit concepts of control and restraint, though these are made more purposeful by the new element of guidance and direction towards a goal. That new element is still significant: the imagery of taming is evidently intended for internal consumption, to reinforce elite solidarity, celebrating the fact of their superiority and political dominance through imagery which echoes key elements of their ideology and makes no pretence at any concern for animal welfare \u2013 there are no shepherds of the people here.42 Unlike the simple imagery of taming, however, the figure of the charioteer contains an element of potential justification to an external audience, even if rather on elite terms, so it may not be by chance that it is first attested in the poetry of Solon, in one of the poems written in defence of his reforms. He argues that 'another man who had taken up the goad as I did... would not have restrained the demos' (36.20\u20132), a passage evidently directed at his critics among the nobility.43 Similarly in another passage quoted in the same context (6.1\u20132) he observes that the demos will best follow their leaders if they are on neither too slack nor too tight a rein.44 Two other characteristic aspects of this image are present here from the outset: the motif of transition or the handing over of power, and the observation that not all charioteers are principled or capable, with the implication that bad driving will lead to disaster.45 Hence it can also be applied to one particular leader in a sequence or from a choice, either to defend or praise a good one or condemn a bad one. At the same time, the frequency of the motif of the chariot crash, whether in myth (Phaethon, Myrtilos), epic (Eumelos in _Iliad_ 23), or tragedy (Orestes) points to a constant awareness of the risks of driving or riding in one, which may arise from external factors such as obstacles or collision, but can also be caused by failure to control the horses. Hence the demos when identified with chariot-horses can be perceived as both an asset and a danger, but in either case it constitutes an inherent part of the polis.\n\nThere is a possible indication elsewhere in Solon of another important figuration of the demos, in terms of the elements, which in its developed form represents it as a force of nature, at best irrational and uncontrollable and at worst a threat to the survival of the polis (above, 61). In fragment 12, however, Solon maintains that any upheaval in the sea, that is, in the demos, is due to its being 'stirred up' ( _tarassetai_ ) by the winds, i.e. by powerful or demagogic individuals, and that if left undisturbed, 'it is of all things most just'.46 This defensive account of the demos as naturally stable, which was to become a literary commonplace, looks like a riposte to prior criticism of the demos from an elite perspective:47 if so, we can trace back to this date a hostile characterization of the demos in elite circles which retained its appeal to the end of the classical period (below, 159). In a related image (fr.9), Solon describes impending tyranny in terms of a violent meteorological phenomenon, a thunderstorm or hailstorm: again wind as the impetus for political change is identified with 'great men', though here the demos is criticized for the failure to read the weather signs, through lack of understanding ( _aidri\u00eai_ ), which causes it to fall into 'enslavement to a monarch'.48\n\nThe related identification of the demos with another destructive element, fire (below 120), does not appear in the archaic period, and it is incipient tyranny on Mytilene which is equated with a log about to burst into flame (Alcaeus fr.74): we have only the word 'log' (line 6), but the scholiast gives what is presumably a paraphrase of the line, urging the Mytileneans to extinguish it while it is only giving off smoke, 'lest the light ( _ph\u00f4s_ ) become brighter'. Here light must imply the glow of a flame, since elsewhere its connotations are always positive, as in the description of the Athenian tyrannicides as bringers of light (Simonides 76D = ep.1 Page). The image of the light of salvation goes back to Homer, and is also found in the Near East.49\n\nA certain ambiguity surrounds another force from the natural world, the boulder ( _oloitrochon_ ) with which the Delphic oracle (nr. 6 P-W = Hdt. 5.92 \u03b22) identifies Cypselus: since the rest of the oracle speaks of it falling on 'monarchic men' (i.e. the narrow Bacchiad oligarchy) and bringing justice to Corinth, the immediate implications appear favourable to the Cypselids, but since in Homer the principal signification of the boulder is massive destructive power (e.g. _Il._ 13.137f.), that is likely to form part of the picture, bringing together force ( _bia_ ) with justice ( _dik\u00ea_ ). At the same time, the image of the boulder presents this as the operation of an impartial natural force and so depersonalizes it, eliding any consideration of the tyrant's motives or personality.50\n\nThe elite self-esteem implicit in the images of the helmsman and charioteer is further demonstrated by the propagation of the architectural imagery we have already encountered in Homer. Theognis (233\u20134) speaks of the noble as 'a citadel and tower ( _akropolis kai purgos_ ) for his empty-headed people', while Pindar styles the tyrant Theron 'bulwark ( _ereisma_ ) of Akragas' ( _O._ 2.6):51 in both cases there is an implicit identification with a Homeric hero, albeit a defensive, collaborative figure like Ajax or Hector rather than a spectacular individualist like Achilles. It is not simply that the leader fights for his people, but that, like a wall or tower, he is a permanent and efficacious protector.52 Alcaeus develops the concept when he says that 'warlike men are a city's tower' (fr.112.10) and that cities are not stones or wood or the workmanship of builders, but that 'where there are men who know how to protect themselves, _there_ are both walls and cities' (fr.426). The extension in the scope of the image is an important one, though we should note that as yet it only includes fighting men: we are still some way from the identification of the city with the whole of its manpower (below 123), let alone its entire population.53\n\nA similar though more complex dynamic is observable in imagery drawn from animals. Many of the animals used in such comparisons are drawn from the Homeric menagerie, and by implication with the same agenda of associating members of the elite with the heroes who are compared to charismatic fauna, and particularly with lions.54 The association is perhaps most clearly seen in the names of the Spartan kings Leon and Leonidas: the leonine nature of the latter is alluded to in the oracle from Delphi presaging his death ('for neither the strength of bulls nor of lions will check the foe head on': Hdt. 7.220.4) and in the stone lion set up at Thermopylae (Hdt.7.225.2). There was of course a natural association between kings of Sparta and lions through their ancestor Heracles, who had killed the monstrous Nemean lion and, perhaps, assumed its characteristics by putting on its skin. The fate of the Troizenian marine Leon (7.180) shows that ordinary people too might be given lion names55 and that they might be felt to be significant. Elsewhere in Herodotus, lions are associated with tyrants in one oracle addressed to Hipparchus (5.56.1) and another foretelling the birth of Cypselus (5.92 \u03b23), neither straightforwardly positive: in the former case, while one might take the address 'O lion' as a complimentary recognition of Hipparchus' royal status, it is followed by the warning that no wrongdoer escapes punishment,56 while the latter points to the lion as 'powerful, ravening' predator. Lions are not automatically auspicious but rather ambiguous,57 a force which may be admirable or destructive depending on how it is directed, and it is conceivable that, as with Cypselus the rolling stone, the oracles were intended to retain and exploit that ambiguity. There is a clear contrast with the oracular description of Alazeir king of Barce as 'the most handsome bull' (Hdt. 4.163.3): as with the association of Leonidas with bulls, as well as lions, in the Delphic oracle cited above, this is a purely complimentary comparison which echoes the comparison of Agamemnon to a bull in _Il_. 2.480, evoking the traditional beauty of heroic royalty.58 In itself, the eagle is another creature with entirely positive connotations, associated with Zeus and regarded in turn as the king of birds (Pi. _P_. 1.7, _I_. 6.50), which regularly features in Homeric similes, portents and dreams, hence its appearance in hexameter oracles:59 those associations may be in play in the background of the earlier oracle foretelling the birth of Cypselus which spoke of 'an eagle in the rocks' (Hdt. 5.92 \u03b23), though there is also a clear punning allusion to the tyrant's father, E\u00ebtion of Petra.60\n\nA more immediately hostile image is that of the king as predator, already prefigured in Achilles' denunciation of Agamemnon as a 'people-devouring _basileus_ ' ( _Il_. 1.231); Hesiod's talk of 'gift-eating _basileis_ ' ( _Op._ 39, 263\u20134) likewise implies excessive and transgressive appetites.61 In archaic poetry, the concept is specifically associated with tyranny: so, adapting Homer's phrase, Theognis refers to a 'people-devouring tyrant' (1181) in a hostile passage that recommends disposing of a tyrant by any means available. Alcaeus twice uses _daptein_ ('devour'), a word normally used of carnivores eating their prey,62 in poems attacking Pittacus: 'let him devour the city as he did with Myrsilus [his predecessor as tyrant]' (fr.70.6\u20137 cf. 129.23\u20134). This is an image also found in biblical passages: 'the princes within her (Jerusalem) are like lions growling as they tear their prey' ( _Ezek_. 22.25 cp.27); 'like a starving lion or a thirsty bear is a wicked man ruling a helpless people' ( _Prov_. 28.15).63 Very similar is the image, attributed to an imagined critic, of Solon the incompetent hunter or fisherman, who had the prey, that is, the city, in his net, but failed to haul it in and become tyrant (fr. 33.3\u20134).64\n\nAnimal imagery also operates at a less exalted level, notably in fables, as we have seen in examples from Hesiod and Stesichorus. Here animals are often associated with a particular characteristic; hence when Alcaeus describes someone who has deceived him in the affair of the Lydians, usually taken to be Pittacus, as like a fox, he is playing on the proverbial cunning of the animal.65 Solon fr.11.5\u20136 uses the same characteristic to draw an ironic contrast in familiar terms between the Athenians' cunning as individuals and stupidity en masse, which has caused them to be out-foxed, as it were, by the clever words of a tyrant.\n\nSomewhere between these two registers lies Solon's description of himself as a wolf at bay among hounds: wolves certainly appear in fables, but they also feature in Homer, as does the animal at bay among dogs.66 The implications of this image have been much debated: in fables wolves have a political aspect, and it has been argued that the wolf here should be associated with tyranny, though this seems at odds with Solon's apparent opposition to tyranny elsewhere; another reading interprets the wolf as a kind of scapegoat, though there are difficulties here, too. 67 The way in which the image works is perhaps somewhat easier to establish: clearly it is derived from Homer, but at the same time the image has been skewed, a characteristic it shares with Solon's image of himself as holding a shield over both parties in Athens and as a boundary stone (below), thus implying that this is a calculated tactic. In this case, the animal at bay has been changed from a lion or a boar to a wolf, and a lone wolf, though in Homer wolves only appear in packs. Solon alludes to 'gathering strength ( _alk\u00ean_ ) from all sides' (26), but the prowess of a wolf is clearly inferior to that of a lion as far as strength is concerned and, as the fables suggest, lies rather in intelligence; on the other hand, wolves are superior to dogs, which here stand for Solon's opponents, now paradoxically united in hostility to him. Evidently Solon is distancing himself from the physical prowess of the traditional Homeric hero, while simultaneously deflating more radically the pretensions of those elite opponents who thought of themselves as lions; nevertheless, in alluding to a stock type of Homeric simile, he suggests that there is something epic about his stance as lawgiver and so heightens the reproach to the Athenians at large.68\n\nThere is a similar air of paradox to the other two 'Homerizing' images in fragments 5 and 37.69 In the former, Solon claims that 'I stood casting a strong shield ( _sakos_ ) over both parties and did not allow either to prevail unjustly' (5\u20136): as commentators have noted, it is impossible to read this image logically, since the warring factions seem to be located simultaneously both inside and outside the shield. In order for it to work, the image surely has to be taken in an impressionistic way which accepts the paradoxical claim that Solon has collapsed the opposition between the two sides into some sort of unity, while at the same time protecting them from harm like a Homeric Ajax.70 Equally resistant to any concrete reading is Solon's representation of himself as a boundary-stone in no man's land ( _en metaichmi\u00f4i horos katest\u00ean_ , fr.37.9\u201310): rather than a shared civic space, the 'middle' he occupies is a dangerous and contested one \u2013 boundaries are what men fight over in Homer ( _Il_. 12.421\u20133) \u2013 and one stone will hardly suffice to define a border. One influential reading sees Solon both as setting a limit to faction-fighting and as filling a communal void by marking out for the first time a space for the polis; a more recent interpretation emphasizes the 'cognitive dissonance' between the military character of a no-man's-land and Solon's deliberate inaction, which simultaneously establishes himself as a permanent example.71 Either way, the image clearly once again trades on Homeric associations while confounding the expectations they create. Clearer in implication, if not syntax, is the preceding metaphor, in which Solon says that another man 'would not have stopped before stirring up the milk and skimming off the cream' (36.7\u20138):72 here the cream, a perennial symbol of excellence even in our diet-conscious era, corresponds to the self-assessment of the elite and points to an attempt to conciliate them, as against his 'reproof ' to the demos in line 1. The association of superiority with rich food may also appear in the labelling of elites as _pacheis_ ('fat ones'): in the past, a fuller figure has tended to be a marker of prosperity, and there is a specific parallel in the 'popolo grasso (or grosso)', the prosperous merchants of mediaeval Florence.73 At the same time, the image expresses Solon's opposition to stirring things up74 and to divisive politics.\n\nOne image of rule which was to prove highly influential in later periods, that of the king as master, is largely missing in the archaic period. The language of master ( _despot\u00eas_ ) and slave ( _doulos_ ) is thinly spread in Homer, and always literal,75 though the equation of political subjection to a tyrant with slavery appears for the first time in Solon.76 In the classical period, the image of a monarch as master was to gain a particular negative charge from its association with the Great King of Persia, but this is not clearly attested in our sources before 480 (below 107\u201310): indeed, it appears to be given a positive valuation in its one appearance, in the so-called 'Song of Hybrias the Cretan' ( _PMG_ 909.8\u201310), where the speaker, boasting of the benefits of his military prowess, is made to say that 'all prostrate themselves cowering at my knee and call me master... and great king.' Although scholars have pointed out that the link to Persia is not inevitable, the combination of the titles with the motif of prostration, all of which evoked a strong reaction from later Greeks, is highly suggestive. The date of the poem is likewise uncertain, but it would make sense to place it with the majority opinion in the later archaic period which, if correct, would suggest that there was a brief period after the advent of Persia and before (at the latest) Xerxes' invasion, when it was possible to admire the absolute power of the Great King in somewhat the same way as that of a tyrant.77\n\nAround the time of Solon78 there emerges another hugely significant conception of the community in the idea of the body politic: Solon describes the punishment of Dik\u00ea for the crimes of its leaders as coming as a ' _helkos aphukton_ , an inescapable wound or sore'79 on the whole city (4.17), which suffers subjection or _stasis_. The idea that a community may suffer misfortunes, including disease, for a ruler's misdeeds is already present in Homer and Hesiod \u2013 Solon evidently has the latter specifically in mind here,80 but Solon takes an important step in conceptualizing the polis itself, rather than the individuals composing it, as the organism affected, and hence as an organic unity, and the sense of unity is enhanced by his perception of the injury to the body as due to divine visitation.81 There are hints that he might have developed the model further in the use of the language of cure in Plutarch's account, which speaks of his having not applied 'medical treatment ( _iatreian_ ) or surgery ( _kainotomian_ ), afraid that if he threw the city into complete confusion and disorder ( _taraxas_ ), he would not be strong enough to restore her', though this can only be speculation.82\n\nTheognis, meanwhile, describes the city of Megara as pregnant, expressing his foreboding that a tyrant will arise 'as a straightener of our evil hubris' (39\u201340): the image captures not only anticipation (our 'a pregnant pause'), but also a mood of at best uncertainty, and perhaps even a shade of the sinister.83 In this form the body politic appears not to be entirely inclusive, since the poet's 'our' seems to set him and his _hetairoi_ apart to some extent, an effect perhaps enhanced by his figuration of a body which usually has no specific gender as overtly female. On the other hand, they are clearly included in the body implied by his appeal (1133\u20134) to 'seek a remedy ( _pharmakon_ ) for a growing sore ( _helkei phuomen\u00f4i_ )', though whether that body embraces Megara as a whole is not clear (any more than the nature of the treatment to be applied). Neither Theognis' own elite status nor the Megarian oligarchic regime will necessarily have been an objection to that, however: although at this stage there is no anatomical detail to the body politic, it will always have been natural to regard certain parts of the body such as the head or heart as particularly important and so assume that it was hierarchically organized,84 and when models of its internal organization emerged they focused on proper balance, and so were perfectly compatible with an elite ideology of proportional equality,85 while maintaining the essential inclusiveness of the image. The strong association from the outset between disease imagery and political disorder in the form of _stasis_ or tyranny suggests a general acceptance of this inclusive and organic conception of the polis as body.\n\nThe image of the body politic is mirrored in the conception of the cosmos as a living organism which was developed by Presocratic philosophers in the course of the sixth century; taken with the alternative conception of the cosmos as a political organisation, this suggests both a growing readiness to think analogically of the various levels of existence (body, polis, cosmos) in terms of one another, and an increasing desire to define and describe an order at every level.86 As we have seen (above 8\u201310), the cosmic order is characterized by the impersonal working of justice or law, and it is natural to associate this increasingly constitutional conception with the developing political order of the polis and with the political and social ideals expressed in archaic poetry.87 In addition, it is tempting to think that the analogy will have been reinforced by the perception of a resemblance between the visible periodicity of the physical world and an increasing regularity of procedure and of orderly succession in office-holding in the political one which, like the growing authority of codified law in the judicial sphere, resulted from the work of archaic lawgivers to constrain personal power.88 The shift in outlook is exemplified by the observation of Heraclitus, a thinker much concerned with law,89 that 'a people ( _d\u00eamon_ ) should fight in defence of the law as for a city wall' (B44): the image earlier applied to human individuals (above 89) is now transferred to abstract law.\n\nAs with any aspect of archaic Greece, the political imagery we have comes overwhelmingly from the elite: rarely do we catch an authentic popular voice, as with the occasional fable.90 Elite sources bring with them elite values, preoccupations and social forms, and in particular the symposium, the performance context for the poetry which furnishes most of the material discussed above. Even symposiastic games make their mark, in images drawn from board-games like _pessoi_ : Alcaeus fr.351 'now he is master, having moved the stone from the holy line' (tr. Campbell) refers to a bold move at draughts (as we would say, 'a last throw of the dice'), apparently alluding to a victory in political infighting. This game naturally lent itself to such comparisons, since one version was called _Polis_ or _Poleis_.91\n\nAnother typical archaic feature is the important role of the epic tradition and in particular of Homer. Given the pre-eminence of the Homeric poems, it is hardly surprising that archaic elites should have drawn on them in constructing their self-representations, both directly and in their imagery.92 The power of models drawn from myth and, more specifically, the epic tradition can be seen in Alcaeus' use of the story of the impiety of Ajax Oileades and its consequences for the returning Greeks to drive home a political attack on Pittacus: The message is evidently that just as the Achaeans failed to punish Ajax for the rape of Cassandra, and so suffered with him on the voyage home from Troy, so the Mytileneans must take action against Pittacus for some injustice (the broken oaths of frr.129, 306(g), i.e. perjury by the gods?) or face worse trouble later.93 At the same time, as we have seen, Homeric political imagery itself already embodies a degree of concession to the claims of a wider community, however ill-defined, which elites must therefore implicitly have conceded.94\n\nThe development of imagery through the period reveals further giving of ground: for all that the poetry we have is addressed in the first instance to a select elite audience and maintains the elite stance with its consciousness of superiority, for the most part it tacitly acknowledges the existence and, to some degree at least, the claims of a wider community. Not only are key images founded on models of the community as chariot, ship or body, but the claim to superiority or to a privileged place in the community is obliquely articulated or justified through the imagery in terms of expertise, guidance, protection or the like, rather than baldly asserted, a concession which implies the existence of some form of debate on these issues, and hints at the tone of the voice which we cannot hear directly. Not, of course, that the imagery does nothing to reinforce intra-elite solidarity or to consolidate the demarcation between the 'worst' and the 'best' people, and it generally does so in terms which echo the preoccupations of elites in other areas of their lives, but it is surprisingly rare for it to express overt contempt for or hostility to the demos as Theognis does (above 87, 89).95 If anything, there is greater hostility to the tyrant who constitutes at the least a rival for power and at worst a threat to the very position of a community's elite: the stock portrait of the tyrant may be a creation of the fifth century, but we can trace a characterization of him as unprincipled, unnatural or even inhuman back to the time of the archaic tyrants themselves. Alongside this, however, there exists a more ambiguous conception of the tyrant as a force of nature, expressed particularly in oracles, which chimes with a strand of admiration for or even envy of tyranny and implies the possibility of a different evaluation among non-elites of the autocratic exercise of power.96\n\nFinally, it may be that we should also look to the elite viewpoint to explain the virtual absence in the archaic period of one of the key political images, the state as a household. Although the actions of the Parian arbitrators at Miletus (Hdt. 5.29; above 25) imply a positive evaluation by elites of good estate management, it may be that in practice this tended to be regarded as essentially domestic (reducing _oikos_ to _oikia_ ) and so essentially women's work,97 or else that the growing importance of the polis simply diverted interest and attention away from the smaller sphere of the individual household. Whatever the explanation, and the gap remains something of a mystery given the early appearance of the king as father, it ensured that at least one major field of imagery remained open for development and contestation as the political landscape changed at the end of the sixth century.\n\n## Notes\n\n1I do not mean to imply that I necessarily believe Homer is earlier than Hesiod: it is simply that the oral tradition and its formulaic heritage are much more strongly exemplified in Homer, particularly where kingship is concerned.\n\n2West (1997) 14\u201319 sets out the arguments succinctly.\n\n3Formulae: shepherd of the people (above 43); repeated lines: king as father (above 30: the first half of 2.47 differs from the other two _Odyssey_ passages; _Il._ 24.770 varies the last word but is metrically equivalent); noun-epithet: e.g. _dios Odysseus_ x 23 and x 60 in _Od._ , _Hektora dion_ x 18 in _Il._ , all at line-end; _Diogenes Laertiad\u00ea_ x 7 in _Il._ , x 15 in _Od._ in the same position.\n\n4Above 30; 43. Of course we have to allow for differences in genre, but the image of the king as shepherd is also used in a straightforwardly positive way in Mesopotamian epics such as _Gilgamesh_ (I ii), _Etana_ (I) and _Erra and Ishum_ (IV): Dalley (1989) 52, 190, 308\u20139, and these were also in circulation at a date closer to our period.\n\n5As we have the line, that third person is built into it (\u1f96\u03b5\u03bd cannot be first person sg.) but one could envisage a first-person version which ended \u1f96\u03b1.\n\n6For the link between the ruler's behaviour and the community's fortunes see n.80 below; for the early political community as typically composed of the warriors, see Davies (2008) 20\u20131; Murray (1993) 53\u20134, also van Wees (1992) 48.\n\n7van Wees (1992) 83\u20135 notes that Thersites is represented as a habitual heckler, which implies that 'princes' rights to deference are questioned'.\n\n8So West (1978a): that the prey is a 'singer' (208) has often been seen as implying a specific link to Hesiod himself.\n\n9So independently Leclerc (1992) and Nelson (1995), the former suggesting that the fable can be read on two levels, one, superficially encouraging the kings to believe that might is right, undercut by a truer interpretation; NB also Griffiths (1995) 95\u20136. Dalfen (1994\/95) argues from the format of other Greek fables that the moral in this case extends to line 218. Hubbard (1995) identifies the nightingale with Perses, though with similar implications for the audience's perception of the _basileis_. For fables as a vehicle for protest by the oppressed, see Daube (1972) 53\u20136; for the possibility that Archilochus, who uses animal fables in non-political contexts (frr.172\u201381, 185\u20137), used a similar one to Hesiod's to similar effect, West (1978b), and for later animal fables with more specific political morals, below 87, 90.\n\n10That is, on the standard reading of the world of _Works and Days_ as one of subsistence agriculture, though van Wees (2009) 445\u201352 has recently argued against this; at all events, it comes from a position of political exclusion.\n\n11Though of course any such picture will be largely based on a historicizing reading of the Homeric poems: see Morris (2001) 68\u201376, esp. 69\u201370, 73\u20136, for a judicious survey of opinion, and van Wees (1992). Morris (1991) 40\u20133 makes an archaeologically based case for the persistence of some degree of hierarchy through the Dark Ages. Rose (1997) argues _inter alia_ (e.g. 162\u20133, 185, 192) for a disparity between the decline in real authority of the lone _basileus_ and his continuing appeal as an ideal.\n\n12Homer's choice to make Aphrodite the daughter of Zeus and Dione ( _Il_. 5.370\u20134) rather than a by-product of the castration of Ouranos, as in the _Theogony_ (188\u2013206), is significant in producing the tidy family structure, though of course there are outliers such as Oceanos and Tethys ( _Il_. 14.200\u201310).\n\n13The line also appears at 4.29, though the suggestion there of a diplomatic solution to the Trojan War is apparently simply intended to provoke Hera (4.5\u20136). Van Wees (1992) 120\u20131 and n.118, 139 and n.149 highlights the way in which Zeus, like human _basileis_ , issues threats of violence; I would want to point to the fact that although the power of Zeus remains potentially truly terrible, actual violence involving him is confined to the poems' past: note in particular how he meets Athena's response to his threats at the beginning of book 8 with the same reassurance that he is 'not serious' as he does in retreating from the suggestion that he might rescue Hector (8.39\u201340 = 22.183\u20134), and his reference to controlling Hera verbally (5.893). Van Wees (1992) notes other concessions to Olympian public opinion at 145 and n.161; Zeus likewise shows respect for other powers such as Night ( _Il_. 14.261).\n\n14Thuc. 1.13.1, Arist. _Pol._ 1285b2\u201323, and cf. Plato's historical sketch of constitutional kingship in the Peloponnese at _Lg._ 684a2-b2.\n\n15For early monarchy see Carlier (1984), particularly the overview at 485\u2013501, with a helpful tabulation, and his sketch of developments in this period in the conclusions (503\u201314) at 506\u201310; note also his response to the very sceptical views of Drews (1983) at 503\u20135. On Athens, see 359\u201372 and Rhodes (1981) 65\u201379, 97\u2013101; for 'royal oligarchy', Carlier (1984) 496: his other examples are Basilid Erythrae and Penthelid Mytilene.\n\n16 _Il._ 1.283\u20134 (Achilles), evoked at Pi. fr.52 f.85; 3.229, 6.5, 7.211 (Ajax); 4.299 (massed infantry).\n\n17 _Od._ 11.556; Callinus 1.20 recycles the Homeric image and its resonances in the context of the hoplite phalanx, calling on the Ephesians to defend their polis, but the 'stout-hearted man' need not be a _basileus_. For Ajax' shield see especially _Il._ 7.219\u201324 with Kirk (1990) _ad loc._ , and compare his comment on 6.5: 'he is the great defensive fighter'; Sophocles appropriately picks up the image in his _Ajax_ (159, 1211\u201313). The army as a whole can also form a defensive tower ( _purg\u00eadon_ ): 13.152, 15.618 with van Wees (1992) 320 n.32 (cf. 12.43 in a simile, of hunters, and _purgos_ in 4.334, 347 of a contingent in close formation). Tower imagery, which initially suggests depth of protection at least as much as height, is extended to denote eminence in general, and then, given the Greek sense of its dangers, pride and excess: Page (1938) on E. _Med._ 526, Bond (1981) on E. _HF_ 238.\n\n18Briefly, van Wees (1992) 28\u20139; extensively explored by Scully (1990), esp. 81\u201399; see also, more generally, Ducrey (1995), Camp (2000).\n\n19On the detail of this passage and the later history of the column\/pillar image see Fatouros (2002); it is equally at home in _oikos_ contexts, e.g. A. _Ag._ 897\u20138 (interestingly, West (1997) 570\u20132 on this passage does not cite any specific Near Eastern parallels for the column image), E. _IT_ 57; on columns and other architectural images in antiquity, see more generally Thomas (2007) 17\u201321, 53\u20135, and for Roman Republican usage, in which _columen_ oscillates between 'ridgepole' and 'roof-peak', Fantham (1972) 45\u20136. On the funerary associations of the column and the implication of loss of support, NB Vermeule (1979) 69.\n\n20Below n.22, _pace_ Janko (1992) _ad loc_.; the ship of state does not seem to feature in Near Eastern literature either, apart from the Old Testament (West 1997, 531\u20132), which is not surprising given the environment and the self-identification of kings with land warfare. Chantraine (1968) s.v. suggests that the unifying root meaning to the varied senses is simply 'stone'.\n\n21Note that the phrase appears in a different position in the line (and to slightly different metrical effect) in the two cases, which suggests that it is being used creatively.\n\n22'Homer' uses 'helmsman' metaphorically of a charioteer ('Homerus' fr.20 Davies, perhaps imitated by Ennius (l.465 with Skutsch 1985); compare Pollux I 98 for the reverse image as a poetic commonplace, and the juxtaposition of the two at _Il._ 23.316\u20138), but the association is clearly limited to steering and direction, and neither vehicle is linked with the community \u2013 it is also suggestive of the conceptual convergence of the two activities that the word _kel\u00eas_ can mean both 'racehorse' and 'yacht'. The later interchangeability of the images is indicated by the use of _euthun\u00f4_ and _apeuthun\u00f4_ ('steer') both of chariots and ships (e.g. Ar. _Av._ 1739, Aeschin. 3.158); note also 'shipwreck' applied to chariot crashes: S. _El._ 730, 1444, D. 61.29; Plato juxtaposes the two images with reference to philosophical debate at _Prt_. 338ab. There is a lovely modern example of the conflation in Flaubert's _Madame Bovary_ (part 2 ch.8) \u2013 the speaker is a politician: 'ce roi... qui dirige \u00e0 la fois d'une main si ferme et si sage le char de l'\u00c9tat parmi les p\u00e9rils incessants d'une mer orageuse'. In other contexts related to elite activities, Pindar applies both images to the trainer ( _N._ 6.60, _I._ 4.78), and Alcman (fr.1.92\u20135) links the trace-horse and the helmsman with the chorus-leader.\n\n23Since suggested dates for 'Theognis' range from 640 to 540, there is a potential margin of error of half a century either way; even if one adopts the position that the Theognid corpus accumulated over that period, as well as achieving circulation beyond Megara (Nagy 1985, 33\u20136), one is no nearer dating any particular passage which lacks internal evidence. However, as far as the major fields of imagery are concerned, a degree of imprecision is inevitable, since it is prudent to regard the poets writing in the fragments which happen to have survived as witnesses to concepts which may have been in circulation for some time, rather than as treating the earliest datable instance as the moment of creation. Despite the inevitable difficulties \u2013 particularly the paucity of material for much of the sixth century \u2013 and uncertainties, I believe ( _pace_ Morris 1996, 26) that we have to make the effort to read the archaic literary sources diachronically: otherwise, we flatten out what must have been a dynamic process to a static and tidily schematic picture (and leave the developmental pattern in the material record as our model by default).\n\n24The use of penteconters for such expeditions was first suggested by Humphreys (1978) 166\u20138; lack of clear demarcation of ship-types: van Wees (1992) 245, Snodgrass (1983) 16\u201317, dating the advent of the 'round ship' in art to 'the last quarter of the sixth century'; the trireme seems to be a relative rarity before the later sixth century \u2013 note the upgrade from penteconters of the Samian tyrant and freebooter Polycrates _c_. 525 BC (Hdt. 3.39.3, 44.2). On the cargo capacity of the penteconter see Morrison and Coates (1986) 30; more general account in Casson (1971) 43\u201365, with 65\u20136 on 'merchant galleys'.\n\n25For the extent of mobility in this period see Purcell (1990).\n\n26Gentili (1988) 213 has no doubt that 'the constant meaning is _city_ ', in line with his consistent allegorical reading, which takes in other passages which refer to a ship, but without any overt indication of political allusion (frr.73, 306i col. II V); others (e.g. Bowie 1986, 17) assume that the poem evokes the experience of Alcaeus' _hetaireia_ ; so also Lentini (2001), who reads the personified ship of fr.73 as representing the _hetaireia_ ; for this approach cf. R\u00f6sler (1980) 115\u201348, though he interprets the ship of fr.73 as the majority of Mytileneans, weary of _stasis_ (115\u201326); Cucchiarelli (2004).\n\n27Prosperous in relative terms, at least, even if that armour was limited to shield, spear and helmet; van Wees (1998) 363\u20136 draws attention to the stores of arms held by rich men which would enable them to arm followers, though presumably they would not constitute a _hetaireia_.\n\n28On the ambiguity of references to the city, see Irwin (2005) 108; Levine (1985) argues that the symposium is seen as a microcosm of the polis in the poetry of Theognis; for the symposium as symbolically constituting the world, Davidson (1997) 44; as a sea voyage, _id_. 44\u20135 and n.11 for further bibliography, to which add Wilkins (2000) 238\u201341 and now Corner (2010), esp. 364\u20139.\n\n29The oracle, from Plut. _Sol_. 14, is accepted as authentic by Parke and Wormell (1956) but rejected by Fontenrose (1978) 290, though he does not explain why he excludes Solon's poetry as a possible origin. The exhortation to 'sit in the middle of the ship' is suggestive of a link with Solon's later self-presentation (Silk 1974, 122 and below 90\u20131), though Irwin (2005) 228 n.65 emphasizes Plutarch's association of the lines with tyranny. That implication is clearer in the other oracle to Solon, nr.16 P-W, which speaks of the city 'listening to a single herald', and here the link to Solon's own poetry (fr.1.1) is also clear.\n\n30Lloyd (1966) 272\u20134: the earliest attested instance in Anaximander will fall in the first half of the sixth century, the next, in Heraclitus, _c_. 500 BC.\n\n31For the regularity of freebooting see van Wees (1992) 208\u201310, 213\u201317, 244\u20138 (Homer), 257\u20138 (archaic reality) and (2007) for archaic Attica; also de Souza (1999) 17\u201326.\n\n32Donlan (1999) remains the best account of Greek aristocratic values: on _kalos kai agathos_ see particularly 129\u201334, dating the emergence of the phrase to the fifth century; further extensive discussion in Bourriot (1995) 113\u201322. In the classical period the ideology comes to be more fully articulated in terms of intelligence and education: see (e.g.) Morawetz (2000) 15\u201347.\n\n33This is clear for the developed ship of state, figured as a merchantman; on van Wees' account (2007), the crew of a penteconter will likewise have chosen to make the voyage, though in any case their reliance on the helmsman will normally have been distinct from any obligation to the commander. In later examples, the point is sometimes made more explicitly in terms of a ferryman and his passengers (e.g. Aeschin. 3.158).\n\n34Yoke and goad do not in themselves identify the animal(s) in question, since they are as compatible with horses drawing a chariot as with oxen (below n.43); where there is no more specific indication in the context, the toil and drudgery of oxen might be more naturally suggested when oriental rulers are said to 'yoke', though Atossa's dream in A. _Pers_. 181\u201399 of Xerxes yoking two women representing Europe and Asia to his chariot shows that the identification should not be automatically assumed.\n\n35Pritchard (1969) 297, 314, 383 respectively; further parallels in West (1997) 519\u201320, (2007) 420. According to Diodorus, Seso\u00f6is of Egypt gave a literal demonstration of this image (1.58.2 cf. Tzetzes _H._ 3.38f.). However, Near Eastern imagery of yoking is not automatically positive for the ruler: the Cyrus Cylinder records that Nabonidus 'destroyed his (people) with a merciless yoke' and that the Babylonians '(had suffered) a yoke unsuitable for them' (\u00a7\u00a7 8, 25, tr. Brosius).\n\n36The anecdote also appeared in the fourth-century history of Philistos: _FGrH_ 556 F6 with Jacoby _ad loc_.\n\n37The one possibly archaic instance of this image is in 'the song of Hybrias the Cretan' where the speaker's self-identification with the Persian king is a positive one (see below 92): the shift in the main application, and so in the resonances of this imagery, is likely to have followed closely on the Persian conquest of Ionia in the 540s, but the effect does not clearly appear in our sources (mainly Herodotus) until the fifth century \u2013 there is perhaps a hint in Xenophanes' rejection of any hierarchy among the gods (A32) on the grounds that it was wrong for any of them 'to have a master ( _despozesthai_ ): NB B22 with Murray (1993) 261 for his recognition of the coming of the Persians as a watershed.\n\n38 _Il._ 23.262\u2013538, followed by a stewards' enquiry at 539\u2013652. Note Morgan (1990) 90, 141 on horses and chariots in early material remains at panhellenic and other sanctuaries. Equestrian contests at crown games: Miller (2004) 75\u201382; at Athens: Kyle (1987) 185\u201390.\n\n39 _Pol._ 1297 b16\u201322, 1289 b33\u201340 with Newman (1887\u20131902) on b39; cf. 1321 a8\u201311.\n\n40In historical times the victor came increasingly to be a wealthy horse-rearing 'owner', while the drivers were often slaves or professionals, although in some cases the chariot was still driven by the victor himself or by a relative or associate (Lefkowitz 1984, 40\u20132, Golden 1998, 82\u20133, 118\u201323, 169\u201370; 2003, 34), which will have allowed the elite to continue to identify with the epic model in which heroes drove their own chariots, as at Patroclus' funeral games or Orestes' purported fatal drive at Delphi in Sophocles' _Electra_ (698\u2013756). On this latter passage see OKell (2004) for the persistent appeal of success in hippic competitions.\n\n41For equestrian imagery in erotic contexts both hetero- and homosexual, see Thgn. 257\u201360, 952, 1249\u201352, 1267\u201370, Anacr. frr.360, 417, Ibyc. fr.287; compare Thgn. 1357\u20138 for yoke imagery in an amatory context, again with a Near Eastern parallel: West (1997) 523.\n\n42After Homer, there is no instance of the image in the archaic period in a political context: Anacr. fr.348 applies it to a patron goddess, and in the early classical period Pindar _O._ 6.60 is a clear Homeric echo (above 44).\n\n43 _Pace_ Irwin (2005) 228\u20139 (following Catenacci 1991, 85\u20137), I am dubious that at this date there is any necessary association between the goad and tyranny: apart from this passage there are only three instances of _kentron_ in archaic poetry, two referring quite neutrally to its use in driving a chariot ( _Il._ 23.387, 430, with the cognate verb at 23.337 and cf. _kentores_ = 'drivers': _Il._ 4.391, 5.102); in the other case, cited above, it seems to me highly unlikely that Theognis is commending tyrannical behaviour as such. The resonances of goad and yoke are rather different after the advent of the Persians (above, nn.34, 37). This is not, of course, to deny that tyranny is prominent elsewhere in Solon's poetry.\n\n44For this sense of ajnivhmi 'let slip' see _LSJ_ s.v. II.1a _fin_ and cf. Plut. _Per._ 11.4; NB also Wilamowitz-M\u00f6llendorf (1893) II 308, Loraux (1984) 206 n.30. The context in which these passages are to be read is supplied by [Arist.] _Ath.Pol._ 12, citing both and further related excerpts (below, 90\u20131).\n\n45The motif of 'handing over' implies a perception that it is important to maintain control, even if the process may miscarry: compare e.g. S. fr.683, Pl. _R._ 566d, and see further below, 121; the image of the charioteer's loss of control forms a memorable conclusion to Virgil's first _Georgic_ (1.512\u201314).\n\n46On the interpretation of the image see Gentili (1975), (1988) 44\u20135; later examples include Plb. 11.29.9\u201310, 21.31.6f.; Liv. 28.27.11, 38.10.5 ( _vulgata similitudo_ ). There is also a suggestive parallel in Herodotus 7.16\u03b11, where Artabanus applies the same image to the nature of Xerxes, undermined by association with bad men: given that both he and Solon (in book 1) function as 'Warners', one wonders if some sort of intertextual relationship is at work. For other instances of 'stirring up' in Solon's imagery see below 91.\n\n47The concept of the dual nature and dangerously deceptive calm of the 'sea-woman' in Semonides (7.27\u201342) is suggestive here, as noted by Vlastos (1946) 66; Fr\u00e4nkel (1975) 228 n.21; Noussia-Fantuzzi (2010) 320\u20131. _Pace_ M\u00fclke (2002) 228, I find it more natural to apply the image to the demos than to the polis as a whole: the parallels which he cites from the _Iliad_ (2.394\u20138, 9.4\u20137) describe the Achaeans as a crowd, not a community. If the allusion is to the demos, it is also less likely that there is a link to ideas of cosmic justice here (as Noussia 2001 _ad loc_. suggests).\n\n48Noussia (2006) 140\u20136 has a good discussion of the persuasive character of analogies from nature; she also notes the implicit exclusion of any divine causation.\n\n49On Greek imagery of light see Tarrant (1960), esp. 181\u20133; on the association of light with salvation or rescue, see Fraenkel (1950) on A. _Ag_. 522 (below 112) and for Near Eastern parallels, West (1997) 253, cf. 574, 577. The Great King of Persia is often said to have been surrounded by a radiant nimbus of kingly glory, the _Hvarena_ (also rendered _Khvarnah_ or _farnah)_ : Dvornik 1966, 84\u20137, though 'it is not uncontentiously clear... that the concept is attested _as such_ in any Achaemenid era document or context' (C. Tuplin, pers. comm.); certainly the Persian king was associated in symbolic and religious terms with the sun and fire (Briant 1996, 259\u201363), an idea echoed in Aeschylus' _Persae_ (Harrison 2000, 78\u20139, 82). That kind of association of light with the glory of monarchy finds some kind of echo in Pindar's description of Xenocrates, brother of the tyrant Theron as 'light of the Acragantines' ( _I_. 2.17), as it does later in Roman imperial coinage and other propaganda (Thomas 2007, 66\u20137) and early mediaeval iconography (Kantorowicz 1957, 61\u20135, 78\u201382). The portent of the sacrificial pots boiling over that prefigured the birth of Peisistratus (Hdt. 1.59.1\u20132) perhaps also suggests an association between tyranny and fire, though in a more ambiguous way: Lavelle (1991) 318 notes the implication that it is Peisistratus' destiny to be tyrant.\n\n50So there is a difference from Solon fr.36.15\u201317, as well as a resemblance (Irwin 2005, 224\u20136). There is also a riddling allusion to Cypselus' birthplace, Petra (Parke and Wormell 1949, 138), as also in the reference to the 'eagle in the rocks' in no.7 (so How & Wells (1928) _ad loc_.): these allusions point to a post-event invention, though presumably within Cypselus' lifetime (so e.g. Forrest 1966, 111, Salmon 1984, 186\u20137, 191). The extended analysis of McGlew (1993) 61\u201374 brings out the ambivalence of the oracles, which he associates with the inherently violent character of tyrannical justice and Delphic reservations about autocracy.\n\n51Strictly speaking this belongs to the classical period (the ode is dated to 476 BC) but, as often, Pindar is reflecting the persistence of elite values established in the archaic period.\n\n52Compare Callinus 1.20, where the reference is specifically military (and more overtly Homeric).\n\n53Rightly noted by Kearns (1990) 338. Longo (1974) has a good discussion of the extension of the image from the lone hero to a wider group in the context of the emerging polis while retaining its primary signification of defence.\n\n54'The image of the lion to represent the fierce force of kings is conventional and could be described as a fixed piece of the \"portrait\" of the king': Pucci (1998) 51 n.7; NB West (1997) 246\u20137, 388 for Near Eastern parallels.\n\n55Allowing for some uncertainties of dating, I count some 53 archaic and classical instances of Leon and 15 of Leonides\/-as across vols.1\u20135A of the _Lexicon of Greek Personal Names_ (and so across the Greek world) together with a Leonikides, a Leonike and a Leonumos.\n\n56Noted by McGlew (1993) 83\u20134.\n\n57I postpone to the following chapter (118) the most conspicuous case, the dream of Agariste, since its specific reference is to Pericles. For the ambiguity of lions even in Homer, see Lonsdale (1990), esp. 39\u201370, on lion similes; Wolff (1979).\n\n58This is another Homeric image with Near Eastern parallels: West (1997) 243\u20134. A bull (or its head) appears on the archaic coinage of Sybaris, Croton with Sybaris, Eretria and Lydia, in the latter case together with a lion, which features alone on those of Miletus, Samos and Sardis; boars appear winged on coins of Samos and eagles on those of Acragas (but wolves not at all). In a later period one might compare the Delphic oracle presaging the death of Philip II: 'the bull is garlanded...' (D.S. 16.91.2\u20133).\n\n59Similes: _Il_. 17.674, 21.252, 22.308, _Od_. 24.538; portents: _Il_. 8.247, 12.201f., 13.822, 24.315, _Od_. 2.146, 15.161, 20.243; dreams: _Od_. 19.538f.; for the eagle as ruler of birds in Assyria see West (1997) 540.\n\n60Silk (1974) 193 n.2. On eagles see further below 118.\n\n61See Pulleyn (2000) on _Il._ 1.231, citing Eide (1988), for this reading, and for Hesiod, West (1978a) _ad loc_.; readings of the fable of the hawk and the nightingale which align the _basileis_ with the hawk (above 84) would complement this association. Strictly speaking, the 'predation' involved in gift-eating is a kind of parasitism; West (2007) 422 cites Hittite and Vedic parallels for the 'eating' of bribes.\n\n62e.g. _Il_. 11.481, 16.159, 23.183: in the last case the verb is also applied zeugmatically to fire, which provides a conceptual link to that image of the destructive tyrant (above 88\u20139). There are similar implications of destructiveness, though more specifically directed against the elite, in the object-lesson of the ears of corn given by Thrasybulus (Hdt. 5.92 \u03b62-\u03b71), if that goes back in substance to the archaic period, as plausibly argued by Forsdyke (1999) 364\u20135, highlighting the implication of anti-elite hostility: for full discussion see below, 143n.142.\n\n63Though note that the tyrant is not yet Plato's werewolf ( _R._ 565d\u20136a, below 179n.82, 187n.134), since he is not figured as eating his own kind. Vox (1984) 120\u20131 on the bestial greed of the tyrant is suggestive here, if overstated.\n\n64On the form of the net and its alternative uses, see M\u00fclke (2002) 342\u20133; for the net's association with tyrants, Vox (1984) 97 \u2013 note especially the oracle at Hdt. 1.62.4 (where the specific reference to tunny-fishing highlights the intelligence of Peisistratus the fisherman: Lavelle 1991, 317, 321\u20133) and Cyrus the fisherman at 1.141.1\u20132; Catenacci (1991) 88\u20139. However, net imagery appears in an erotic context at Ibycus fr.287.1\u20134: compare Thgn. 949\u201350 (= 1278c-d) for a similar image of a predatory animal, linked to others from warfare and chariot-racing: hunting is at home in the symposium.\n\n65Fr.69.6: for the identification with Pittacus see Page (1955) 231\u20133; Griffiths (1995) 89, 93 underlines the unheroic character of the fox, never mentioned by Homer. Cf. the fox-dog (i.e. the Paphlagonian) in a mock oracle at Ar. _Eq._ 1067\u20138 with Neil (1901) _ad loc_. On Alcaeus' use of proverbs see further below, n.91.\n\n66Solon fr.36.26\u20137; wolves in fables: Irwin (2005) 252\u20136; the closest parallel for the animal at bay is _Il._ 12.41\u20132, cf. 11.548\u20139, 17.281\u20133, 657\u201364.\n\n67Wolves and tyranny: Irwin (2005) 248\u201361, though Loraux (1984) 207 notes the conflict with Solon's overt rejection of tyranny; scapegoat: Anhalt (1993) 134, but NB Stehle (2006) 93 n.41, noting that the scapegoat moves away, outside the community.\n\n68Relation to Homer: Irwin (2005) 245\u20136; my reading of the wolf broadly follows M\u00fclke (2002) 395\u20137: for the wolf and the lion cf. A. _Ag._ 1258\u20139 (but the wolf is _gennaios_ for Aristotle, _HA_ 488 b17), and for wolves' superiority to dogs, A. _Supp._ 760\u20131; wolves tend to get the better of dogs in fables (n.66 above). Irwin (2005) 260 n.174 astutely notes that Solon's opponents have also been turned into unheroic bitches. Reproach: Martin (2006) 164: '[t]he message conveyed... that this is not the way things should be'; cf. Stehle (2006) 94 for the note of anger. Plut. _Sol._ 23.3\u20134 reports that Solon offered a bounty for wolves and their cubs, against which the Athenians have always been battling, so evoking a wolf will also have linked the image to real life.\n\n69Loraux (1984) 202, 206\u20137 notes the resemblance between the three images in their Homeric and paradoxical character and their emphatic placement at the end of passages of self-justification (though we cannot be sure that any of them marks the end of a poem \u2013 indeed, the last line we have of fr.37 is incomplete).\n\n70Stehle (2006) 97 puts it nicely: 'when the two ideas are combined the shield turns into a M\u00f6bius strip, for in order to make the same image convey both ideas the speaker must pretend that the outside of the shield is simultaneously its inside'; cf. 96 for the evocation of the tower-shield of Ajax. Martin (2006) 163\u20134 suggests that the paradox 'retains the association of protection, but eliminates the notion of battle'.\n\n71The first reading is that of Loraux (1984), esp. 211\u201313, who sees a contrast with the multiple _horoi_ of the Eupatrids in fr.36.6; she also notes (208 n.36) that real _horoi_ may speak in the first person. For the second, see Martin (2006), esp. 166\u201371, summarising Solon's 'metaphorical message' as 'copy me, do not take up arms against one another, respect this eloquent rock' (170).\n\n72Commentators dispute whether _gala_ or an implied _d\u00eamon_ is the object of _antaraxas_ (Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010, 492\u20134, M\u00fclke 2002, 405\u20136), but the broad sense is the same in either case. It is suggestive that _piar_ occurs in the _Iliad_ only in the simile of a lion at bay at 11.550, 17.659 (NB n.66 above) in the sense 'fat (i.e. choicest one or part': Hainsworth 1993 on 11.550) and otherwise at _Od._ 9.135, _hAp._ 60 and _hVen_. 30; here it might properly mean 'butterfat' (Salmon 1997, 68), but the implication remains the same.\n\n73Donlan (1999) 129\u201330 assumes the term is pejorative (and Alcaeus' abuse of Pittacus as 'Pot-belly' [frr.129.21, 429] makes clear that not all fat is good), but it is used apparently neutrally by Herodotus 5.30.1 (Naxos), 6.91.1 (Aegina), 7.156.2 (Megara Hyblaea) cf. 5.77.2 and LSJ s.v. \u03c0\u03ac\u03c7\u03b7\u03c2 (the word can also mean 'sturdy', 'solid', but that does not seem an effective slogan); of course, what began as self-praise could be given a more pejorative edge in egalitarian Athens: Ar. _Eq._ 1139, _Vesp._ 288, _Pax_ 639 (but NB 1170 'and then I become fat', on which Olson (1998) remarks 'a positive development in a world where extra calories were scarce').\n\n74Compare the undesirable stirring up of the sea in fr.12.1 (above 88); Archilochus uses the same verb, _tarass\u00f4_ , in his maritime metaphor at fr.105.1 and it is applied to civil disorder in Thgn. 219. In the fifth century, the imagery of 'stirring up' is negatively associated with Cleon (below 132n.68, 138n.118).\n\n75And Homer barely uses the common Near Eastern image of kings themselves as servants of the gods (only _Od._ 11.255 comes close, but a _therap\u00f4n_ is of relatively high status: 'a non-kinsman of noble, but dependant status', according to West in Heubeck, West and Hainsworth 1990 on _Od_. 1.109; NB also Stagakis 1966): contrast (e.g.) Pritchard (1969) 275, 277, 281, 289, 298, 307 (Assyrian and Neobabylonian), 315\u201316 (Cyrus), 334, 337 (Akkadian) for kings addressing a god as 'my lord' or 'the lord'.\n\n76Fr.9.3\u20134, cf. fr.11.4 with Brock (2007) 209\u201310; on the resonances of _monarchos_ here, NB McGlew (1993) 65\u20136.\n\n77See Tedeschi 1991 for bibliography and discussion, especially 184\u20135 for the arguments against a Persian link (cf. Willetts 1962, 317\u201323) which he nevertheless regards as ' _molto plausibile_ ' and 124 for an agnostic position on the date (Page 1965 65 proposed a fifth-century context); note also his suggestion that the speaker's grandiloquent self-advertisement became somewhat humorous when the poem became adopted in wider sympotic use (122\u20134). There is perhaps a similar deliberate hyperbole in the use of _turanni-_ words applied to women in erotic contexts at Anacreon fr.449 and, apparently, Archilochus fr.23.20 (for this interpretation see West 1974, 118\u201320); with the preceding military image in lines 18\u201319 compare Thgn. 951, which follows the hunting image cited in n.64.\n\n78Since the other earliest witness is Theognis, there is the same uncertainty concerning priority and absolute date as for the ship of state (above, n.23).\n\n79Recent discussions tend to follow the assertion of Adkins (1985) 118 that at this date _helkos_ can only mean 'wound', but he seems to have overlooked Thgn. 1134 (below), where _phuomen\u00f4i_ surely excludes that sense; NB also Irwin (2005) 181 n.71, suggesting that a reminiscence here of the silent diseases of Hes. _Op_. 102\u20134 ought to keep both senses in play. I would see Solon as giving more prominence to the sense of disease, while exploiting the ambiguity of _helkos_ to imply the culpability of the leaders: see above 69 and n.5 for the implications of imagery of deliberate wounding.\n\n80Irwin (2005) 155\u201398 discusses the relationship of Solon fr.4 to Hesiod in depth. Community's fate linked to justice of rulers: Hom. _Il_. 16.384\u201392, _Od_. 19.109\u201314, Hes. _Op._ 225\u201347 with West (1978) 213, Parker (1983) 265\u20137; West (2007) 422\u20134 notes parallels in Vedic and north European poetry. For later periods see above 73\u20134.\n\n81This might encourage us to regard the injury as disease, given the model of infliction of disease from outside by a divinity (typically Apollo, as at the beginning of the _Iliad_ ); otherwise, sickness in the body politic tends to arise from internal causes (above 73\u20136), while gods, particularly Apollo and Artemis, normally inflict death rather than wounding: see the good brief discussion in Graf (2009) 9\u201310, 14\u201318.\n\n82West prints the passage as fr.33a: M\u00fclke (2002) 347\u20139 is dubious on linguistic grounds that any of Solon's words survive, though the underlying idea might derive from his poetry; Noussia-Fantuzzi (2010) 423\u20135 is cautiously more positive. Cp. Plutarch's phrase 'cure ( _iasaito_ ) his desire for tyranny' in _Sol._ 29.5, West's fr.35, though both M\u00fclke (2002, 360\u20131) and Noussia-Fantuzzi (2010, 425) are sceptical that it goes back to Solon.\n\n83There is a variant at 1081\u20132 which overtly labels the expected tyrant 'a man of hubris, a leader of harsh _stasis_ ': renaming the tyrant 'for what he \"really\" is' (Irwin 2005, 227 n.63) may help aristocrats cope, but removes none of the force of the image.\n\n84As in the Delphic oracles to Argos and Athens from just before the Persian wars (Hdt. 7.148.3, 140.2\u20133; above 70); compare the synecdoche of 'heads' for 'men' in Homer and Hesiod ( _Il_. 11.55, Hes. fr.204.118) and _kephal\u00ea_ for various individuals ( _Il_. 8.281, 18.114, 23.94; Hes. _Sc_. 104); so too Pindar can call the Emmenid tyrants of Akragas 'the eye of Sicily' ( _O_. 2.9\u201310, cf. _P_. 5.55\u20137, of the Battiads; _LSJ_ s.v. \u1f40\u03d5\u03b8\u03b1\u03bb\u03bc\u03cc\u03c2 IV). Fables based on the body (on which NB Daube 1972, 130\u20139), though none appears to be of so early a date (Adrados 1999\u20132003, I 398\u2013409) tend to emphasize diversity of function within the bodily unity (e.g the stomach, the eyes, the feet).\n\n85Below 114, and for conceptions of the body in political terms see Brock (2006); Harvey (1965) shows that, though retrojected to Solon (121\u20132; Plut. _Sol_. 14.2), the concept of proportional equality only develops in the fourth century, although its antecedents go back to Homer (101\u20132).\n\n86Cosmos as organism: Lloyd (1966) 232\u201341; as state, above 8\u201310, Lloyd (1996) 210\u201329.\n\n87Lloyd loc. cit (n.86), prefigured by Vlastos (1947), (1953); Seaford (1994) 220\u20138 elaborates a contrast between Anaximander and Heraclitus, developing the arguments of Vernant (e.g. 1982, 119\u201329) which emphasize the impact of the new civic space of the polis.\n\n88For examples of periodicity in early law, note the monthly meetings of the Spartan assembly stipulated in the 'Great Rhetra' (Plut. _Lyc_. 6.2), perhaps imitated by Solon (Rhodes 1981, 154), and the _boul\u00ea d\u00eamosi\u00ea_ in the law from Chios ( _ML_ no.8C) and the ban on serving as _kosmos_ twice within ten years at Dreros ( _ML_ no.2).\n\n89Cf. fr.114: 'all human laws are nourished by the single divine law. For it has as much power as it wishes, and is enough for all, with something to spare' (tr. Lloyd).\n\n90Griffiths (1995) assesses what we do have.\n\n91On the various board games called _pessoi_ see Kurke (1999b), (1999a) 254\u201374 (a little fuller); Hansen (2002) reconstructs the variant called _Polis_ ; for images from _pessoi_ in general, see Collard 1975 on E. _Supp_. 409\u201310a. Kurke characterizes them as 'games of order', linked with a symbolic civic order, and suggests that Alcaeus 'bitterly and dismissively characterizes his opponent as (merely) a pretend king in a board game' (258); I am inclined to follow Porro (1994) esp. 367\u20138 and Lelli (2006) 49\u201351 in linking the image to games played in the symposium \u2013 cf. frr.306 (i) II. 30\u20131 and 306B, both again with proverbial overtones: in particular, the numerous vase-paintings of heroes playing _pessoi_ (Kurke 1999a, 270) could as easily be seen to link these games, like _kottabos_ and dicing (Kurke 1999a, 278\u201395, to be read with Fisher 2001, 195\u20136, 357\u201361), with the elite world of the symposium (and NB Kurke 1999a, 265\u20137, omitted from _id._ (1999b), for a suggestion of more democratic or oligarchic versions of _pessoi_ ). There is also a link to a proverbial expression for 'risking all' (Kurke 1999a, 257\u20138; cf. Hansen 2002, 10 for 'playing city\/-ies' as proverbial) which is probably the specific reference here; while there is no implication of sharp practice (since these are games with clear structure and rules), there does seem to be an overtone of cleverness (cf. E. _Supp_. 409 and A. _Supp._ 11\u201312 with Bakewell 2008) rather than honest achievement. Alcaeus employs another proverb in fr.344: 'this I know for certain, that if a man moves gravel, stone not safely workable, he will probably get a sore head' (cf. Sapph. fr.145); the idea of a fool's labour which brings trouble to the labourer might have been applied to Pittacus' _aisymneteia_ , though as often there is no context from which to make deductions. Lelli (2006) 23\u201370 discusses Alcaeus' fondness for proverbs, though that should not surprise us: the game of _eikones_ ('Comparisons') played at symposia (e.g. Ar. _Vesp._ 1308\u201313 with MacDowell 1971, _Av._ 804\u20136 with Dunbar 1995, Pl. _Smp._ 215a, X. _Smp._ 6.8\u201310) points to the appeal of the pithy, well-turned phrase in these circles. A related mystery is the popular song _PMG_ 869 'grind, mill, grind, for Pittacus too grinds who rules over great Mytilene': it could conceivably mean that Pittacus really did do his own grinding (so Carlier 1984, 460\u20131), which might have been inappropriate or demeaning (NB Arist. _Rh_. 1411 a23\u20134 for figurative mills), or might refer to 'grinding the faces of the poor' (or rich), or to a claim by Pittacus to have ground his enemies small, or, perhaps most likely, the reference might be obscene (NB Campbell 1982\u201393 _ad loc_.), but decision is impossible.\n\n92Irwin (2005) 22\u20139, 35\u201362 offers a subtle discussion of the use of Homer in elegiac exhortation poetry.\n\n93S262 (= 298 in Campbell 1982\u201393), the so-called Cologne Alcaeus, with Lloyd-Jones (1968), esp. 128\u20139, 136\u20139, who emphasizes the link with the epic cycle.\n\n94For uncertainty as to the extent of the community, see above 86 and n.28.\n\n95This relative homogeneity in the imagery makes it difficult to square with the influential model (Morris 1996) of two traditions in archaic poetry, an 'elitist' and a 'middling' one: on the one hand, there is from the outset an acknowledgement of a wider community which gains definition over time, though a useful element of ambiguity as to its extent remains, even for the body politic, the most naturally inclusive model; on the other hand, elites continue to use imagery to distinguish themselves from ordinary people, often drawing on the resources of epic to do so (cf. the acute discussion in Irwin 2005, 55\u201362 of the ideology of exhortation elegy). A lack of clear distinctions in imagery between genres might also be seen to support the view that associates almost all archaic poetry with the symposium.\n\n96For the development and date of the stock view of tyranny see Lewis (2004); Connor (1977) discusses the potential for admiration of tyranny, for which NB also Irwin (2005) 238\u20139, while Salmon (1997) makes a case for a more positive view of the archaic tyrants in action. Irwin (2005, e.g. 203\u20134, 275\u20136) rightly argues that the demarcation between tyrants, law-givers and sages is not straightforward \u2013 Pittacus is a key figure here.\n\n97As in Meno's definition of female excellence at Pl. _Men_. 71e, though Xenophon's _Oeconomicus_ shows that a broader outlook was perfectly possible.\n\n#\n\n# Democracy and Autocracy: The Fifth Century ( _c_. 480\u2013404 BC)\n\nThe two developments which exerted the greatest influence on classical political imagery, the rise of Persia and the emergence of democracy, both belong to the archaic period, but their impact only appears in literature after 480. Thereafter, in political imagery as in ideology at large, they become increasingly interlinked through the growing predominance of Athens in our sources; often they are linked through the motif of tyranny, with which Persia was frequently aligned, especially after the Marathon campaign of 490, which sought to restore Hippias as a Persian puppet, and Xerxes' attempt at the wholesale subjugation of Greece a decade later.1 That motif is one element in the formation of the complex of images of slavery or subordination to a master with which the rule of the Great King of Persia2 came to be associated. As we have seen (above 92), when the idea of slavery is first used figuratively by Solon, it is associated with tyranny, and the language of slavery and freedom continues to be regularly used in that context through the classical period (below, 157\u20138). It was natural to extend this language to Persia: not only was the Great King as absolute monarch a tyrant writ large (whether Greek or Lydian), but since his control over the Greeks of Asia was exercised through tyrants in their _poleis_ , he was as much 'Tyrant of Tyrants' as 'King of Kings'.3\n\nThe other element which contributes to the developed image of the Persian king as master is Greek perception of Persian royal ideology. It is clear that there existed a feudal relation between the King and even his most exalted subordinates, which was denoted by the term _ba(n)daka_ : in Greek sources this is largely simplified into an antithesis between the Great King, the one free man, and his subjects, who are slaves, no matter what their status. What is less clear is whether this is the result of genuine misunderstanding or deliberate misrepresentation, or (perhaps most likely), some combination of the two.4 The association of the titles 'Great King' and _despot\u00eas_ in the 'song of Hybrias' combined with the mention of obeisance (above 92) suggests that the perception of the Persian king as overlord had already become established in the archaic period,5 and there is a hint in Xenophanes A32 that such terminology was already coming to be used pejoratively (above 98n.37). That outlook comes sharply into focus in Aeschylus' _Persians_ , produced in 472, less than a decade after Xerxes' invasion, in an exchange between the Persian queen Atossa and the chorus of Persian elders concerning the Athenians (241\u20132):\n\n\u2014What shepherd ( _poiman\u00f4r_ ) is set over them and is master of ( _epidespozei_ ) the host?\n\n\u2014They are not called any man's slaves or subjects.\n\nThe queen's na\u00efve assumption that Athens is like Persia is transparently (to our eyes) set up for a rebuttal which forms part of a sustained contrast between the democratic Athenians and their barbarian opponents,6 in a way that shows that by this date both the stock view of Persia and its location in a wider antithesis between freedom and democracy and barbarians and autocracy are firmly established; it would not be surprising if the Athenian experience at Marathon had given an impetus to the process even before the advent of Xerxes, and the sophistication and subtlety of the play's ideological presentation implies an extended period of gestation.\n\nThe same play provides evidence for another element in the figurative representation of Persian subjection, the imagery of animal-taming, here represented by the motif of the yoke. In the parodos, the chorus speak of the army's mission to 'put a yoke of slavery on Greece' (50), and, after news of the disaster at Salamis has reached them, they express their fears for the Persian empire 'now that the yoke of might is undone' (594).7 Xerxes' ambition is also symbolized in Atossa's dream of his attempt to yoke together the two women who represent Europe and Asia (181\u201396), and his literal yoking of the continents by the bridge across the Hellespont (68\u201372, 722, 736):8 the Athenians captured and dedicated the cables from that bridge, so they will have had a permanent physical reminder of that act of _hybris_.9 Furthermore, since the image of yoking and taming was at home in the Near East (above 87), it was natural for it to take on a particular association with the threat of subjugation from that quarter.\n\nBy the second half of the fifth century we find this group of images firmly entrenched in tragedy and historiography. Herodotus applies the imagery of the control of animals to Persian conquest of external subjects in a way that implies that it has become almost standard usage: Persian kings are said to 'tame' ( _h\u00eameroun_ ) their enemies both authorially and by their victims, as well as by Persians themselves, and submission is referred to as 'bowing one's neck to the yoke' ( _hupokuptein_ ).10 Likewise Xerxes says of the proposed complete conquest of Greece 'and so both those who have wronged us and the innocent will bear the yoke of slavery' (7.8.\u03b33). In a similar way, the claim of Euripides' Helen that 'everything among barbarians is enslaved except one man' (E. _Hel._ 276) encapsulates the stock view of Persian monarchy at the same time as extending it to a dramatic setting in Egypt, though this does not inhibit her from using the same idea to flatter and deceive the Egyptian king Theoclymenus ('do not be a slave to your slaves, lord', 1428). The same ideology can be applied to entirely non-Greek contexts: in the Euripidean _Rhesus_ 410\u20131, Hector speaks of handing over the Thracians to the rule of Rhesus as slaves, though when Timotheus in his dithyrambic _Persae_ makes a Persian refer to Xerxes as 'my master' (115\u201316, 152) it is presumably simply realistic, just as _despot\u00eas_ is frequently used in Herodotus as a term of address for the king of Persia.11 Herodotus too extends the use of language originally used of Persia to a wider sphere: _despot\u00eas_ and _despoina_ ('mistress') are applied also to Lydia _\u00e0 propos_ of the Gyges and Candaules episode,12 to Egypt, where Amasis is said to have overthrown 'his master' Apries (3.1.4) and, most strikingly, to the former subordination of Persia to Media: in 1.115.2 Cyrus addresses Astyages as 'O master', and the herdsman and his wife describe Astyages and Mandane as 'our masters' (1.111.2, 112.3) while at 1.91.6 Cyrus' father is said to have been living with his 'mistress', inasmuch as his wife Mandane was a Median princess rather than a Persian.\n\nThat distinction brings us to a new element in Herodotus' use of the image, the application of the language of mastery and servitude to the control of an imperial power over its subjects. Here the term 'master' refers to the ruler as overlord, either from his own perspective ('Your master Cambyses, Psammenitus, asks you...': 3.14.9), or the conquered (Croesus addresses Cyrus as master at 1.90.2; cf. 5.18.3). During the account of Darius' Scythian expedition, the title is nicely made the object of a contention which brings out its implications: Darius calls on the Scythian king to fight, or else acknowledge his master and submit (4.126), and is met with the riposte that the Scythian king acknowledges as his masters only Zeus and Hestia 'queen of the Scythians' (4.127.4 cf. 128.1); however, when the Scythians exhort the Ionians at the Danube bridge to abandon Darius, they describe him as 'your former master' (4.136.4). Equally revealing is Xerxes' address to the Hellespont in which he identifies himself as 'your master' (7.35.2) before he has it whipped. Earlier, after his defeat at the hands of Cyrus, Astyages reviles Harpagus for having made the Medes slaves instead of masters and the Persians masters instead of slaves (1.129.4). That introduces the other side of the coin, the perception of subjection to an external power as a form of slavery: in Herodotus, this most frequently concerns Persian control, as in the formulas which mark the first 'enslavements' of Lydia (1.94.7) and Ionia (1.169.2, 6.32), but we also find it applied to the subjection of the Medes to Assyria (1.95.2) and, as we have just seen, it is also used of the Persians themselves in relation to Media (1.126.5). Hence the Persians themselves can perceive that reversal of roles as 'liberation' (1.126.6, 127.1, 3.82.5),13 while those subjugated, like the Medes, become 'slaves'.14 Although Herodotus sometimes reports literal enslavement in the wake of Persian conquest, he uses a different terminology in these cases,15 and it is clear that the _douleia_ at issue here is figurative and carries significant ideological implications.\n\nIt is not only the subjects of the Persian empire who are figured as slaves: as we have seen, fifth-century Greeks perceived all the subjects of the Great King (and, by extension, other oriental monarchs) as his 'slaves'.16 Whether or not this belief was correct, this conception is applied in Herodotus in a quite pointed manner in contexts which imply that it reflects, or is believed to reflect, Persian ideology. Thus Artemisia in advising Xerxes labels as his slaves not only allies such as Egyptians, Cyprians, Cilicians and Pamphylians (8.68.\u03b3), but even Mardonius, the king's cousin and brother-in-law and son-in-law of Darius (6.43.1, 7.5.1), who is to serve as deputed supreme commander after Xerxes' withdrawal (8.102.3). When the Samian Syloson similarly describes Maiandrios to Darius as 'our slave' (3.140.5), he is presumably again fitting his expression to the ideology of his audience. By extension, when the Persians pursuing the fugitive doctor Democedes demand that the Crotoniates surrender him, they describe him as the King's 'runaway slave' ( _dr\u00eapet\u00ean_ , 3.137.2), and Dionysius of Phocaea is made to reflect that Persian outlook when he warns the Ionians before the decisive battle of Lade that their choice is 'to be free men or slaves, and runaway slaves at that' (6.11.2).17 So too the Scythians scorn the Ionians after their failure to act against Darius on the Danube as 'slaves that love their master and do not run away ( _adr\u00easta_ )' (4.142). This ideology may also help to explain the Persian dismissal of Cambyses as 'a master... because he was harsh and contemptuous' (3.89.3): the point would be that Cambyses overstepped the mark by making his status as master too literal a reality in his treatment of them.18 By contrast, the house of Otanes alone is 'free', because it is not subject to the King's authority, but only to the laws (3.83.2\u20133).19\n\nIt accords with this conception that Kings of Persia should be styled not merely as rulers of their land, but as its possessors, both in the speeches of subordinates and in their own pronouncements.20 We also find on a number of occasions the phrase 'the King's house' used with reference to the Persian empire, which seems quite likely to draw on Persian conceptions, since not only is it found in later Greek sources, but we also find the phrase 'great favour will be laid up in store for you in the King's house' in lines 15\u201317 of the letter of Darius to Gadatas, even if the Greek versions involve a degree of over-simplification of what was in practice a rather more complex relationship between the King's house and the empire at large.21\n\nThe suggestion that Herodotus is here to some extent reflecting actual Persian thinking gains some support from indications of a sensitivity to other aspects of Persian ideology such as the emphasis on personal prowess in royal inscriptions, which is reflected both in the text of an inscription of Darius reported by Herodotus which styles him 'best and fairest of all men' (4.91.2) and in his remark after enumerating the Persian forces that 'for looks and stature none was more worthy than Xerxes to hold this power' (7.187.2); the ideal of the king as exceptional among men also finds an echo in the attribution to him of more than human power and reach by Alexander of Macedon (8.140.\u03b22).22\n\nGreek experience of Persian rule, then, very probably coloured by some degree of awareness of actual Persian ideology, will have been one strand in Herodotus' use of the imagery of servitude and subjection: the other must have been the association established by Solon half a century earlier than the coming of the Mede between slavery and tyranny.23 For Herodotus this link is so firmly established that he can apply it even to constitutional monarchy (and its removal) outside Greece: thus the Egyptians can be described as 'liberated' after the cessation of monarchy in Egypt, even though it was replaced by the limited monarchy of the twelve kings (2.147.2), while he describes their acceptance of Amasis' rule as pharaoh by saying that he 'induced the Egyptians to agree to be slaves' (2.172.5). More frequently, however, the imagery of freedom is used to refer to the overthrow or absence of tyranny in Greece, especially at Athens, but also with reference to Samos after Polycrates, Miletus in the Ionian Revolt and Selinos in Sicily. Conversely, Maiandrios is made to speak of Polycrates 'acting as master of men like himself ', and Herodotus says of the Athenians' military lethargy under the Peisistratids that they 'deliberately fought badly because they were working for a master'.24 Particularly noteworthy are those editorial passages where Herodotus equates freedom with opposition to or rejection of tyranny and alleges that those who laid down tyrannies voluntarily were motivated by justice ( _dikaiosun\u00ea_ ).25\n\nIn tragedy the image is used to colour the presentation of rulers who are tyrants, or show tyrannical traits. In Euripides' _Heracles_ , Lycus is a stock tyrant, and it is natural that he should advertise himself as _despot\u00eas_ of the Thebans (141\u20132) and refer to them as 'slaves to my tyranny' (251); the chorus' reply indignantly repeats the offending image (258, 270, 274). Similarly, Pentheus at his most unsympathetic refuses to come to terms with the Theban bacchantes with the reply 'How? By being a slave to my slaves?' (E. _Ba_. 803).26 Likewise in _Phoenissae_ , Eteocles, who has just invoked _Turannis_ as the greatest of the gods (506) exclaims 'When I can rule, shall I ever be a slave to him [sc. his brother Polyneices]?' (520);27 and an unknown speaker in Sophocles fr.85 ( _Aleadae_ ) faces the same dilemma, musing that it might be better to have control of his enemies even at the price of impiety rather than obey others as a slave, while elsewhere we meet the more general proposition that anyone attending on a tyrant is his slave (fr.873). Conversely, the removal of a tyrant is equated with freedom, notably in Aeschylus' _Choephoroi_ , where Aegisthus is, like Lycus, a usurper.28 The same imagery naturally also appears in the _Prometheus Vinctus_ to describe cosmic tyranny \u2013 not, surprisingly, that of Zeus, but rather that aspired to by the Titans before him (208) and then what will follow him (927, 930), though the implication is that his part in the sequence is the same.29 This concept of the king of the gods is echoed in Euripides' _Heracles_ , in the hero's attack on the 'baneful tales of poets' and his denial that any god 'is master of another' (1344), rebutting Theseus' consolation that even gods 'have defiled one another for the sake of tyranny' (1317\u20138).30\n\nA similar role is played by the image of the yoke: as we have seen (above 87), such imagery was already associated with Near Eastern autocracy as well as with tyranny in the archaic period, and those associations have now effectively fused together. In the _Prometheus_ , a play suffused with imagery of yoking and taming,31 Io describes the compulsion on her father to cast her out of his house as 'the bridle ( _chalinos_ ) of Zeus' (671\u20132), so reinforcing the portrait of Zeus in the play as a tyrant. In Aeschylus' _Agamemnon_ , Aegisthus meets the resistance of the Chorus to his new regime with the threat that the disobedient will be yoked to a heavy yoke and 'softened' by hunger (1639\u201342):32 here again the language of taming contributes indirectly to the portrait of Aegisthus and Clytemnestra as tyrants. Sophocles uses the language of control of animals in a more oblique and suggestive way. Sometimes he puts it in the mouths of rulers who are shortly to come to grief: in the _Antigone_ , Creon complains that 'some men... muttered against me, tossing their heads in secret, and would not keep their necks duly ( _dikai\u00f4s_ ) under the yoke' (290\u20132), and later he warns Antigone menacingly 'I know that wild-tempered horses are made docile by a little curb ( _chalin\u00f4i_ )' (477\u20138), while Aegisthus, warning the Mycenaeans of the futility of resistance after Orestes' purported death, bids them 'accept my bit ( _stomia_ )' ( _El_. 1462). Agamemnon in the _Ajax_ makes a similar remark to Creon's: 'A big-ribbed ox is still kept straight on the road by a little goad ( _mastigos_ )' (1253\u20134); it is tempting to see an echo of the famous Homeric image of Ajax as an ass driven by beating out of the cornfield ( _Il_. 11.558f.), but with the heroic reminiscence undercut to emphasize the king's petty authoritarianism. Here, though within the play the official standing of the Atreidae is not suspect or contested, the resonances of their language serve to characterize them negatively in a way that undercuts their pretensions to heroic leadership. 33\n\nThere is a degree of ambiguity even to some images which in the archaic period have had positive implications. Oedipus' first words in Sophocles' _Oedipus Tyrannus_ are 'Oh children', and the implication that he was thinking like a father attracted favourable comment from the scholiast; however, all the fifth-century parallels are in Near Eastern contexts: the chorus in Aeschylus _Persae_ addressing Darius as 'father' and Atossa as 'mother', and the description of Croesus and Cyrus as fathers in Herodotus.34 Furthermore, as with the Homeric precedents, in all these cases the image is used by someone else, but Oedipus is implicitly styling himself as a father, which again is closer to Near Eastern practice. Similar concerns surround Agamemnon's self-presentation as doctor (A. _Ag_. 848\u201350, quoted above 75): although health is an unarguable good, his readiness to resort immediately to the most radical methods of treatment was surely meant to provoke some anxiety in the audience.35 Behind the king's words lurks the suspicion of disloyalty which he intends shall meet its just reward; elsewhere, the suspicion is of tyranny, which Oedipus expresses in describing Creon, whom he suspects of trying to supplant him, as 'a palpable robber ( _l\u00east\u00eas_ ) of my kingship ( _turannidos_ )' (S. _O.T._ 535). A few lines later he ridicules Creon's attempt 'to hunt kingship ( _turannida_ ), which is caught with numbers and money' (540\u20132): here what was implicit in the former passage becomes overt, echoing the imagery of hunting with which would-be tyrants are described in archaic poetry in a way which is suggestive of Oedipus' state of mind and his attitude to his royal status.36\n\nIt is not, of course, that the images of the king as father or doctor in themselves had acquired negative connotations, but rather that the attitude of fifth-century democratic Athens to monarchy was complex and conflicted.37 Athens had good kings in her own past, notably Cecrops, Erechtheus and Theseus, and they and their like could appear on stage as such, while in many other plays kings could form part of the background assumed as normal for the heroic past without being problematized, as long as their status remained in the background;38 however, in the cases just surveyed, the effect of the imagery is by characterizing them to draw attention to the status of tragic kings as kings. That in turn could have aroused negative feelings in the audience at what might have seemed presumption in arrogating to themselves roles and responsibilities which in a real-life democratic context would be assigned by a political process, and that was more likely, I think, when the images clashed with competing democratic versions of the field of imagery (the state as household, the body politic).39\n\nFor confirmation that images such as these retained their positive valuation we can turn to Pindar, more or less the only exponent of a positive presentation of monarchy in the fifth century.40 He clearly feels no embarrassment at describing Hieron, tyrant of Syracuse, as a father or a steward, even if the implications are more specific and muted than in Homer,41 or having the mythical Iamus ask for _laotrophon timan tin'_ ('the honour of feeding a people', that is, as a _poim\u00ean la\u00f4n_ ; _O._ 6.60).42 In other images that echo Homeric usage and that of archaic sympotic poetry, rulers are compared to bulwarks, to radiant light and to an eagle.43 Elsewhere, Pindar elaborates concepts which first appear in the archaic period: in _Pythian_ 4 he appeals to the image of the body politic in calling on Arkesilas IV of Cyrene to cure the disease of _stasis_ , though with a markedly different tone from that of Aeschylus' Agamemnon: 'you are a most opportune healer, and Paian honours you with the light of salvation. One must tend an ulcerous wound by applying a gentle hand' (270\u20131).44 This is an ode in which the contemporary political context is unusually conspicuous in an epilogue which pleads for the restoration of an exiled Cyrenean with the aid of a diverse array of political images.45 First comes a reference to a felled and mutilated oak-tree which still reveals its quality, whether put on a fire or made into an architrave (263\u20139): that is most readily connected with the exiled Damophilos, bereft of rights and possessions, but might also allude to the whole city,46 as the succeeding medical image presumably does, since the word _polin_ appears in the line which follows it ('for it is easy to shake a city...' 272). Here, however, the word _seisai_ ('shake') suggests a building shaken by an earthquake (which would pick up the motif of the tree as architrave), or perhaps a ship being rocked, and the idea of the ship of state is certainly in the background with the mention of a helmsman two lines later, though this is not an mortal ruler, but a god (274).47 Medical and maritime imagery recurs with reference to the exile's personal suffering in the final section, where he is also compared to Atlas in bondage supporting the heavens (again with a reminiscence of the tree image). The artfulness with which the various images are interwoven is plain, and the passage is even more artful if, as recent commentators tend to agree, the poet is feigning a plea for a return which has already been granted, highlighting the clemency which he affects to solicit.48 At the same time, the way in which he frames the appeal necessarily gives more attention than he usually does to the relationship between ruler and community.49 The reference to guiding 'the host with a just rudder' in an ode for Hieron is a little different, measuring the ruler against an abstract standard, though a call to him to act with generosity is also couched in maritime imagery ( _P._ 1.86, 91\u20132), but the phrase 'pilotings of cities' at the end of the tenth _Pythian_ (10.72) is intended simply to exalt the position of the Aleuadai. Overall, there is a noticeable disparity between the frequency and variety of Pindar's maritime imagery and the infrequency and conventionality of instances with political applications.50\n\nThat disparity is all the more marked if we contrast Pindar's practice with the prominence of political maritime imagery, and of the helmsman in particular, in Attic tragedy. The earliest instance is in Aeschylus' _Persians_ (656), where the chorus says that Darius 'steered the host well'.51 In this case, however, the image suffers no guilt by association with Persian monarchy, as we can see from its use five years later to characterize positively the Theban king Eteocles in _Septem_ , expressing his sense of duty in his own words and his responsibility as seen by others; the figure of the helmsman is complemented by the image of the storm-tossed ship which evokes the danger to the city. The same note of dependence on the helmsman is struck by Jocasta in Sophocles _O.T._ 922\u20133; on the whole, though, the figure of the helmsman, or his position on the helmsman's bench, comes to be used more as a generic expression for monarchic rule.52 Given the risks of seafaring and human fallibility, an awareness of the danger of shipwreck is certainly present in some passages.53 A fragment of Sophocles (683 [ _Phaedra_ ]) alludes in the same way to the dangers to the chariot of state when 'a chattering man with a wicked goad in hand has charge of the city'54 and indeed even the figure of the helmsman is not inherently a positive one: we find it applied to the new regime of Zeus in the _Prometheus_ (149\u201350),55 while in the _Agamemnon_ Aegisthus as the new helmsman looks down with contempt from his bench on the chorus as mere rowers (1617\u201318):56 the distortion of the metaphor into a crude expression of superiority serves only to underline the usurper's lack of kingly qualities. It is not that the figure of the helmsman cannot be used negatively, but that it need not be: in the majority of instances the resonance is at least neutral and generally positive. The explanation is not clear, but it might be suggested that this was a field of imagery where, in contrast to those mentioned earlier (above 112), there was no specifically democratic version in competition:57 it may be that fifth-century Athenians were sufficiently disposed as a maritime people to respond positively to the broad concept of the ship of state that they were able to tolerate the figure of the helmsman, by now firmly entrenched, as an essentially neutral model for leadership.58\n\nThe other key influence on fifth-century political ideology and its expression, democracy, has already been visible in the imagery we have examined so far, though only as the implied antithesis, defined by opposition to monarchy, particularly in its negative forms as tyranny or oriental autocracy.59 When one turns to the positive expression of democratic ideology, this is less immediately conspicuous than one might have expected. We can observe the continued development of constitutionalist thinking in cosmology, in Empedocles' account of the cosmos as ordered by a regular succession of equipollent powers and by 'decrees of the gods' (above 6, 8) and in the similar conception of the body in political terms, in which health is dependent on a balance between the various elements, and the monarchy of any one of them causes disease. This conception first appears in Alcmaeon of Croton (B4), probably in the first half of the fifth century, and is also found in a number of early Hippocratic treatises.60 We should note, however, that the underlying principle here is one of _isonomia_ , a term which indeed is first attested in the Alcmaeon passage, and it is now recognized that the key resonance of that term is precisely constitutionality, as opposed to absolute monarchy: in itself, it is as compatible with oligarchy as democracy.61 The same, I think, can be said of the figuring of the tyrant and (increasingly) of _stasis_ (civil strife) as diseases of the body politic, the symptoms of which will be no less painful in an oligarchy than in democratic Athens.62 We can also locate theorizing like that of Empedocles and Alcmaeon within a broader tendency to think about the cosmos in ever more specific political terms which is exemplified both by the elaboration of the politicized pantheon to embrace assemblies, votes, assessors and the rest of the apparatus of procedure, not to mention an array of personified powers, and by increasingly circumstantial accounts of the process by which the pantheon came to be established.63 In the latter case particularly, the elaboration in 'realistic' contemporary detail credited to Epimenides and Stesimbrotus also demonstrates that, whatever their status in an earlier period, these analogies were by now being used in a thoroughly conscious and calculated way, and the wide geographical spread of this material is also invaluable in demonstrating the currency of this political mode of thought across the Greek world.\n\nThe field of imagery which the Athenian democracy does appear to have made particularly its own is the comparison of the state to a household. I have argued in examining this image in detail (above ch.2) that the Athenians developed this image in two directions: the first articulated the relationship between politicians and the demos at large through analogies with various kinds of service, while the second set out a familial model which substituted for the earlier hierarchical model a relationship based on fictive kinship between the citizens on the one hand and the polis on the other. Given its importance, the evolution of the analogy between house and state is surprisingly difficult to trace in detail: not only is it virtually absent from archaic sources (above 94), but rather than gradually emerging, it materializes in the second half of the fifth century as a virtual commonplace in the terminology of _oikonomia_ , _oikein_ and _dioikein_ (above 25). The rationale for the analogy \u2013 or at least one rationale \u2013 is most clearly expressed in Aristophanes' fantasies of rule by women, _Lysistrata_ and _Ecclesiazusae_ : in both plays, their capacity for competent administration ( _tamieuein_ ) is cited as justification for putting the affairs and resources of Athens in their hands.64\n\nThe language of administration and guardianship appears in other, earlier comic contexts, notably in _Knights_ ,65 and the very scenario of that play, set in the household of a personified Demos, implies a further development in the analogy, the representation of politicians as servants of the demos, even though we have to wait until the fourth century for explicit statements of this ideology.66 Instead, what we have is a further elaboration which critiques the operation in practice of the ideological principle by drawing attention to the shortcomings in the service which the demos receives. Paphlagon, the current favourite servant of old man Demos, who stands for the leading demagogue Cleon, deploys a variety of underhand machinations to maintain his position, in particular a pandering to Demos' desires which reduces him almost to the condition of an invalid.67 In the dramatic scenario, he can only be displaced by a rival who uses the same techniques even more effectively; however, in the final round of the contest, in which the gratification of the demos is literally realized as feeding him, the challenger, the Sausage-seller, reveals the extent to which Paphlagon has been keeping the lion's share of benefits for himself. The charge that politicians starve the people is echoed when Aristophanes compares them to niggardly wine-stewards and likens the demos to agricultural labourers for hire.68 Such imagery not only expresses a belief in the corruption of politicians, but also implies the subordination of the demos, which has to look to them for sustenance and hence has lost the economic autonomy on which genuine freedom depends: indeed, the two elements come together in accusations, especially in the fourth century, that the demos is being tamed like an animal by such techniques.69 There may also be a specific concern with the diversion of the resources of empire from the demos, a preoccupation which is prominent in the agon of _Wasps_ a couple of years later, though the persistence of starvation imagery into the fourth century (and so after the loss of Athens' empire) indicates that this is not an integral element of the concept. Furthermore, the willingness of Demos to accept and indeed encourage this treatment hardly reflects well on him, so while the criticism of comedy is chiefly directed at the politicians, it is certainly not confined to them.70\n\nThere are connections between the figure of the politician as servant and another image which comes into view around the same time, the politician as lover of the demos, since the same words, _therapeuein_ and _therapeia_ ('care [for]') can be applied positively to the activities of both; equally, behaviour designed to court favour can easily slide into, or be represented as, simple gratification or even 'pandering' ( _kolakeia_ ).71 It looks as though the language of erotic love entered Athenian politics in the celebrated passage in Pericles' Funeral Speech of 431\/0 (Thuc. 2.43.1) in which he calls on the Athenians to 'gaze daily on the power of the city and become her lovers ( _erastas gignomenous aut\u00eas_ )'. Interpretation is complicated by uncertainties with the sources: on the one hand, what we have is not a transcript of Pericles' speech but a _post eventum_ version constructed by Thucydides; on the other, the presentation of rival demagogues as lovers of the (personified) Demos is evidently satire, but its precise nature is impossible to grasp with certainty. However, given that we know from Aristotle that Pericles had a gift for striking imagery, it is quite plausible that our metaphor is authentically Periclean, and since we also know of other instances of Cleon aping the language of Pericles, it is by no means impossible that we have here another such case.72\n\nIf this is correct, then this is one of the rare cases when we can not only locate the invention of a new political image precisely in time, but also identify the individual responsible. Pericles' objective in deploying this image has been the subject of much recent debate:73 it seems clear that he seeks to inspire his readers to enter into a positively engaged and personal relationship with the city74 which in some way reflects the dynamics of an idealized homosexual relationship in which reciprocity plays an important part, with the _erast\u00eas_ courting his beloved by appropriate behaviour and offerings, and receiving his reward from the beloved.75 Insofar as such relationships were, or were perceived to be, typically an elite pursuit, the image would function as part of a wider process of assimilating all members of the audience \u2013 and the demos at large \u2013 to the elite and aligning them with its values.76 It might also be seen to function rhetorically by prompting the audience to abandon purely rational calculation and respond to their instincts and to passion,77 and that passion also distinguishes the relationship with the city from the rather different dynamic created by figuring the polis or the land of Attica as a parent (below 155), which implies a more moderate and reflective emotional bond and, though also reciprocal, emphasizes gratitude, duty and the repayment of obligations.78\n\nIn Aristophanes' _Knights_ we find that this image has been taken over and personalized into an individual claim to an intimate and exclusive relationship with the demos: the Paphlagonian and the Sausage-seller present themselves as rivals ( _erast\u00eas_ and _anterast\u00eas_ : 732\u20134; cf. 1163) for the affections of Demos, and court him with a range of techniques designed to win his favour. In a later passage (1340\u20134), the Sausage-seller, now triumphant, makes it clear that they are not the only ones to have deployed this particular appeal, which he now associates with deception (though of course his honest courtship automatically shows up his rivals as frauds). It has been argued that language which expresses an emotional association with the demos in more measured terms, through adjectives such as _philod\u00eamos_ and _misod\u00eamos_ , which first appears in our sources in the 420s, in fact entered Athenian politics at exactly this time, with the ascendancy of Cleon, and might indeed be due to his initiative.79 We cannot be sure that Cleon did in fact claim to be the demos' lover \u2013 the comic poet might be deliberately exaggerating from use of more moderate terminology80 \u2013 though the passage in _Acharnians_ a year earlier which associates the same sort of language with the Thracian king Sitalces81 suggests that it was in the air at this time, so the development is not out of the question for a politician who could style himself 'the watchdog of the people'.82\n\nFurthermore, we should note that while we are desperately short of literary sources for the preceding quarter-century, there are indications in inscriptions that language which evaluated virtue and affection in terms of the interests of the demos was already becoming established around the middle of the fifth century, and it would not be surprising if Pericles' striking turn of phrase itself built on a developing trend in the language of public discourse.83 We should remember, too, that Pericles had not always been the Olympian figure portrayed by Thucydides;84 more generally, this shift in language and ideology is in keeping with the increasing radicalization of the democracy after Ephialtes, and once language in which leaders identified themselves with the interests of the people on both a practical and an affective level became established, one would expect a degree of escalation over time, given the competitive character of leadership at Athens.\n\nIf the image of the 'lover of the demos' could therefore paint for the audience a picture of the politician as utterly devoted to them, it had its attractions for the speaker also: not only did it assert a claim to an exclusive relationship with the demos which, if established, would permanently thwart the efforts of rival leaders, but it may also have allowed him to rationalize his service to the demos in more attractive terms, not as a mere servant, but as an active citizen male writ large, a 'real man' ( _an\u00ear_ ), in the jokey language of comedy.85\n\nElsewhere in fifth-century Athenian imagery the ideological pre-eminence of the demos is by implication more absolute. While the helmsman of the ship of state features widely in tragedy, as we have seen, he does not appear in any other genre. Herodotus can make Miltiades express in his speech to Callimachus before Marathon the fear that _stasis_ may strike Athenian will to resist and shake it apart like a squall falling on a vessel (6.109.5), perhaps locating the threat outside the vessel in response to the immediate threat of Hippias and the Persians and the possibility of a fifth column,86 but that seems to be unique in fifth-century prose. It is revealing, too, that maritime imagery is very thinly spread in comedy: apart from a reference to the ship of state in _Wasps_ which points to its status as a rhetorical commonplace, we find only allusions in _Frogs_ to that ship as storm-tossed, with reference to the upheavals towards the end of the Peloponnesian war.87 Clearly, such language could only be used with a high degree of generality: not even a Pericles would have dared to lay claim to Mao's soubriquet 'The Great Helmsman'.\n\nAgain, the concept of the body politic is firmly established and exemplified in references to its suffering from the sickness of _stasis_ ,88 and here too comedy suggests that it had become commonplace.89 However, outside high poetry the figure of the doctor appears only once, in the argument of Nicias, appealing to the _prytanis_ of the assembly to put the question of the Sicilian expedition to the vote for a second time, that in so doing he 'will be the physician of the city when it has deliberated badly' (Thuc. 6.14). Its uniqueness makes this a more striking metaphor than has often been supposed, and the attribution of such implied authority to an individual, against the ideological trend, stands out as a potentially risky strategy, emphasizing the degree to which Nicias is going out on a limb here in his opposition to the expedition, as with his request, contrary to precedent, for an _anapsephisis_ ; however, that risk may well have been largely defused by the fact that the prytanis is an ordinary man, selected by lot, whose formal standing lasts only for a day,90 and who is therefore in no position to capitalize on any reflected eminence, and the image is then perhaps softened by generalization in the following clause, which implicitly aligns the ethics of office-holding with the Hippocratic principle of helping, or at least not harming.91 By contrast, the imagery with which Alcibiades ripostes (6.18.6\u20137) draws on contemporary medical ideas of mixture and regime, alluding obliquely to the body politic as a unity.92\n\nAnother virtually absent authority figure is the teacher, who appears only in a passage of Sophocles' _Philoctetes_ (385\u20138) which points to the danger that bad teachers may mislead when a city or army belongs entirely to its rulers. It would seem that at this date schools were still not common and the status of teachers was perhaps not high, but the principal explanation must be that the Athenians shared the belief expressed by Simonides that 'the polis teaches a man', as the discussion of civic education in Plato's _Protagoras_ makes plain, and so the role of educator was not to be monopolized by any individual.93\n\nSimilar preoccupations can be seen at work in the use of animal imagery in the period, which in many ways exemplifies the developments I have so far outlined. As we have seen, even in the archaic period a certain ambiguity surrounded lions, for all their majesty, and it comes very much to the fore in the fifth century, especially in the dream of Agariste, the mother of Pericles, that she gave birth to a lion (6.131.2; cf. Plut. _Per_. 3.3).94 What is striking here is precisely that we are given no indication of how to respond to the ambiguity: Herodotus has certainly chosen to include the anecdote, which may well have come to him from the Alcmaeonids, but the way in which he leaves it without comment and followed by a marked pause95 serves if anything to emphasize the way in which he leaves open its implications. That is rather less the case for a later Alcmaeonid lion image: Aeschylus' famous image of the lion's whelp which destroys its owner when full-grown ( _Ag_. 717\u201336) is plainly alluded to in Aristophanes' _Frogs_ 1431 in the mouth of his Aeschylus with reference to Alcibiades, and the advice to tolerate his ways does not undo the implied condemnation of his destructive nature.96 This is not to say that the positive evaluation of lions disappeared: when the Paphlagonian in _Knights_ (1037\u201343) deploys with reference to himself an oracle foretelling that a woman 'will bear a lion in holy Athens', that is obviously intended to reflect favourably on his stature and prowess, though it is also blatantly presumptuous, as is his attempt a few lines later (1051\u20133) to associate himself with the hawk, Apollo's bird, beset by envious crows; while he is presumably aiming to strike a Pindaric tone, the audience is more likely to pick up the connotations of rapacity.97 Bird of prey imagery is acceptable for individuals in tragedy like the two Atreidae in Aeschylus' _Agamemnon_ , who are like vultures at 49 and symbolized by eagles in the portent at 113\u201315,98 but in comedy it should properly be reserved for the Athenian demos at large, in the celebrated oracle which described Athens as an eagle soaring in the clouds.99 The fact that the eagle was thought, rightly or not, to be associated with Persia was no obstacle to its acting as emblem of the imperial city.100\n\nThings are rather different in the case of an important new animal image, the watchdog of the people. Here Aristophanes' persistent canine representation of Cleon \u2013 notably as the Dog in _Wasps_ \u2013 surely confirms what the Paphlagonian's self-identification with a dog in the oracle-contest implies, that this was an image Cleon created for himself.101 Assuming that this is correct, it strengthens the impression we have already gained of a rapid development in the language of politics in this period, and supports the suggestion that Cleon personally played a significant creative role in this. In its workings the image of the watchdog is in fact quite similar to the lover of the people: while accepting a degree of subordination, it lays claim to a special and familiar relationship with the demos which emphasizes loyalty and trust, and adds an additional implication of protection, not so much of the person(s) of the demos as of its assets and interests, which was not otherwise easy to strike in a context of imperial democracy.102 Even though it was wide open to comic distortion in terms of theft, barking or yelping, or even perversion into Cerberus the hound of Hell,103 it evidently retained an appeal for democratic politicians down to the end of the classical period (below 156).\n\nWhile it may have been positive for individual politicians to be represented as dogs, that did not hold true for the demos at large, and when the jurors are compared to dogs trained through hunger by the demagogues to be set on their enemies with a hiss, or the demos as a whole is said to have torn apart like hounds those accused by the demagogues of treason, the implications are the very negative ones that the demos has been tamed by politicians who are able to manipulate it by the establishment of conditioned reflexes, whether by drip-feeding jury-pay or by the use of political slogans, into acting as its masters wish.104 Here the comic use of animal imagery is particularly pointed; elsewhere it offers generic criticism of the demos' intelligence and independence in comparisons to sheep and to cuckoos and bustards, proverbially gullible birds.105 In the same way, comparisons with animals are regularly used to abuse politicians: apart from the mentions of greedy gulls and voracious whales, suggestive of peculation, which we have already noted (above 136n.97),106 there are allusions to various politicians as monkeys which, as well (doubtless) as being satisfy-ingly abusive, suggest the deceit and trickiness of monkeys and a willingness to resort to 'shameless antics and flatteries' to obtain their objectives.107\n\nThe implication of sharp practice also underlies much of the imagery which describes political competition in terms of sport, especially that drawn from wrestling. Such imagery is used several times in _Knights_ to describe the contest between the Paphlagonian and the Sausage-seller: the latter is 'professionally' advised to oil himself so that he can slip out of his opponent's slanders (491\u20132),108 and the chorus speak of his opponent as 'gripped round the middle' (388) and urge their man 'don't let the fellow go, now that he's given you a hold' (841\u20132). Likewise in _Frogs_ the chorus intercedes for those who were 'thrown by Phrynichus' wrestlings ( _palaismasin_ )' and 'slipped' (689\u201390), that is, in the machinations of the oligarchs in 411, and Plato Comicus not only uses _diaklimakisas_ , the technical term for a wrestling move, to refer to the removal of an opponent, presumably political, but associates it with a winning move in the board game _pessoi_.109 The tone is similar when this imagery is used in tragedy: Prometheus anticipates the overthrow of Zeus by a rival wrestler, the implications being of active violence, while in Sophocles 'the wrestling which is good for the city', in other words Oedipus' struggle for the city in seeking Laius' murderer, is implicitly contrasted with the unseemly political battle between him and Creon.110 There may also be an athletic colour to a couple of general references to 'contests': when Otanes withdraws from competition for the throne of Persia he says 'I will not compete with you', while the reference to political struggles as _ag\u00f4nes_ in Thucydides, linked as it is to _stasis_ , suggests more violent rivalry.111 The only exceptions to a specific sporting focus on wrestling, with its violence and chicanery, are two allusions to the track, both referring to oratory: when Eupolis speaks of Pericles outstripping the orators by his rhetorical prowess, like a crack sprinter, he suggests a clean victory on merit; so too in _Knights_ the proposer of a popular motion could easily outstrip his opponents and be gone.112\n\nThe pretensions of politicians, and of Pericles in particular, were also deflated by a series of comic attacks in the form of mythological burlesque which satirized him as 'the Olympian'. It is impossible now to tell whether the label itself was a comic invention mocking his power or aloof demeanour, or a perversion of a more favourable evaluation of his pre-eminence or of his thunderous oratory; although the most prominent figure in these attacks was Cratinus, who seems to have had a particular antipathy to Pericles, the motif is attested for such a wide range of other comic poets that it clearly became common currency, even if it started with him. The personal character of the satire is evident not only in references to the unusual shape of Pericles' head, but also in the way in which his relationship with Aspasia is incorporated in references to her as a divine or mythic consort such as Hera, Helen or Deianeira.113 By contrast, Cleon is depicted as a Typhon or a multiform monster, and the comic poet claims the heroic role of a Heracles for himself, just as Plato Comicus wishes for an Iolaus to cauterize the politicians who grow like Hydra's heads.114\n\nComedy's criticism of politicians and the demos through imagery operates very largely within the normative framework of democracy, functioning as internal critic to police the ideologically appropriate behaviour of either party, and the relationship between them. At other times, however, we can catch echoes of a more thorough-going critique of democracy from a hostile standpoint, notably in the comparison of the demos to elemental forces of nature. This is a field of imagery which goes back to the archaic period but becomes rather more prominent in the fifth century. The comparison of the demos to water is particularly marked: Herodotus has Megabyzus, the Persian advocate for oligarchy in his 'Constitutional Debate', compare the political behaviour of the demos to a river in spate (3.81.2) since it 'rushes into affairs without thought and sweeps things before them', while the Spartan Lampito in _Lysistrata_ terms the demos a 'drain'.115 The comparison of the demos to the sea, stirred by the winds, continues in the anonymous iambic passage quoted above (61), and this equation was to persist in anti-democratic rhetoric in the fourth century.116\n\nThe storm-wind also appears independently in Euripides, associated with 'violent fire' as an elemental force that cannot be controlled while its emotion is raging: one has to run before it until it slackens of its own accord.117 By extension, fire can also describe stasis, which can be fanned by unscrupulous politicians.118 Indeed, it is a moot point whether imagery drawn from the elements as such is ever positive: Agamemnon is associated (though primarily in a domestic context) with thirst-quenching water, shade or warmth in Clytemnestra's hyperbolic and somewhat orientalizing welcome, but none of these evokes the power of the element in question. In Sophocles, Oedipus is said to have acted as a fair wind for Thebes, or supplied her with a fair wind, but while the image is prima facie favourable, given the notorious instability of the wind of fortune, and the fact that from Homer onwards it is the business of the gods to supply fair winds, it is tempting to think that the audience was meant to feel some misgiving, as with other apparently positive imagery associated with him (above 111).119\n\nElsewhere, the character of the demos and its need for control is expressed through comparison with horses. Plutarch reports a comic fragment which describes the effect on the demos of the freedom which Pericles gave it: like a horse, it became insolent and would no longer obey but bit Euboea and jumped on the islands. That control of the demos-horse is desirable is suggested also by a fragment of the sophist and oligarch Antiphon which uses the word _eu\u00eani\u00f4tata_ , 'most obediently to the rein'.120 Both the congruence of all this imagery with elite imagery of the archaic period and its internal consistency are encouragement to believe that what we are hearing is an authentic antidemocratic voice, even when it appears in the context of literature sponsored by the democracy.121\n\nIt is therefore a little surprising to encounter the image of the chariot of state not only in Sophocles (fr.683), where the specific concern is with the risk posed by the bad charioteer, but also in comedy, where we find two passages which foreground the motif of the handing over of the reins: in _Knights_ Demos speaks of handing over 'the reins of the Pnyx' (1109) to whichever suitor treats him better, while in _Ecclesiazusai_ Blepyrus expresses his fear that if the women 'take over the reins of the city' (466) men of his age may be compelled to give sexual favours by law. Since both passages are concerned with a radical change of regime in a context of fantasy, it would be unwise to suppose that the image was unproblematically positive for democrats: we are dealing with scenarios which begin from the existing constitutional regime but solve its problems by recourse to new leadership. It may be that in such contexts the ideological sensitivities of a democratic audience were reduced and they were more receptive to the associations of the image with expert and responsible direction, in rather the same way that, as we have seen, the figure of the helmsman could be positive in contexts which did not relate directly to contemporary politics.122\n\nAthenian political imagery, then, is certainly willing to accommodate images for leaders and politicians but, as we have seen, in doing so it tends to exert fairly firm control over them, as one might expect given the ideological hegemony of the demos.123 It is rather more surprising from the same perspective how much less prominently the community and the demos feature in such imagery: in particular, given the ideological association between Athens' empire, naval power and the radical democracy,124 one might have expected to find a version of the ship of state based specifically on the trireme. In practice, this would seem to have been a case where the accumulated weight of tradition was simply too great to shift: even if such a development was theoretically possible, both the entrenched prominence of the helmsman before the emergence of democracy, and the fact that the detailed model of the ship of state appears to be based on a merchantman militated against it in reality.125 The other possible model from the military sphere, the hoplite phalanx, was more controversial: not only was it essentially at odds with the ideology of radical imperial democracy, but insofar as membership of and identification with hoplites were aligned with more conservative political positions, it could have been perceived as implying a challenge to that ideology:126 some degree of popular antipathy may be suggested by the fact that terms for military leadership are applied to rulers and leaders only in the heroic context of tragedy.127 At the very least, inasmuch as its appeal to the whole community would have been based on extrapolation from the actual experience of a defined minority (as indeed would also have been the case for the putative 'trireme of state'), it must have been a less attractive prospect for Athenian authors.\n\nTowards the end of the century we do encounter some new images which suggest a concern with the constitution and unity of the citizen body. One notable instance is Lysistrata's image drawn from wool-working, which offers a specific application of female domestic expertise to the male world of politics.128 It begins simply on an international level as a proposal to 'disentangle the war' (567\u201370) and then moves with increased complexity to the domestic scene (574\u201386): first the city must be cleaned of sheep-dung, and then the _mochth\u00earoi_ ('scum, riff-raff ') must be beaten out and the burrs removed, the conspirators and office-seeking cliques carded out and their heads (i.e. leaders) plucked off. After this, the common goodwill must be combed into a basket, mixing in everyone, including metics, foreigners, state debtors and Athens' colonies, which are described as scattered scraps from the fleece, and the wool turned into a ball of yarn and woven into a cloak for Demos. Despite the detail, the image is essentially quite general and inclusive: the only groups specifically excluded are anti-democratic political activists \u2013 audience members are left free to identify their own b\u00eates noires as dung and riff-raff \u2013 and the violence implied in their handling is only imaginary, if momentarily gratifying, while the cloak to cover everyone (compare contemporary talk of 'big tent politics') is surely meant to evoke the _peplos_ woven for Athena to which the female semi-chorus will shortly allude in the parabatic debate (642).129\n\nRather different is the coinage image in the concluding stanza of the parabasis of _Frogs_ (718\u201337). This takes its cue not from the dramatic scenario but from recent numismatic history, and is rather more specific in its reference: here a distinction between traditional upper-class political leaders and their arriviste rivals is underlined by a contrast between the genuine and tested silver coinage and the recently issued 'counterfeit' silver-gilded bronze issued as an emergency measure. As well as trading on the widespread idea of bad men as counterfeit, Aristophanes more originally puns on the ruddy colour of the copper to insinuate that the leaders he is disparaging are of foreign birth and servile status.130 Although different in character, the two passages can nevertheless both be seen to respond to the stresses put on the community by the political upheaval which followed the Sicilian disaster, and perhaps specifically the pressures caused by severe loss of manpower.131\n\nSome degree of tension is also implied by Alcibiades' characterization of the body politic in terms of the Hippocratic concept of mixture ( _xugkrathen_ ) in the debate before the Sicilian expedition (6.18.6), which is clearly intended to emphasize unity in a conciliatory manner in response to Nicias' appeal to the older members of the assembly. The idea must have been in circulation for a decade or so, since Euripides made a character speak of 'a _sygkrasis_ (blend)' of rich and poor some time in the 420s;132 what is new here, apart from the blend's consisting of three elements, is the way in which the image is inclusive while clearly not being egalitarian: 'the inferior, the middling and the really rigorous' are evidently not meant to be regarded as on a par with one another, nor as existing in the same proportion in the demos, yet each has by implication something to contribute.133 That tone might encourage us to read Thucydides' judgement on the regime of the Five Thousand, that it was 'a moderate _xugkrasis_ with respect to the few and the many' in the same vein: the image does not have to imply that the regime gave equal rights or power to either side, but it does suggest that by having regard to the interests of both it offered an inclusive solution to the tensions between democrats and oligarchs in 411, if a regrettably short-lived one.134\n\nPerhaps the most clearly articulated image of the community is to be found in Nicias' speech before the decisive battle at Syracuse, where he identifies the city with its men (7.77.7): although this harks back to passages in archaic poetry, it is far from being a clich\u00e9. I suggest that it more specifically evokes the situation of Athens before Salamis, and Themistocles' evocation of the Athenians as a potential new city. Whereas Alcaeus compared fighting men to a city's walls (above 89), Themistocles equated the Athenian fleet of 200 ships with a potential polis and homeland (8.61\u20132, esp. 61.2): given that the Athenians had been forced to evacuate Attica, the future of the polis, whether re-established there or relocated elsewhere, lay in its deracinated population and its fleet in particular. The fact that there is the same antithesis between the sacked city of Athens and the 'safe bulwark ( _herkos asphales_ )' constituted by men suggests both that the sentiment in Herodotus is authentically Themistoclean and that it struck a chord. In Nicias' speech, however, there are no longer any ships, since it comes after the Athenians have been defeated in the Great Harbour of Syracuse and forced to retreat by land, and so the focus is entirely on the men of the expeditionary force, but Nicias' words are surely intended to evoke that earlier isolation of Athens' finest hour, and to underline, not without pathos, how things have changed.135\n\nIf this reading is correct, it strengthens the impression we have already gained from tragedy in particular that the conception of themselves which the Athenians expressed through political imagery was profoundly affected, like so much else, by the experience of the Persian wars.136 Indeed, in a sense that influence comes full circle through the century, as we see the imagery which originally described Greek-barbarian relations increasingly extended to cover relations between Greek poleis.\n\nBy the late fifth century, the imagery of slavery came to be applied to relations between Greek poleis, especially under the Athenian empire, the classic instance being Thucydides' observation in his account of the Pentekontaetia that Naxos 'was enslaved contrary to established practice' (1.98.4): clearly this is not the treatment meted out later to Scione or Melos, cases which became emblematic of Athenian brutality, but something figurative, a constraint on liberty more keenly felt given the development of the concept of freedom by this date.137 Although the image is often found in rhetorical contexts in Thucydides it is also clearly firmly established in his own thought, since it is already found in the 'Archaeology', in the observation that at an early date weaker communities 'submitted to slavery to the stronger ones' (1.8.3) in the pursuit of gain. In the conference at Camarina, Hermocrates uses the language of master and slave of Ionian submission to both Persia and Athens so as to draw a pointed association between the two.138\n\nThe implication that Athens had become a _despot\u00eas_ to rival the King of Persia was underlined by the Peloponnesian War concept of 'the tyrant city'. In what seems to be its original form as anti-Athenian propaganda, this is a natural extrapolation of the imagery of slavery: if Athens is taking away the freedom of other poleis, then she is behaving like a tyrant (or a barbarian monarch), hence the Corinthian denunciation of Athens to representatives of the Peloponnesian League at Sparta as _turannon polin_.139 The dramatic date is 432, though the same image is attributed by Plutarch to the political opponents of Pericles ( _Per_. 12.2) in the context of his building programme, which if authentic would imply that the image was already in use in Athenian domestic politics a decade or two earlier.140 In this context the image is still critical of the empire and congruent with the well-known Athenian ideological antipathy to tyranny as the antithesis of democracy expressed in much of the imagery studied in this chapter.141 A further instructive instance is the object-lesson given by Thrasybulus tyrant of Miletus to Periander tyrant of Corinth by decapitating the tallest ears of corn in a field: although evidently originally aristocratic in origin, in Herodotus' retelling it has come to signify an attack on the whole polis, represented in the image by the economic damage to a productive crop, and the image is used in the same form by Euripides, though combined with the pathos of the plucked flower ( _k_ ' _apol\u00f4tiz\u00eai neous_ ).142 By contrast, when Cambyses' sister-wife makes a similar point about her brother's destructive career as king of Persia by tearing all the leaves off a lettuce, she assigns the damage done to 'the house of Cyrus' (3.32.3\u20134), that is, to the patrimony of the Achaemenids.143\n\nThis consistency in classical Athenian imagery concerning tyrants makes it all the more striking that the figure of the tyrant becomes internalized and almost embraced in debate within Athens about her empire. In Pericles' final speech, he is made to say that Athens' empire is like a tyranny, the acquisition of which is felt to be unjust and which would be dangerous to relinquish (2.63.2). Whether or not one reads the first element as concessive ('whatever the rights and wrongs...'), the second point is, I think, the essential one: Athens has a tiger by the tail and, as Solon said about tyranny (Plut. _Sol_. 14.8), there is no way out. Later speakers in Thucydides are more direct: Cleon makes the identification between empire and tyranny directly (3.37.2), while the Athenian envoy Euphemos equates tyrant and imperial city in their concern for self-interest and security (6.85.1). In each case the principal note struck is one of wary self-interest: the comparison does not necessarily imply a positive evaluation of tyranny, but the use of such a strongly ideologically loaded word to drive home a realistic view of the world is hardly less striking for that.144 In fact, a passage in Aristophanes' _Knights_ does suggest that popular culture in the Archidamian War did find room for a perception of the tyrant's position as enviable: the chorus compliment Demos on his fine _arch\u00ea_ , since all men fear him like a tyrant (1111\u201314), and his rejuvenated self is hailed as king of the Greeks (1330, 1333).145 Here again, to be feared is not necessarily morally good, but it inspires envy and admiration. This passage is also important since it strongly suggests that the image is not simply invented by Thucydides as part of his interpretation of the Athenian empire.146 It may remain debatable whether the Athenians embraced a positive evaluation of the empire as tyranny, but clearly they did not disavow the identification either.147 In its hostile form the image traded on Sparta's reputation as an opponent of tyranny and chimed with Spartan propaganda of liberation before and during the Peloponnesian War;148 perhaps the Athenians responded with a grudging acceptance of the role thus wished on them.\n\nEven if we may doubt whether non-Thucydidean Athenians were quite as blunt as he makes them, or that they ever aired the tyranny comparison except in debate among themselves, we have to accept that they appear to have made no effort to develop any more appealing or affective image for their relationship with their allies and subjects. The same is true of other aspects of that relationship, in which the Athenians appear deliberately to have promoted asymmetry, as in their manipulation of grants of honours so that they were, as far as possible, always donors and never recipients, so denying the allies the satisfaction of conferring _charis_.149 Likewise religion, though it did offer the opportunity of participation, did so in a distinctly unilateral manner, and also served as an expression of Athenian power, particularly in the combination of ceremony and architecture on major ritual occasions.150 Indeed, it has recently been suggested that the self-presentation and self-advertisement of the Athenian empire through visual means is one of the respects in which it draws on the model of Achaemenid Persia; one might add in this context that Achaemenid monarchs strikingly depart from the tradition of imagery in Near Eastern royal inscriptions in favour of direct statement of their prowess and greatness. 151\n\nIn its turn, the Athenian attitude to the presentation of their empire is of a piece with their attitude to democracy: notoriously, there is no explicit statement of democratic ideology in our sources.152 Nor do they seem in the fifth century to have done much to promote democracy by indirect means: the personification of Demokratia does not appear in art until 403, and Demos appears, together with Athena, only in 421\/0, and only twice in the fifth century, in both cases on document reliefs.153 The same is true of Athenian political imagery, as we have seen: there is no image which expresses the centrality of the demos and its power within the Athenian political system, although the character of imagery and its patterns of occurrence are often predicated on its pre-eminence. Perhaps the closest we come to the presentation of ideology through imagery is in the treatment of law, most conspicuously in Aeschylus' _Eumenides_ , where it is compared to pure water which should not be sullied by mud (694\u20135)154 and to a wall or breastwork ( _eruma_ : 701), guard ( _phrour\u00eama_ : 706) and fortress ( _pole\u00f4s phrourion_ : 948); in the same vein Gorgias' Palamedes numbers among his inventions 'written laws, guardians ( _phulakas_ ) of justice'.155 Indeed, by about the turn of the century Law has itself come to have status of a king (above 10).156 The centrality of law and justice to Athenian thinking legitimates ideas of protection which are very largely excluded from the discourse of politicians' relationship with the demos: hence Alcibiades could call himself 'guardian of the constitution' ( _phulax... t\u00eas politeias_ : [Andoc.] 4.16),157 and a sophistic author can even put forward the argument that the rule of a tyrant guards and holds in trust law and justice.158 Furthermore, the democratic system can itself become the basis for imagery: in [Andoc.] 4.7 the speaker calls on his audience to be 'fair and impartial presidents ( _epistatas_ ) over our speeches, and all of you to act as archons concerning them', equating the citizens conducting the ostracism with the magistrates responsible for it, and urging them to accept the same responsibility.159 Aristophanes goes further, invoking Nik\u00ea in terms of factional politics as 'comrade ( _hetaira_ )' who sides with ( _stasiaizei_ ) the chorus against their enemies, though here again it is the activity of politics which forms the basis of the image.160\n\nThe paucity of imagery which expresses the ideals of democracy is, like the absence of any explicit statement of democratic ideology, a puzzle for which it is hard to provide a proper explanation: perhaps the evident success of the system on an everyday level, underlined in the fifth century by the imperial power with which it was natural to associate it, obviated the need to explain or justify it.161 It is also frustrating, doubly so because of the dominance of Athens in our sources: it is difficult to believe that the democracy in, say, Samos would have failed either to articulate its merits or to set them out in the appealing trappings of imagery, and differences in circumstances might have been reflected in presentation. In the fourth century, the ideological entrenchment of the system was even stronger after its resurgence following two episodes of suppression, but we shall see from the picture painted by the imagery of the period that this was not the whole story.\n\n## Notes\n\n1One might expect the link to have been made earlier, given that Persian-sponsored tyrants were a feature of Ionia from the 540s: its absence is most likely to be due to the paucity of contemporary sources for the later sixth century, though the relative lack of personal animus against the tyrants deposed at the beginning of the Ionian Revolt is noteworthy (Hdt. 5.38). For the widespread development of democracy in the last quarter of the sixth century, and very probably in some places earlier than at Athens, see Labarbe (1972), O'Neil (1995), Robinson (1997).\n\n2In classical usage he is usually _basileus_ without the definite article, the ultimate monarch ( _LSJ_ s.v. III).\n\n3In practice the interaction of Greek tyrants with Persia was a complex business: see Austin (1990). Since the Persians tended to work with and adapt the constitutional status quo when they extended their empire (Young 1988, 42\u20133, 103\u20135, Briant 1996, 82\u20133, 87\u201396), subjects in other parts of their empire were not ruled by tyrants, but our classical Greek sources show no awareness of this fact.\n\n4Missiou (1993) argues that _doulos_ essentially renders correctly the implications of Persian _ba(n)daka_ (cf. Cook 1985, 224 n.1), while noting that the terminology was 'ideologically useful to the Greeks' (391); Briant (1996) 507, 524, cf. 335\u20137, 791\u20132 suggests that the choice of _doulos_ as the nearest equivalent to render _ba(n)daka_ brought with it an element of distortion; Tuplin (2007a) 57 points to a Greek desire to 'mock their tormentors' by suggesting that they too were slaves, combined with a tendency to think in terms of polarities, which implies a degree of more wilful misrepresentation, though some Greeks, notably Xenophon, were capable of greater insight (below 157\u20138). Cyrus may style himself 'master' in the Cyrus Cylinder (so Pritchard 1969, 316; Brosius 2000, 10 has 'lord'); also relevant is the issue of whether Evagoras would make terms with Persia as king to King or _doulos_ to _despot\u00eas_ (D.S. 15.8.2\u20133 with Stylianou 1998 _ad loc_.). NB [Arist.] _de Mundo_ 398ab for the Persian king as model of remote supreme majesty.\n\n5It is hard to know how much weight to place on the phrase \u0393\u03b1\u03b4\u03ac\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b4\u03bf\u1f51\u03bb\u03c9\u03b9 in Darius' letter to Gadatas ( _ML_ 12.3\u20134), given the protracted and probably irresoluble debate over its context and authenticity (on which see most recently Tuplin 2009). Even if it is, or derives from, an authentic document of Darius, we cannot know who did the translation or at what date, though the Persian administration certainly contained Greek-speakers: Lewis (1977) 12\u201315.\n\n6Hall (1989) ch.2, esp. 57\u201360, 93\u20138, Goldhill (1988), Harrison (2000) 76\u201391, all with attention _inter alia_ to the language of accountability, on which NB Roberts (1982) 5.\n\n7Note also the phrase _desposunoisin anankais_ ('under the compulsion of masters') a few lines earlier at 587, and the Chorus' invocation of Darius as _despota despotan_ ('master of masters') at 666. Raaflaub (2004) argues that it is precisely at this time that the image of slavery is complemented by that of freedom (58\u2013101, esp. 60\u20135, 100\u20131; contrast 27\u20138).\n\n8On yoke imagery (and related images including hunting and fishing) in this play see Fowler (1967) 3\u20139, Pelling (1997) 6\u20137 and n.21 for further bibliography; Hall (1996) on 50 suggests that the idea was literally presented on stage through Atossa's chariot and Xerxes' wagon, cf. Taplin (1977) 75\u20139.\n\n9Hdt. 9.121; scholarly opinion is divided as to whether the dedication was at Athens or in the Athenian Stoa at Delphi: see Flower and Marincola (2002) _ad loc_.\n\n10 _h\u00eameroun_ : 5.2.2 (authorial), 4.118.5 (speech of the Scythians), 7.5.2 (speech of Mardonius); _hupokuptein_ : 1.130.1, 6.25.2 (authorial), 6.109.3 (speech of Miltiades).\n\n11Hdt. 3.34.2, 35.4, 62.3, 5.105.2, 7.5.2, 9.1, 38.1\u20132, 147.3, 8.68.\u03b11, \u03b21, 88.2, 100.2, 102.2, 118.3, 9.111.3, 5, 116.3; on the resonances of 'master' as against 'king', NB Dickey (1996) 90\u20138. In the same way, Gorgias' Palamedes is made to equate defection to the Trojans with exchanging freedom for slavery (B11a.14).\n\n121.8.3 _bis_ , both in speech (once in the vocative), 11.4 again _bis_ , once in speech and once in the narrative voice and 91.1, attributed in indirect speech to the Delphic oracle.\n\n13Persian 'liberation' from Media: cf. 1.126.3, 127.1, 210.2*, 3.82.5. Otherwise the language of _eleutheria_ is by far most commonly used with reference to Persian subjection (asterisked passages contain an antithesis with _doul-_ language): 4.136.4, 137.1, 139.2, 5.49.2\u20133, 109.2\u20133, 116*, 6.11.2, 109.3*, 6, 7.51.1*, 139.5, 178.2, 8.132.1, 9.45.2\u20133*, 60.1*; in this context, _eleuthero\u00f4_ can mean 'protect against subjection' as well as 'liberate' (7.157.2; cf. Hyp. _Ag. Diondas_ 137v 2, 176v 17, 175r 15 for the same language applied to the Macedonian threat) and _katadoulo\u00f4_ 'allow to be subjected' (8.144.4). _eleutheros_ can also mean 'independent', as at 1.6.3, 3.65.7 (Cambyses speaking of Persia), 7.111.1 (~ _hup\u00eakooi_ ), 8.140\u03b11.\n\n14'Slavery' of Medes: 1.120.5, 129.3\u20134, and cf. 4.118.4, of Persian subjection to the nomadic Scythians (1.103\u20136, 4.1). Again, the image most frequently appears with reference to Greek subjection to Persia: besides passages cited above, 1.164.2, 169.1, 170.2, 174.1, 6.12.3, 44.1, 106.2, 7.102.1, 108.1, 168.1, 235.2, 8.22.1, 142.3, 9.90.2; however, it can also be applied to non-Greeks: 3.19.1 (Carthage escapes it), 88.1 (Arabians escape it), 4.93 (Thracian Getai), 6.45.1 (Brygoi), 7.1.3 (Egypt), 8.116.1 (Bisaltai). The image regularly appears in the mouth of Persians with reference to both individuals and peoples: 7.8\u03b23 (Aristagoras), 9.2, 39.1, 8.100.3, 5, 101.3, 102.2 (Artemisia is the speaker), 9.48.2; particularly striking is the reference to Pelops as slave of Xerxes' ancestors (7.11.4). Clearly Herodotus regards this as part of Persian ideology: it is emblematically expressed in the antithesis between rule and slavery to others in the work's final sentence (9.122.4) and expressed in those terms by the Ethiopian king at 3.21.2; note also the editorial remark that Xerxes' divisional commanders accompanied the expedition 'as slaves like the rest of the troops' (7.96.2), where the focalization seems to be Persian, though many of the editorial instances cited above are more neutral. The outlook is not exclusively Persian: the Royal Scythians are credited with the same perception of all the other Scythians (4.20.1), and note also 1.27.1, where Bias or Pittacus applies the same image to Croesus' treatment of the Ionians.\n\n15 _andrapodiz\u00f4_ and cognates: e.g. 1.161, 3.25.3, 6.19.3, 101.3 (cf. 94.2, 119.1 and 3.147.1), 7.233.2, 8.126.2; note also the specialized term _sag\u00eaneu\u00f4_ (3.149, 6.31) for the Persian 'netting' of islands.\n\n16Further instances at E. _I.A._ 1400\u20131, fr.719 ( _Telephus_ ), Hp. _Aer_. 16.4\u20135, 7, 23.5\u20138: note esp. the claim in the last passage that 'their spirits are enslaved' ( _hai psuchai dedoul\u00f4ntai_ , \u00a77 with Brock 2007, 211\u201312).\n\n17Note also the threat to enslave ( _andrapodizesthai_ ) the Crotoniates (3.137.3) in reprisal which, like the threats to make the sons and daughters of the Ionian rebels into eunuchs and slave-women just before Dionysius' speech (6.9.4), underlines the ideological divide.\n\n18For the argument that this label, like that applied to Cyrus as 'father', is likely to reflect Persian ideology, see Brock (2004a) 174\u20135. The same may be true of the third comparison, the labelling of Darius as _kap\u00ealos_ : the disparagement of his interest in money is in line with Cyrus' appraisal of Greeks trading in the agora (1.153.1\u20132), itself an echo of the horror of dishonesty and debt which Herodotus attributes to the Persians (1.138.1; NB Cyrus' use of retail commerce [ _kap\u00ealeuein_ , 1.155.4] to neutralize the rebellious Lydians); so also Cook (1985) 224.\n\n19We should note, however, that this is editorial commentary which is doubtless also intended to make an ideological point further underlined in the later dialogue between Xerxes and Demaratus, where the antithesis drawn is between freedom and autocracy (102.1, 103.3\u20134, 104.4); the same is true of the speech of the Spartans Sperthias and Boulis to Hydarnes (7.135.3).\n\n20'your land': 7.5.2 (Mardonius), 9.116.3 (Artayktes); 'my land': 1.87.3 (Cyrus), and extended by assimilation to the mythical Proteus in Egypt (2.115.6).\n\n21Hdt. 5.31.4, 6.9.3, 7.194.2, 9.107.1 cf. 8.102.2\u20133, and the same idea may well underlie the reference of Cambyses' sister to 'the house of Cyrus' (3.32.3; below, 124). Cawkwell (1981) 72 suggested a Persian origin, comparing Thuc. 1.129.3, 137.4 and Philochorus _FGrH_ 328 F149; on the Gadatas letter see now Tuplin (2009) 165, and on the Persian realities Briant (1996): 485\u20136. Cambyses can thus regard the Ionians and Aeolians as inherited ( _patr\u00f4oi_ ) slaves (2.1.2).\n\n22The ideology of the king's personal prowess is expressed most clearly in Darius' second inscription at Naq\u0161-e Rustam (DNb; Briant 1996, 226\u201344, esp. 237\u20139); the concept of more than mortal reach is hinted at in DNa \u00a74: 'the spear of a Persian man has gone far... a Persian man has given battle far indeed from Persia' (tr. Brosius 2000). For the presentation of Persian (and other oriental) kings as exceptional, even more than mortal, see above 12.\n\n23fr.9.3\u20134 (above 88, 92). Herodotus could even have had the specific passage in mind, given his knowledge of Solon's poetry (Chiasson 1986) and the fact that Peisistratus is one of the major case-studies of Greek tyranny in his work.\n\n24Athens: 1.62.1, 5.55, 62.1, 2, 63.1, 64.2, 65.5, 78, 91.1, 2, 6.109.3, 6, 123.2, cf. Ar. _Lys_. 1155; Samos: 3.142.4, 143.2; Miletus: 6.5.1; Selinos: 5.46.2. The language of slavery is rarely applied to Greek tyrants in Herodotus, but note 7.154.2 (Hippokrates) and 6.22.1 ('slavery to the Medes and Aiakos'), and allusion to Athenian rescue of the Herakleidai from slavery at the hands of the Myceneans (i.e. Eurystheus: 9.27.2 with 8.142.3). Polycrates: 3.142.3; note the contrast with oriental rulers who are, or try to appear (often through the institution of elaborate ceremonial: 1.98\u2013100) different from their subjects (above, n.22). Athenian military lethargy under a tyrant (5.78) is echoed in the rationale offered by some Greek writers for oriental military inferiority (e.g. Hp. _Aer_. 16.1, 23.5\u20138; cf. Arist. _Pol_. 1285a16\u201329, 1327b20\u201333). It is important to note, however, that the word _despot\u00eas_ is not automatically negative, and can denote legitimate control or ownership, as in Archilochus' allusion to the 'spear-famed masters of Euboea' (3.5; cf. Pi. _P_. 4.52\u20133) or quite commonly of patron deities (e.g. Bacch. 11.117, 13.95, E. _Hcld._ 771\u20132, so also Hdt. 4.127.4 of Scythian Hestia (above), and cf. 1.212.3 (the sun as _despot\u00eas_ of the Massagetae) and Pi. _N_. 1.13, fr.36 (the first of Zeus, the second of Ammon as 'master of Olympus'). See Brock 2006, 213\u201314 for further extensions of figurative mastery; hence Pindar's styling Medea 'mistress of the Colchians' ( _P_. 4.11) may be read as entirely neutral.\n\n25Freedom as absence or rejection of tyranny: 1.62.1, 3.143.2; abdication 'just': Maiandrios (3.142.1); Cadmus of Cos (7.164.1).\n\n26NB Dodds (1960) xliii, Seaford (1996) 47 for tyrannical traits in Pentheus.\n\n27Diggle (OCT) brackets the line, but it is retained by Mastronarde (Teubner) and Craik (1988); Mastronarde (1994) _ad loc_. notes how the context brings out the negative potential in _turannis_ , a term which can be used neutrally in tragedy.\n\n28A. _Cho_. 809, 863, 1046: the 'light of freedom' in the first two passages might be meant to evoke Simonides' description of the Athenian tyrannicides (above 89), though light is one of the important complexes of imagery and symbol in the play: see Garvie (1986) _ad loc._ , also n.43 below.\n\n29Note, too, how the assertion of Kratos that 'only Zeus is free' (50) implies oriental despotism: Griffith (1983) appositely cites E. _Hel_. 276 (above, 108).\n\n30Theseus' view is in line with the fifth-century tendency to read the Hesiodic succession-myth in contemporary political terms (above 4\u20135); with Heracles' response compare the view of Xenophanes (above 98n.37).\n\n31Griffith (1983) 21 gives a good brief summary.\n\n32The contrast with the well-fed trace-horse ( _seiraphoros_ ) is a useful reminder that yoking imagery can refer to co-operative effort: cf. the comparison of Odysseus to a loyal _seiraphoros_ in this play at 842 and the description of the Atreidae as 'the two-throned yoke' at 44 and, more generally, Cimon's famous image of Athens and Sparta as yoke-mates, recorded by Ion of Chios (Plut. _Cim_. 16.10 = Ion _FGrH_ 392 F14 = fr.107* Leurini).\n\n33Compare the attitude of Menelaus, that at least he can control a dead Ajax (1067\u20139), where _pareuthunontes_ might possibly evoke control of animals, though it most probably refers to a child (Stanford 1963 _ad loc._ ; Garvie 1998 offers both possibilities); NB Stanford (1963) xlv\u2013xlix and n.64 for the 'lowering of tone' in these scenes. On Creon's imagery of animal taming NB Goheen (1951) 26\u201335, though he reads it as suggestive rather than straightforwardly negative. Also worth noting is the word _zeuxile\u00f4s_ , cited from Sophocles (fr.133.6) by the lexicographers, who gloss the word as 'yoker of the people' or 'he beneath whom the peoples are yoked' (Hsch. \u03b6127, Sud. \u03b636): since the play in question was the _Andromeda_ , it seems likely that the expression was used of a non-Greek ruler (NB _t\u00f4i Lubik\u00f4i_ in l.7 and cf. n.121 below).\n\n34Oedipus: S. _OT_ 1, cf. 6, 58, 142, and for the problems of interpretation in this opening scene see above 39n.32. Darius: A. _Pers_. 664 = 671; Atossa: A. _Pers_. 215; Croesus: Hdt. 1.155.1\u20132; Cyrus: Hdt. 3.89.3; fuller discussion above, 30\u20131, and on the king as father in Homer see 83. One possible use in a Greek context is Pi. fr.105, on which see 30 and below.\n\n35Indeed, this is one of the earliest medical images to feature the doctor: contrast the approach expected of Arkesilas by Pindar a few years earlier in _Pythian_ 4.270\u20131; fuller discussion at 75 above.\n\n36As with 'murderer' in the previous line, the hyperbolic expression also undermines the charge (though Aeschines [2.253] uses _l\u00east\u00eas_ of Demosthenes' monopolization of politics \u2013 an actor's unconscious reminiscence?). Given the echoes of archaic poetry, this may be one of those contexts in which the ambiguities of _turannos_ \/ _-is_ are in play: 'who is more like a tyrant here?' On the association between tyrants and the use of nets for hunting or fishing, see above 101n.64.\n\n37Braund (2000) explores the complexities of the fifth-century Athenian relationship with monarchy.\n\n38Plays involving 'good kings', on the other hand, often (though not invariably) highlight the king's constitutionality, as with the Argive Pelasgus in Aeschylus' _Suppliants_ and Demophon in Euripides' _Heracleidae_ , or seek to accommodate it within a democratic framework, as in the case of Theseus in Euripides' _Suppliants_ ; Easterling (1997) 34\u20135 highlights the 'subtle indeterminacy' (34) in Sophocles' construction of a 'democratic' king Theseus in _O.C_.\n\n39For the contrast with the ship of state see below, and more generally 117, 121.\n\n40Hornblower (2006) discusses Pindar's ideas about monarchy and their later influence; there is also Bacchylides, whose political imagery is extremely sparse.\n\n41Father: fr.105, _P._ 3.71; steward: _P_. 1.88, and also of the Libyan king Battus at _P_. 5.62: above, 26.\n\n42As Gildersleeve (1907) rightly noted _ad loc_.\n\n43Bulwark: Theron of Akragas ( _O._ 2.6; above 89); light: Xenocrates, Theron's brother ( _I_. 2.17, above 100n.49) and Arkesilas of Cyrene, on one reading of _P._ 4.270 (e.g. the translations of Bowra, Farnell, Lattimore, Sandys; _contra_ , Braswell 1988 _ad loc._ ); otherwise of Agamemnon at A. _Ag_. 522\u20133, E. _Hec_. 841; eagle: Arkesilas of Cyrene ( _P_. 5.111\u201312), the comparison being specifically in regard to boldness.\n\n44Pindar alludes to gentler methods of healing such as incantation alongside surgery at _P._ 3.47\u201353 (and cf. _N._ 3.55 for gentleness in medicine): for discussion see Hornblower (2004) 67\u201371, though he is doubtful whether Pindar was personally committed to such methods of healing the body politic.\n\n45For the historical context see Carey (1980), Braswell (1988) 1\u20136.\n\n46Braswell (1988) 361 argues for a more limited reference to Damophilos, Carey (1980) 145, 151\u20132 for possible reference to the city as well; both agree that the image evokes Homeric comparisons of fallen warriors to felled trees. Silk (1974) 144\u20135 comments on the gradual intrusion of the underlying personal reference into the allegory, which adds 'emotive nuance'.\n\n47Braswell (1988) on 273 argues that _epi ch\u00f4ras autis hessai_ could mean either 'set in place again' or 'put on an even keel again', thus linking the two conceptions.\n\n48Carey (1980) 148, notes that the feigned plea is dramatic and avoids servility; Braswell (1988) 5\u20136.\n\n49Hornblower (2006) 156 observes that Pindar does not praise one-man rule uncritically, and appears to celebrate its fall in _Olympian_ 12, which begins with an invocation of Zeus Eleutherios, probably alluding to the freeing of Himera from the tyrant Thrasydaios, and perhaps to the later fall of the Deinomenids (Barrett 1973; Raaflaub 2004, 61, 89\u201390, 106 is more equivocal); _eleutheria_ is likewise associated with constitutional government, as opposed to tyranny, in _P_. 1.61\u20132: Raaflaub (2004) 90, 205\u20136. In Pindar's advice to 'bear lightly the yoke on the neck' and not 'kick against the goad' ( _P_. 2.93\u20136) the yoke and goad are not to be associated with tyranny (Catenacci 1991; above 99n.43), but rather emphasize his counsel of ' _willing_ acquiescence in the laws of the universe' (Carey 1981 _ad loc._ ), and is to be aligned with the use of yoke imagery for divine will or fate, as at _hDem._ 216\u201317 with Richardson (1974) _ad loc._ , who compares the Pindar passage; cf. E. _Ba_. 795 with Dodds (1960) _ad loc_. for additional parallels, inc. _Acts_ 26.14 (whence our 'do not kick against the pricks') and Fr\u00e4nkel 1950 on A. _Ag_ 218 for the 'yoke of _anagk\u00ea_ '. Very similar is the acceptance of service or slavery to the gods, which the disparity in power between mortals and divinities makes inevitable: Brock (2007) 215. Such passages make it clear that while the yoke and goad may be commonly associated with punishment and servitude (Allen 2000, 86\u20137, and cf. Griffith 1983 on [A.] _PV_ 108), this is not automatically the case.\n\n50On Pindar's maritime imagery see P\u00e9ron (1974), who discusses these passages at 110\u201313: _Pythian_ 10 is an early poem, from 498 BC\n\n51By means of the sail, strictly speaking (above 64n.22), but the implication is the same: this and other passages cited below are discussed more fully above, 55\u20136.\n\n52Eteocles: A. _Th_. 2\u20133, 208\u201310 (duty), 62\u20134, 652 (responsibility); Kirkwood (1969) argues that he is vindicated as helmsman, since Thebes is preserved, despite the disastrous outcome for the house of Labdacus. Later helmsmen: S. _Ant_. 994, E. _Supp_. 473\u20134, 879\u201380 and cf. the bow-watcher in S. fr.524 ( _Polyxena_ ); helmsman's bench: E. _Ion_ 595, _Pho_.74\u20135 and cf. A. _Supp_. 345.\n\n53E.g. S. _Ant_. 994, E. _Supp._ 879\u201380, and cf. also the implied wrecking of the ship of state at 507\u20139 noted by Radt (1970) 345: the _locus classicus_ is Plato's elaboration of the image in the _Republic_ (488a\u20139a; 58 above). In a related passage in E. _Andr_. 471\u20135, 479\u201382 images from monarchy and seafaring are used in parallel to illustrate the argument that divided authority is undesirable.\n\n54Though _k\u00f4tilos_ , 'chattering' or 'persuasive', suggests a politician, in line with other fifth-century use of the image (below 121).\n\n55The thought may be influenced by imagery of Zeus and other cosmic helmsmen: Griffith (1983) _ad loc._ , A. _Ag_. 182 with Fr\u00e4nkel (1950) _ad loc_. and above, 64n.31.\n\n56For the interpretation see Fr\u00e4nkel (1950) _ad loc_.\n\n57There was (e.g.) no 'trireme of state' (above 59\u201360).\n\n58Hence in due course it could be applied to democratic politicians (below, 156).\n\n59The idea of Greek, and especially Athenian democratic, self-definition through polarity in reaction to an 'Other' is well-established: see in particular Hall (1989) on tragedy and Hartog (1988) for Herodotus.\n\n60Alcmaeon B4 with Ostwald (1969) 96\u2013106; see 97\u20139 for Alcmaeon's dates, and NB above 20n.65, 81n.45; Hp. _Nat.Hom_. 4.2, _VM_ 16.1, 8; in the Hippocratics as in Alcmaeon the elements are commonly referred to as _dynameis_ or said to 'hold power' ( _dunasteuein_ ): Brock (2006) 353\u20135. Not all medical writers accepted this model: the author of _Breaths_ exalts Air as a _dunast\u00eas_ ( _Flat_. 3, 15), while in _Regimen_ Fire is described as controlling and 'steering' ( _kubernai_ ) everything ( _Vict_. 10), albeit within a broadly constitutionalist framework: Brock (2006) 356.\n\n61E.g. Raaflaub (1996), esp. 143\u20135, 153; _isonomia_ is praised in the aristocratic sympotic context of the Athenian _skolia_ ( _PMG_ 893, 896) and associated with moderate oligarchy at Thebes in Thuc. 3.62.3.\n\n62Herodotus speaks of oligarchic Miletus in the mid-sixth century as 'gravely sick with _stasis_ ' (5.28) and even of affairs being 'swollen' in Persia around the time of the overthrow of the usurping Magi by Darius and his co-conspirators (3.76.2, 127.1; above 77n.8); NB nn.86, 88 below.\n\n63For the politics of Olympus see above, 6\u20138; for the politicized succession-myth, 4\u20135.\n\n64Ar. _Lys._ 493\u20135, _Eccl_. 210\u201312, cf. 600; Henderson (1987) _ad loc_. draws attention to the extent of economically productive activity in the _oikos_ (on which NB also Brock 1994): one important aspect of this, wool-working, is itself made the basis of a political analogy at _Lys_. 567\u201386.\n\n65 _ouk eti emoi tamiueseis_ ('you shall no longer be my steward'): _Eq_. 947\u20138; _epitrep\u00f4_ \/ _epitropos_ : _Eq_. 212, 426, 949, 1098, 1259; for the ambiguities of this language see above, 27.\n\n66Above 26\u20138; the dearth of fifth-century oratory from domestic political contexts must be an important factor. On the domestic allegory in _Knights_ see above, 26\u20138.\n\n67His identity becomes clear with the mention of leather-tanning (Cleon's business) at 44 and the succeeding character sketch: his name could be due to a pun on _paphlaz\u00f4_ ('boil', 'bluster': 919) and\/or the contemporary prominence of a Paphlagonian eunuch at the Persian court (Lewis 1977, 21). Machinations: 46\u201370; for his nurse-like services see above 28 and n.19. On flattery cf. n.71 below, and for the blurred line between _therapeia_ and _kolakeia_ , above 28\u20139 and below 155; _therapeuein_ (59, 799, 1261) is the _mot juste_ for courting political favour (Neil 1901 on _Eq_. 59, Thuc. 1.9.2, Isoc. 2.16, 9.46) as well as a lover's devotions (Pl. _Smp_. 184c4).\n\n68Meal scene: _Eq_. 1151\u20131226, especially the revelation at 1211\u201323; compare fr.699 (wine-stewards), _Vesp_. 712 (olive-pickers), above 28; _krousid\u00eamon_ in _Eq_. 859 also carries implications of giving short measure (Neil 1901 _ad loc_.). In _Eq_. 213\u20136, the Sausage-seller's trade is applied to his prospective new career in politics, which is described in terms of cooking: apart from puns on _d\u00eamos_ , which can also mean 'fat' (cf. _Vesp_. 40\u20131), and _hupoglukain\u00f4n_ ('sweetening'), the principal idea is that of stirring things up (214\u20135, cf. _kirnantes_ in fr.699 and, for the motif, 66, 251, 309\u201310, 358, 363, 431, 692, 840, 902, _Pax_ 654), also alluded to in the reference to Cleon as a pestle and mortar ( _Eq_. 982\u20134 cf. _Pax_ 265\u201370) and the comparison with fishing for eels ( _Eq_. 864\u20137; for mud cf. 309): NB nn.118, 154 below. Wilkins (2000) 196\u20137 notes implications of violence in _Eq._ 213\u201316; NB more generally 173\u2013201 on the theme of food in the play.\n\n69On the character and ideology of hired labour in classical Athens see de Ste Croix (1981) 114\u201317, 179\u201386, Cartledge (1993) 148\u20139, Cohen (2002) 100\u20131 (all with further bibliography); see also above 29 and below 119.\n\n70Hesk (2000b) 289\u201391, Scholtz (2007) 59\u201370 on 1111f.; the same might be said to a lesser extent of _Wasps_ (so Sommerstein 1983, xvi\u2013xviii); the implication that the demos is behaving immorally is less typical of oratory, which focuses mainly on judgment and responsibility.\n\n71Cf. n.67 above and references there; on flattery in _Knights_ see also Scholtz (2007) 54\u20139, esp. 55 n.43 for parallels with the Flatterer in Theophrastus' _Characters_ (plucking out grey hairs, offering a cushion).\n\n72Periclean imagery: Arist. _Rh_. 1365a30\u201333, 1407a2\u20136, 1411a2\u20134, 15\u201316; since Pericles left no written speeches, these striking phrases must have survived through oral tradition. For this possibility NB Gomme in Gomme, Andrewes and Dover (1945\u201381) on 2.43.1, and _id_. on 3.40.4, for 'Cleon's borrowings from Perikles in Thucydides', also Hornblower (1991\u20132008) on 2.43.1 and 61.2; more generally, Connor (1971) 119\u201334, esp. 119\u201322, and cf. 97 n.14; Cairns (1982) 203.\n\n73Monoson (1994), Wohl (2002) 30\u201372, Ludwig (2002), esp. 319\u201376, Scholtz (2007) 21\u201342.\n\n74Formally speaking, _aut\u00eas_ could refer either to the city or its power, both being feminine singular nouns, and recent commentators have tended to regards both senses as being in play together (Wohl 2002, 57 and n.61; Scholtz 2007, 38), but the dynamic would be rather different in the two cases: since power is essentially abstract, the desire would presumably be simply to possess it, as in Hdt. 3.53.4, where tyranny is said to have many _erastai_ in a sharpening of the common use of the verb _eran_ of the desire or lust for tyranny (e.g. 1.96.2, 5.32; E. _HF_ 65\u20136, _Rhes_. 166, fr.850 [ _er\u00f4s_ ] \u2013 cf. the chorus' denunciation of Bdelycleon as _monarchias erasta_ in Ar. _Vesp_. 474 and NB n.83 below, also 184n.117 for Pl. Ep.8 354c4 (hunger)); the personified polis much more readily suggests a personal and affective relationship.\n\n75So Monoson (1994), 254, 262\u20135 and especially 267\u20139: she highlights the motif of the _kalliston eranon_ ('fairest contribution') of death in battle, but emphasizes that this is not the only possible service to the city as beloved (cf. Ludwig 2002, 165\u20137 on the liberality released by _er\u00f4s_ for the Sicilian expedition), and that the city's desire for it is properly controlled. Wohl (2002) 55\u201362 lays much more emphasis on death in battle as ideal, despite _asphalesteron_ in 2.43.1, while Ludwig (2002) 335\u20138 links the desire for honourable death with the self-regarding desire to be loved by the beloved. Wohl denies that the colouring of the implied relationship is necessarily homosexual (2002, 63 n.73), but that surely better suits the idea of romantic love in this period, and also implies a more equal relationship between the parties, as opposed to the perceived subordination of female to male: Rosen (1997) has some illuminating discussion of the implication for power relationships of figuring poleis as female. On this view, the polis becomes ambiguous in gender (Rosen 1997, 166 notes that 'the Athenian polis in literary sources... seems to transcend gender categories'), though on either reading the members of Pericles' audience occupy the position of the sexually dominant adult male citizen (Monoson 1994, 255\u20137 with references there). Demos is normally portrayed as a mature bearded male ( _LIMC_ s.v. nos. 43\u20136, 53\u20136), though in the earliest instance (no.42, of 421\/0) he is youthful, while Demokratia, like Athena, is female (but not attested before 403: _LIMC_ s.v., Commentary). The female identity of Athens could be used disparagingly: Plutarch tells us that Pericles' enemies decried his building programme as dressing up the city like a vain and pretentious woman ( _Per_. 12.2).\n\n76Hubbard (1998) argues strongly for the centrality of class dynamics in Athenian homosexuality, though this has been challenged, at least for the later fourth century, by Fisher (2001) 58\u201362. For Pericles' rhetorical strategy, see (e.g.) Loraux (1986) 180\u201392, Wohl (2002) 36\u201346; Monoson (1994) 257\u20138, 269 also plays up the inclusiveness of the image.\n\n77Scholtz (2007) 37\u201342; Wohl (2002) 62\u201372 argues that the Athenians are supposed to fall in love with Pericles himself.\n\n78Cf. Ludwig (2002) 333; Monoson (1994) 266 notes the absence of the parent motif from Pericles' speech.\n\n79Connor (1971) 99\u2013108; further references in Brock (1991) 165 n.25: such language is prominent in those speeches of Lysias which rake over the events of 411 and the r\u00e9gime of the Thirty such as those against Agoratus (13. 1, 10, 13, 93) and for Polystratus (20. 2, 8, 9, 17, 19, 20, 27 cf. 12.49 [Eratosthenes]; 25.7 [Subverting the Constitution]; 31.18 [Philon]). It is interesting, too, that Thucydides puts such an expression in the mouth of his Sicilian demagogue Athenagoras in a speech which contains the most explicit statement of democratic ideals in the work (6.36.1).\n\n80Scholtz (2007) 46\u201351 notes that in oratory such language is always attributed to a speaker's opponents, and canvasses the idea (51 n.33) that it may be precisely such critiques by Cleon which are parodied here.\n\n81He writes ' _Ath\u00eanaioi kaloi_ ', i.e. 'I fancy Athens' on the walls: 143\u20134 with Olson (2002) for the derivation from homosexual amatory language.\n\n82Below 118. There are further hints that Cleon had a memorable turn of phrase: the word _gerontagogein_ ('tend in old age') is used in _Eq_. 1099 with reference to the Sausage-seller's care of Demos in a line derived from a fragment of Sophocles (fr.487 [ _Peleus_ ]); it is an intriguing coincidence that apart from another Sophoclean passage ( _O.C_. 348), it is only attested from a comic fragment attacking Cleon ( _Com. Adesp_. fr.740) which is twice cited by Plutarch ( _Nic_. 2.3, _Mor_. 807A): could these passages go back to an actual event, perhaps an injudicious off-the-record remark? Another such coincidence is the association of the verb _ephoran_ ('watch over') with Cleon in _Knights_ 75 and Eupolis fr.316.1; cf. the Paphlagonian's claim not to miss anything that happens in the polis at _Eq_. 862\u20133, which elsewhere he is made to elaborate with recherch\u00e9 metaphors from woodworking (461\u20133 with Neil 1901). An additional complicating factor is the pin-up status at this time, reflected in the joke at _Vesp_. 97\u20139 (with MacDowell [1971] _ad loc._ ), of the real-life Demos, the son of Pyrilampes, on whom see also Cartledge (1990): it is probably he, rather than the personified demos, who was represented on stage (Eup. fr.346) as rebuking a matchmaker for recommending base suitors (so KA _ad loc._ ; contra, Nightingale 1995, 188 n.44).\n\n83Whitehead (1993) 43\u20137, citing _IG_ I3 17 for the Sigeians, traditionally dated to 451\/0; for the parallel development of the language of virtue 'towards the people\/polis', see Brock (1991) 164. However, there is a growing body of opinion that this inscription should be down-dated to some time in the Peloponnesian War: most recently Rhodes (2008) 501, 504 [418\/7(?)]; Papazarkadas (2009) 77 [407\/6]. If that is accepted, the earliest document cited by Whitehead (44 n.24) in which the formula 'good man\/ men towards the demos\/polis of the Athenians' is reliably attested is _IG_ I3 65, of 427\/6 (it is restored in _IG_ I3 43, of c.435\u201327). However, we should note that the oath prescribed for the Colophonians in the Athenian settlement for Colophon contains the clause 'I will love th[e demos of the Athenians]' ( _IG_ I3 37.47); the conventional date is 447\/6, maintained by Rhodes (2008) 501, 505, though Papazarkadas (2009) 70 again favours a lower date, 427\/6. It is attractive to associate the striking and I think unparalleled language with what we take to be Cleon's, and place the decree during his ascendancy; indeed, by systematic down-dating we could link all this language together as a single movement in the 420s, but on balance it still seems plausible that it was a development which gathered pace gradually. Recent commentators on Thuc. 2.43.1 draw attention to A. _Eum_. 852 with Sommerstein (1989), though there is a big difference between the broad language of desire in the verb _eran_ (cf. E. _Pho_. 359, where Mastronarde 1994 sees homesickness as the key element, and NB Nielsen 2004, 57 n.55 for the _patris_ as object of love) and the metaphor of the _erast\u00eas_ (above n.74): the grammatical variation defamiliarizes the expression, as also with _phileso_ for _philos esomai_ in the Colophon decree. We should also note that Thucydides makes Pericles call himself _philopolis_ (2.60.5), if that is not an anachronism. On the history of the language of _er\u00f4s_ see Ludwig (2002) 121\u201353; note also Yatromanolakis (2005), who traces the language of affection and desire for the polis back to Homer and down to Aelius Aristides' love affair with Smyrna. Philodemos appears as a personal name at Athens as early as 530\u201320 BC ( _LGPN_ II s.v. = _IG_ I3 1255) and a further half-dozen times in the fifth century.\n\n84 _Ath. Pol_. 28.2 makes him leader of the demos, opposed by Thucydides son of Melesias, the leader of those variously labelled 'well-born' ( _eugeneis_ ), 'distinguished' ( _gn\u00f4rimoi_ ) and 'prosperous' ( _euporoi_ ); Connor (1971) 119\u201328 has a good discussion of Pericles as proto-demagogue.\n\n85 _Eq_. 179, 392, 1255, picked up tongue-in-cheek in Pl. _Smp_. 192a; Socrates takes issue with the 'manliness' of politics at _Grg_ 500c (see Dodds 1959 _ad loc_.). It should be noted that this sense of _an\u00ear_ is not confined to politics ( _LSJ_ s.v. IV) nor within politics to democracy (Hdt. 3.134.2, X. _Cyr_. 5.5.33 [monarchy]; Thphr. _Char_. 26.2 [oligarchy]); Gov. Schwarzenegger's mockery of opponents as 'girlie-men' shows that the discourse remains current in contemporary politics. Recent scholarship has tended to be preoccupied by the implications of the demagogue's active status; Wohl's psychoanalytic reading focuses on the sexual aspects in a somewhat lurid manner: (2002) 80\u201392; also Monoson (1994) 255\u20137, 269\u201370, Scholtz (2007) 43\u20134, 51\u20139.\n\n86In the next sentence the word _sathron_ might continue the image with an implicit reference to 'something rotten' in the fabric of the ship of state, but more probably involves a slide into the related image of the body politic (in either case with a further implication of moral corruption): above, 78n.16. For a couple of possible rather general characterizations of the polis as ship in Thucydides, see Smith (1918) 246.\n\n87Ar. _Vesp._ 29, _Ran_. 361, 704; above 57.\n\n88In prose, besides Hdt. 5.28 (above n.62), note also his use of the language of 'health' to denote loyalty to the Greek cause in 480 (6.100.2, and perhaps 109.5 [above n. 86], 7.157.2). Thucydides attributes to Thasian oligarchs in 411 a perception of the oligarchy sponsored by the Athenian revolutionaries as 'festering' ( _hupoulou_ ), i.e. unsound or phoney (8.64.5).\n\n89Bdelycleon begins his speech in the agon of _Wasps_ with the mock-formal exordium 'it is hard... to heal a long-standing disease which has become innate in the city' (650\u20131): the reference is presumably to a mania for judging not unique to Philocleon (so Sommerstein 1983 _ad loc_.; NB previous attempts to cure him at 118\u201324) rather than to the jury system.\n\n90Like Socrates at the trial of the generals after Arginusae (X. _HG_ 1.7.15 with Krentz (1989) _ad loc._ , _Mem_. 1.1.18, 4.4.2; Pl. _Ap_. 32b, _Grg_. 473e\u20134a), though the _prytanis_ here remains anonymous.\n\n91NB Hornblower (1991\u20132008) III 337; Rechenauer (1991) 352\u20133 provides further Hippocratic parallels.\n\n92Above 81n.44.\n\n93On schooling at Athens see Beck (1964) 72\u2013141, esp. 72\u201380 (development to the end of the fifth century) and 111\u201314 (status of _grammatist\u00eas_ ); Simon. fr.90W, Pl. _Prot_. 322d\u20133a, 327e\u20138a; inasmuch as Protagoras hailed from Abdera, not Athens, we might infer that this view of education was more generally accepted in Greece, though Socrates directly challenges it at Pl. _Ap_. 24c\u20135c. Just as Protagoras compares the laws themselves as models of behaviour to outline letters (Pl. _Prot_. 326cd), they are described as 'guide-lines of just...' ( _kanones tou dik_...) in what is either a political pamphlet or comic fragment of the later fifth or early fourth century ( _PHeid_. 182 [Gigante 1957] = _Com. Adesp_. fr.1094, lines 15\u201317).\n\nAlthough craft analogies are, as we have seen, largely absent from fifth-century Athens, kingship is itself represented as the highest craft ( _techn\u00ea_ ) at S. _OT_ 380, _Phil_. 138 (with Webster 1970). Otherwise, there is Gorgias' obscure joke (A19) that the _d\u00eamiourgoi_ were makers of Larissaeans, presumably a pun on the two senses of the word, 'magistrate' and 'craftsman', and perhaps alluding to some particular political context which now eludes us; the 'crafters of citizens ( _t\u00f4n polit\u00f4n... d\u00eamiourgoi)_ in an anonymous comic fragment _(Com. Adesp._ fr.245 _)_ are generally taken to be poets, a more original variation on the common identification of poets as teachers.\n\n94Of which a striking diversity of views have been taken, from strongly positive (Dyson 1929) to equally strongly negative (most recently, McNellan 1997); for a judiciously guarded evaluation, see Thomas (1989) 270\u20132. By contrast, the dream of Philip II that he sealed Olympias' womb with a seal bearing the device of a lion (Plut. _Alex._ 2.4) evokes Achilles and Heracles, both ancestors of Alexander: Hamilton (1969) _ad loc_.\n\n95For this concept NB Brock (2003) 7 and n.11.\n\n96Cp. Plut. _Alc_. 16.2\u20133, and 2.2\u20133 for Alcibiades biting 'like a lion'; the reference of Callicles, a rather similar figure, to the taming of lion cubs at Plato _Grg._ 483e may hint at some sort of historical association lurking in the background.\n\n97He evokes envious crows in an earlier mock-oracle at 1020; in Pindar they appear at _O_. 2.86\u20138, _N_. 3.82. For the rapacity of the hawk NB Hes. _Op_. 203\u201312 (above 84), Pl. _Phd_. 82a and Epicrates fr.2.4; Cleon\/Paphlagon is likewise identified with a greedy gull (our 'gannet') at _Nub_. 591 and _Eq_. 956 (by implication, though the reference is then diverted against Cleonymus) and a voracious whale at _Vesp._ 35.\n\n98The sinister implications of the portent do not oblige us to take a negative view of the eagles themselves, which remain regal birds (Plato has Agamemnon reincarnated as an eagle in the myth of Er: _R_. 620b), as (despite northern prejudice) are vultures (which in fact were not always clearly distinguished by the Greeks from other large raptors: Arnott 2007 s.v. Aigypios): compare the Homeric similes at _Il._ 16.428\u201330 and _Od_. 16.216\u201318 cited by Fraenkel (1950) _ad loc_.; indeed, Homeric influence is likely to be a factor here, as also on oracular language. In the fifteenth-century _Boke of St Albans_ , vultures were ranked above eagles in the falconry hierarchy, to be flown only by emperors. Bird of prey imagery later in the trilogy certainly enhances the status of those to whom it is applied: the description of Orestes and Electra as 'children of the eagle-father' ( _Cho_. 247, 258\u20139) is part of the rehabilitation of Agamemnon after his death, though the picture is complicated by patterns of imagery, particularly that of the eagle and snake, the latter not being automatically negative (applied to Orestes at _Cho_. 549\u201350, 928 ~ 249, 1047; Lebeck 1971, 13\u20136, Garvie 1986 on 249).\n\n99At _Eq_. 1011\u20132 Demos asks for 'the one about me which I enjoy, how I'll become an eagle in the clouds', though the Paphlagonian only abandons self-glorification and deploys it at 1086\u20137; it is also mentioned in fr.241 ( _Daital\u00eas_ ) and _Av_. 977\u20139, where the oracle-seller tries to offer a version to Peisetairos for the new city of the birds (useful note in Dunbar 1995 _ad loc_.); Parke and Wormell (1956) nr.112 give the text and testimonia.\n\n100In A. _Pers_. 205\u201310 the eagle as symbol of Persia is put to flight by the hawk: Harrison (2000) 74 and n.50; for the association in later thought between its keen eyesight and the ability to withstand the light of the sun, see Goodenough (1928) 82\u20133. Another Persian symbol, the 'king bee', is applied to Xerxes in _Pers._ 126\u20139: for discussion see below, 160.\n\n101For the Dog in _Wasps_ (891\u2013930) see esp. 895 (with MacDowell 1971), where he is assigned to Cleon's deme, Kydathenaion; in _Knights_ note especially 1017\u20139, 1023\u20134.\n\n102There may by contrast be an ironic reference to Hyperbolus as a makeshift shield in _Peace_ 686 (so _LSJ_ s.v. \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03b6\u03ce\u03bd\u03bd\u03c5\u03bc\u03b9: ' _put_ him _on_ as a defence', though Olson (1998) takes the passage to refer to dress, 'as if Hyperbolus were an odd bit of cloth, snatched up in an emergency'. For the watchdog as 'protective yet subservient' see Christ (1998) 149\u201350. On the resonances of the word _prostates_ see below, n.127; otherwise fifth-century politicians are restricted to claiming to defend ideals and values such as the constitution (below 125): contrast Aristotle's presentation in the fourth century of monarchs as guards ( _phulakes_ ) of property ( _Pol_. 1310b40\u201311a1, 1314b17).\n\n103Theft: Ar. _Eq._ 1025\u20136, 1031\u20134, _Vesp._ 904, 914, 928, 971\u20132 (note that this is equally true of the other dog, Labes [834\u20136, 910\u201311, 958\u20139]); barking or yelping: _Vesp_. 929\u201330, cf. _Eq_. 863 \u2013 Cleon's voice was notoriously loud and grating: e.g. _Ach._ 381 with Olson (2002), _Eq._ 137 with Neil (1901), [Arist.] _Ath.Pol._ 28.3 with Rhodes (1981); compare Eup. fr.220 ( _Poleis_ ) for the demagogue Syracosius yapping at the _bema_ ; Cerberus: _Eq_. 1030, _Pax_ 313\u201315 with Olson (1998) cf. Pl. Com. fr.236: note how Aristophanes transfers the adjective _karcharod\u00f4n_ ('jag-toothed') to his description of Cleon as monster in _Vesp_ 1031 = _Pax_ 754. The comic dog also fawns on his master: _Eq_. 47\u20138, 1031. An apparent caricature of Cleon on a Corinthian cup as a sphinx with canine aspects is a hint that this satire might have percolated outside Athens: Brown (1974). More generally, Mainoldi (1984) 143, 152\u201360, 179\u201380 discusses the ambiguities that still attach to dogs after they are figuratively domesticated in the post-Homeric world of the polis.\n\n104 _Vesp_. 704\u20135 (for _ton tithaseut\u00ean_ 'the tamer' cf. _tithaseuousi_ 'they tame' in D. 3.31), _Pax_ 641; for taming imagery see above 87, 111, below 159. There is also a conceptual link to the motif of the bad servant (above 115, below 159).\n\n105Ar. _Vesp_. 32, 34, cf. _Eq._ 264, _Nub._ 1203; the claim in _Vesp_. 955 that the dog Labes is 'capable of taking charge of many sheep' implies the herding of a passive demos. In _Ach_. 598 Dikaiopolis credits the election of Lamachus to 'three cuckoos', the number implying that those involved were also a very few fools: Sommerstein (1980), Olson (2002) _ad loc._ , D. 18.149; Pl. Com fr.65.3, Taillardat (1962) 256. Bustards: _Com. Adesp_. fr.209. Of a very different character is Theras' image of leaving his son as a sheep among wolves (Hdt. 4.149.1), which recalls the vulnerability of livestock to predators in Homeric similes. Such animal imagery, reinforced by that of Plato, continued to be deployed by critics of democracy in later ages: Roberts (1994), Index s.v. 'animals and animal imagery'.\n\n106Cleon is described as stealing the people's honey ( _blitteis_ ) at Ar. _Eq_. 794, so by implication as a drone parasitic on the productive bees (cf. Pl. _R_. 564e, below 187n.134).\n\n107 _Ran_. 708 with Dover (1993) and bibliography there, to which add McDermott (1935), 1085, fr.409 ( _N\u00easoi_ ); Phryn. Com. fr.21.1\u20132; _Com. Adesp_. fr.310 cf. _Eq_. 887 ('monkey tricks'); quotation from Stanford (1958) on _Ran_. 1084\u20135; abuse: political (e.g. D.18.242) and other (e.g. _Ach_. 120, 907 with Olson [2002]).\n\n108The word in 492 is _paidotribik\u00f4s_ 'like a trainer'; _diabolas_ 'slanders' in 491 is punning for _dialabas_ 'holds' \u2013 the same play on words appears at 262.\n\n109Pl. Com. fr.132 ( _Presbeis_ ); cf. Cratin fr.61.3, and on _pessoi_ see above 104n.91. Aristophanes' application of wrestling imagery to the struggles of Thucydides son of Melesias in court in _Ach_. 704, 710 is related, but must be particularly due to his family's wrestling tradition (Olson 2002 on _Ach_. 703, citing the 'brilliant... detective work' of Wade-Gery 1932, 208\u201310); similar is the anecdote that when asked by Archidamus whether he or Pericles was the better wrestler, Thucydides replied that whenever he threw him, Pericles would prevail by using his rhetorical skills to persuade the spectators that he hadn't fallen (Plut. _Per_. 8.5; cf. Plutarch's own wrestling image in 11.1). For wrestling in reality see Poliakoff (1987) 23\u201353 \u2013 violent in modern terms (27\u201330) but less so than boxing or pankration (23) \u2013 and NB 134\u201347 for the potential for more positive figurative use.\n\n110[A.] _P.V_. 918\u201321: for Zeus as metaphorical wrestler cf. _Ag._ 171; S. _O.T_. 879\u201381: for the antithesis between good and bad _palaismata_ (cf. good and bad forms of strife at Hes. _Op_. 11\u201326) see Long (1978), Winnington-Ingram (1980) 190\u20131; even if Creon in reality has no political ambitions, Oedipus believes that he does and reacts accordingly.\n\n111Hdt. 3.83.2 _humin ouk enag\u00f4nieumai_ (the same verb is used authorially at 3.83.3); Thuc. 6.38.3 (Athenagoras is talking about politics at Syracuse). Wrestling terminology is used in comedy of disputes (Ar. _Ach_. 571, _Nub._ 1047, _Ran_. 469, _Eccl_. 258\u201360) and chicanery ( _Nub._ 434, 792) and can also be applied to philosophic argument (Pl. _R_. 544B with Adam 1902; Rutherford 1995, 113\u201314); compare the use of athletic metaphors for historiographical polemic: Marincola (1997) 220 n.17.\n\n112Eupolis fr.102.1\u20133 ( _D\u00eamoi_ ), Ar. _Eq_. 1353; compare the metaphor of starting a race for the beginning of a contest: _Ach_. 483 with Olson (2002), _Eq_. 1159\u201361, _Vesp_. 548.\n\n113For details, see above, 13.\n\n114Typhon: Ar. _Eq_. 511; monster: _Vesp_. 1030\u20136 = _Pax_ 752, 754\u20139 \u2013 Aristophanes credits himself with 'a Heraclean spirit' at _Vesp_. 1030 = _Pax_ 752; hydras: Pl. Com. fr.202.\n\n115Ar. _Lys_. 170: the word _ruachetos_ occurs only here, but is glossed by the ancient lexicographers as _ho re\u00f4n ochetos_ , 'the flowing drain\/pipe'; NB Taillardat (1962) 386\u20137; NB also above 61. The representation of a disorderly crowd in terms of wind and water goes back to the _Iliad_ (2.144\u20138, 9.4\u20137; Moulton 1977, 38\u201342); for a leaderless crowd compared to water out of control in Mesopotamia, see Frankfort et al. (1946) 203. This was another image which influenced later critics of democracy: Roberts (1994) 115\u20136 with n.29 (Plutarch), 141 (Bodin), 182\u20133 (John Adams, quoting Rollin: 'is this government or the waves of the sea?'). The French Revolution is compared to a storm by the aristocrat Gauvain at the guillotine in Victor Hugo's _Quatre-vingt-treize_ (quoted by Sontag 1991, 81).\n\n116 _Iamb. Adesp_. 29D; cf. D.19.136 (below 159). Pindar's labelling of democracy as _ho labros stratos_ ('the boisterous host': _P_. 2.87) is suggestive in this context, since the adjective 'is used of wind and sea': Hornblower (2006) 152\u20133; it is also used of fire in E. _Or._ 697 (below).\n\n117E. _Or_. 696\u2013701; there are echoes of both in _Hec._ 606\u20138 ('anarchy stronger than fire') and, more obliquely, 533 ('made the mob calm [ _n\u00eanemon_ , lit. windless]', i.e. silent).\n\n118Ar. _Ran_. 359\u201360, followed in 361 by a maritime image of the storm-tossed polis; similarly, in Cratinus fr.95 political agitators are apparently referred to as shirts of Nessus i.e. inflammatory, while in Ar. _Eq_. 430\u20131, 511, 691\u20132, Cleon is the wind which stirs up ( _taratt\u00f4n_ ; above 132n.68) land and sea and forces opponents to take in sail (432\u20133, 436\u20137, 440\u20131; contr. 756\u201362); Edmunds (1987) 1\u201316 is a stimulating discussion of Cleon as stirrer-up, though I feel that he focuses too exclusively on the ship of state. The torrent image is also often applied to his voice: Ar. _Ach._ 381, _Eq_. 137, _Vesp._ 1034 = _Pax_ 757, fr.644, Pherecr. fr.56.3.\n\n119A. _Ag_. 899, 966\u201372: on the oriental character of the 'panegyric metaphor-strings' see West (1997) 570\u20132; S. _O.T_. 695 ( _ourisas_ ): for the fair wind of fortune cf. _Phil_. 855, E. _Ion_ 1509, S. _Tr_. 815 (ironic), and for its instability, E. _HF_ 216 with Bond (1981) _ad loc._ ; in this case, the depiction of Thebes as a ship in distress at the beginning of the play ( _O.T._ 22\u20134, cf. 46, 51 and above 64n.26) will increase the audience's misgivings here. Gods supply winds: e.g. Homer _Od_. 2.420, 4.520, and cf. the formula _Dios our\u00f4i_ ('a fair wind from Zeus': _Od_. 5.176, 15.297, _hAp_. 427 cf. _Il_. 14.19). Element imagery seems to be difficult to apply positively on a human level apart from light, which is not associated with the demos as such.\n\n120 _Com. Adesp_. fr.700, cited in Plut. _Per_. 7.8: see Stadter (1989) _ad loc_. for the likely context _c_. 446 BC and the implication that the horse is a sexually aroused stallion; it has been suggested, a little fancifully, that the bearded man struggling to control a spirited horse on the Parthenon frieze (West viii.15) was similarly meant to suggest the difficulties of government, and perhaps specifically those of Pericles: Ashmole (1972) 122\u20135, Stewart (1996) 80. Antiphon B70: the gloss on the word reads 'obedient to the reins: the man who is gentle, moderate and not disruptive; the metaphor is from horses': compare Plato's use of the adjective in the conservative context of the _Laws_ (730b6, 880a7).\n\n121Similar ideology may lie behind the name of the Eurypontid prince of Sparta Zeuxidamos (Hdt. 6.71); the names Echestratos, Archidamus, Agesipolis and Agesilaos (with which cf. the _lawagetas_ of the Linear B tablets) make the same point of firm control in a more literal and overt way (though names in Ages- and Hege-could also carry overtones of military leadership, as perhaps at A. _Pers_. 765 where Medos is first _h\u00eagem\u00f4n stratou_ in Persia; cf. also the Homeric _agos_ [below, n.127]). _H\u00eagem\u00f4n_ and _h\u00eagem\u00f4nia_ are widely used in a neutral way of monarchy (Pindar uses the more original _hag\u00eat\u00ear an\u00ear_ when he wants to emphasize the leadership motif at _P._ 1.69) and by extension can be applied in an equally neutral manner to Persian imperial power (Hdt. 3.65.6, 7.8.\u03b11, 9.122.1 \u2013 note the zeugma with kingship in the last passage) and leadership of Greek leagues (Thuc. 1.95.1, 120.1, 3.10.6, 6.76.3, 82.3): Thuc. 5.16.1 is unique in using the word of political power in general (and has been suspected: Hornblower [1991\u20132008] _ad loc_.). Timotheus strikingly employs the word of the Spartans as a whole (fr.791.206\u20137), probably with reference to their control of Sparta as _homoioi_ rather than to their post\u2013403 hegemony (so Hordern [2002] _ad loc_., who suggests however that 'the compliments may be ironic').\n\n122Note also instances of the verb _euthun\u00f4_ , which can describe the steering both of chariots and of ships (above 96n.22): A. _Pers_. 773, S. _Ant_. 178, E. _Hec_. 9, all of monarchic direction; in E. _Supp_. 418 and 442 ( _euthunt\u00ear_ ), the terminology is deployed in political polemic.\n\n123Ober (1989) has been particularly influential here.\n\n124e.g. Forrest (1975); Strauss (1996); Ceccarelli (1993) takes a more sceptical line.\n\n125See above 59\u201360 for a detailed discussion. Boedeker & Raaflaub (1998) 422\u20133 n.35 remark on a similar rarity of warships and naval warfare in fifth-century Athenian art and Neer (2002) 162\u20137 describes more specifically how ships disappear from Athenian vase-painting just when the navy becomes politically significant, to be replaced by more oblique visual allusions to sea-power.\n\n126Political rivalry is often perceived behind the championing of the rival claims of service in the Persian wars of sailors (Salamis) and hoplites (Marathon, Psyttaleia): Fornara (1966), Podlecki (1966) 12\u201314, van Wees (1995) 157\u201362, Harrison (2000) 97\u2013100; Pelling (1997) 9\u201312 is more cautious on the 'battle of the battles'. Osborne (2000) 28\u201340 argues for the sectional promotion of hoplite values in art; continuing tension is suggested by the stress in the oligarchic revolution of 411 on hoplite service ('those best able to contribute with bodies and money': [Arist.] _Ath. Pol_. 29.5, 33.1; Thuc. 8.65.3 (putting money first), 97.1 cf. X. _HG_ 2.3.48. Raaflaub (1994) 138\u201342 makes the case for a more general ideological marginalization of thetes in comparison to hoplites, while Liddel (2007) 282\u20137 argues that 'only hoplite activity would be universally accepted as a full disbursal of civic obligations' (285), though his focus is on the later fourth century: in the fifth century the proportion of Athenian citizens of military age serving as hoplites was probably around a third (Pritchard 2004, 209 and n.8).\n\n127And (again) in Pindar: _promos_ (A. _Ag_. 200, 410, _Eum_. 399, _Supp_. 905, S. _O.C_. 884, E. _Hcld_. 670, _Tr_. 31, _Pho_. 1244, _I.A_. 699, _TrGF Adesp_. fr.668.5; perhaps equivalent to _promaxos:_ Fraenkel (1950) on _Ag._ 200); _aristeus_ (E. _Med_. 5, _El_. 22, _Ion_ 416, _Pho_. 1226, 1245, _I.A_. 28, _Rh_. 479; Pi. _P_. 9.107) and _agos_ (A. _Supp_. 248, 905, E. _Rh_. 29; Pi. _N_. 1.51), all of which are Homeric, and _harmost\u00f4r_ (A. _Eum_. 456 [a _hapax_ ]). Similar is the substitution of _stratos_ for _laos_ in Aeschylus ( _Pers_. 241, _Eum_. 566 [NB Sommerstein (1989) for the implications here], 569, 668, 683, 762, 889, frr.47a.2, 281a.24) and Pindar ( _O_. 5.13, 11.17, _P_. 1.86, 2.46, 87, 10.8, _N_. 8.11, 10.25, fr.52 k.44 cf. _P_. 11.50): the virtual confinement of this usage to these two authors (there are isolated instances in S. _El_. 749, perhaps a Pindaric echo, given the Pythian setting, and _Trach._ 795) suggests that it may chiefly be archaizing poetic colour.\n\nIt is not clear to what extent the term _prostates_ (and cognates) retained military implications ( _pace_ Connor 1971, 110\u201315): while it could be used in contexts where the sense of protection was strong (e.g. A. _Sept_. 408, 798), in many other contexts that sense appears faded, notably as the technical term for a metic's patron (alluded to in tragedy at A. _Supp_. 963\u20134, S. _OT_ 411; in comedy at Ar. _Pax_ 683\u20134, with punning reference to the political _prostates_ Hyperbolus: Olson 1998 _ad loc_. and NB also _Ran_. 569; for the word's associations with patronage see Millett 1990, 33\u20136). The word is quite widespread outside Athens as a title for an office-holder, generally the chairman of a decision-making body (Corcyra: Rhodes with Lewis 1997, 163, and more widely in the Hellenistic period: _ib_. 637 s.v. Chairman; Davies 2000, 245\u201353 (esp. 252 on _prostateia_ of the Chaones at Thuc. 2.80.5); Schaefer 1962, 1289\u201392; note also Hdt. 2.178.3, of the overseers of the Hellenion at Naucratis). At Athens, it goes from being 'the standard word for a political leader' (Rhodes 1981 on [Arist.] _Ath. Pol_. 2.2; E. _Hcld_. 206 (of a monarch), 964, _Supp_. 243, _I.A_. 373, frr.194, 774; Ar. _Eccl_. 176 [and perhaps _Pl_. 920; cf. _Vesp_. 419]; cf. Hdt. 1.59.3, Thuc. 3.82.8) to becoming almost a formal title for the leading politician: E. _Or_. 772, Ar. _Eq_. 1128 (the earliest example), _Pax_ 684, Hdt. 3.82.4, Thuc. 2.65.5, 11, 8.65.2 (cf. 3.70.3 [Corcyra], 6.35.2 [Syracuse]). It is true that Thucydides uses _d\u00eamou prostatai_ in the plural (3.75.2, 82.1, 4.46.4, 66.3), but these refer to other poleis, and plurals are used with reference to Athens only in rather general periphrases (3.11.7, 6.28.2, 89.4, 6, though NB Aeschin. 2.176 for two named leaders; L. 13.7 uses the plural, but the sequel refers only to Cleophon); otherwise, the plural generally means 'leading men' (Hdt. 4.79.5, 6.74.1, 9.41.3, Thuc. 8.17.2, 81.1, 90.1). I suspect that, rather like our 'champion', it came to combine implications of eminence, leadership and advocacy as well as protection, which varied in prominence according to the context: most of these nuances are present in Herodotus' use of the word for monarchs (1.127.1, 5.23.2 cf. 3.36.2, 134.2), and the perception of leader as champion is also there in Darius' account at 3.82.4 of the leader of the demos who will put an end to the prevailing corruption. Similarly, in Thuc. 8.89.4, though _prostat\u00eas tou d\u00eamou_ is mainly used in the technical sense, it also carries 'the much more positive sense of the champion who achieves the restoration of government by the \u03b4\u1fc6\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2' (Andrewes _ad loc_. in Gomme Andrewes and Dover 1945\u201381).\n\nWhile there is no imagery based on the phalanx as a whole, we do find occasional evocations of the experience of combat within it in the use of the words _parastat\u00eas_ and _paraspist\u00eas_ , the man who stands beside one to mean 'comrade' or 'champion', though usually in the context of action (e.g. A. _Pers_. 957, S. _Ant_. 671 with Jebb 1891, citing the use of the word in the ephebic oath [ _R &O_ 88.7], E. _Hcld_. 88); properly figurative usage tends to refer generally to support (Dicaiogenes fr.2 [children]; _TrGF Adesp_. fr.14) and only comes close to a political image in 'champions of justice' (E. fr.295 [ _Bellerophon_ ] \u2013 or 'supporters at a trial': Collard, Cropp and Lee [1995] _ad_ _loc_.). Imagery from weapons is rare, and negative: A. _Ag._ 483 with Fraenkel (1950), _Cho._ 630 with Garvie (1986), [A.] _P. V_. 405, cf. E. _Hec._ 9.\n\n128Cf. 27 above on women as stewards; however, Dorati (1998), who locates the image in a wider discourse of gender roles and stereotypes, sees it as exemplifying the women's inability to think politically like males. Moulton (1981) 49\u201358 considers this and the coinage image in _Frogs_ (below) from a poetic perspective, noting the interplay between domestic and political elements (55\u20136) and the way in which the image takes off from the verb _taratt\u00f4_ (565, 567; above n.118). Lane (1998) 164\u201371 compares this image of weaving with that in Plato's _Statesman_ (below 161), highlighting the gendered aspect, the model of 'simple unity' it represents, and the minimal attention given to the actual process of weaving (169).\n\n129Evocation of the _peplos_ : Henderson (1987) p. 141; for the image of clothing as protection cf. 1155\u20136. Wool-grease is a symbol of unpleasant disorder at Ar. fr.415, and wool-dying is evoked as an emblem of female competence at _Eccl_. 215f. Eup. fr.104 offers a rather different clothing image in which young whippersnappers nonchalantly let the generalship trail to their ankles like a cloak (cf. D. 19.314), which might have a specific reference to Alcibiades: Denyer (2001) on Pl. _Alc I_ 122c1.\n\n130He also slightly complicates matters by making reference in 720 to the emergency golden coinage of 406 (Dover 1993, 281\u20132, Kurke 1999a, 306\u20138), though the essential antithesis remains clear. Kurke (1999a) 325\u20137 notes how the differentiation between types of coinage here departs from a general tendency to use coinage _tout court_ as a metaphor for legitimacy and integrity (cf. 309\u201314 on the use of the language of scrutiny ( _dokimazein_ ) and assay ( _basanos_ ) of both coinage and people). The language of forgery and counterfeiting ( _kibd\u00ealos_ and cognates) is already applied to character in Theognis (117\u201324, 965\u20137; Kurke 1999a, 53\u20135) and is applied to sycophants at Ar. _Ach_. 517\u20138 (with Olson 2002 _ad loc_.; cf. _Plut_. 862, 957). Hence Medea can draw a contrast between the testability of coinage and the inscrutability of human worth (E. _Med._ 516\u20139 with Page 1938), and Creon can present office and the laws, in other words political activity, as the touchstone ( _entrib\u00eas_ : 177, _LSJ_ s.v. 1) of a man's judgment and moral character.\n\n131The emergency mobilization of slaves and numerous members of the upper classes to crew the fleet at the battle of Arginusae in 406 (X. _HG_ 1.6.24) is prominent in _Frogs_ 33\u20134, 190\u20132, 693\u2013705, the last passage coming just after the allusion to 'Phrynichus' wrestling' (above 119) and ending with an evocation of the storm-tossed ship of state (above 117). Strauss (1986) 70\u201386, 179\u201382 has argued that the thetes suffered particularly heavy casualties in the later stages of the Peloponnesian War, which may have a bearing on the political complexion of the audience for _Frogs_ in 405; on the play's politics and the reception of the parabasis in particular see Arnott (1991), Dover (1993) 69\u201376, Sommerstein (1993). McGlew (2002) 163\u201370 contends that Aristophanes is sincere in commending the oligarchs' rehabilitation, but only on condition that they abandon their political pretensions: if this is correct, his presentation of them in terms of elite values (gold, wrestling [above n.109]) will assist in setting up those pretensions to be undercut.\n\n132Fr.21, from the _Aiolos_ , which must have been earlier than Ar. _Nub_., which alludes to the plot (1371\u20132), while metrical arguments also suggest a date in the mid\u2013420s: _TrGF_ V p.162.\n\n133de Romilly (1976); NB also Jouanna (1980a, b) for the suggestion that there may be an allusion in 6.18.7 to current medical controversy concerning change or alteration in treatment, and above 75. Wohl (2002) 195 and n.54 suggests that there may also be play on different medical senses of _hesychia_ (6.10.2, 18.2, 6) as restorative rest and lassitude.\n\n1348.97.2. For the persistent controversy over the regime of the 5000 see Hornblower (1991\u20132008) on this passage. Incidentally, even if the image were a sympotic one, from the blend of wine and water, it would not be egalitarian, since the typical ratio was around two to five, and the appropriate mixture varied according to the wine in question: Villard (1988).\n\n135Rood (1998) 196 makes the comparison with Themistocles and notes the absence of walls and ships here; the idea of the priority of men over property appears elsewhere (S. _OT_ 56\u20137, E. fr.828; Macleod 1983 compares Pericles' argument for the evacuation of Attica in 432: Thuc. 1.143.5; Hdt. 8.100.2 is related but lacks the element of community) but given the particular resonances here Connor (1984) 202 is surely wrong to label the passage 'trite' and a 'clich\u00e9'. The association of this form of the image with Themistocles goes back to Smith (1907), who also notes the variant association with Sparta, a famously unwalled polis, as well as later Roman examples. NB Camp (2000) 47\u201350 for the persistence in the classical period of walls as a constitutive element of the polis.\n\n136Harrison (2000) 71\u20132 highlights the impact of the evacuation of Attica on Athenian ideology. That sense of themselves as embattled makers of their own destiny might perhaps provide a context for the striking application of the epithet _polissouchos_ to the Athenian people in Aeschylus ( _Eum_. 775, 883, 1010; above 16n.23). Compare the observations of Parker (1996) 186\u20137 on the impact of 'the struggle against Persia' on fifth-century Athenian religion. Constantakopoulou's discussion of the conception of Athens as island (2007, 137\u201375) is also suggestive here, and could help to explain Athenian ideological isolationism (below 124\u20136).\n\n137Full discussion in Raaflaub (2004) 118\u201332; on use in rhetorical contexts in Thuc. see 129 and n. 55, and NB a typically incisive paragraph already in de Ste Croix (1972) 36. Scione and Melos: e.g. X. _HG_ 2.2.3, Isoc. 4.100. Wohl (2002) 181\u20134 argues that the intensification of the master-slave antithesis into a choice between rule or slavery makes the Athenians prisoners of their own rhetoric (and cf. 184\u20138 for the inescapable tyranny of empire [below]).\n\n138Thuc. 6.77.1: the ethnic contrast between enslaved Ionians and free and autonomous Dorians perhaps also evokes images of the Ionians as servile (above 109) as well as the reality of subordination.\n\n139Thuc. 1.122.3, 124.3, in the second case emphasized by use of the article. Full discussion with a review of earlier bibliography in Tuplin (1985), who emphasizes the relative rarity of the image of imperial tyranny; NB also, more recently, Mitchell (2007) 141\u20139; Sancho Rocher (1994) argues that the image was invented by Thucydides as part of his analysis of the exercise of power.\n\n140That is, after the transfer of the treasury of the Delian League to Athens in 454 BC and before the ostracism of Thucydides son of Melesias c.443 (see Stadter 1989 on _Per_. 14.3): the charge could derive from Stesimbrotus or comedy (see Stadter 1989, lx\u2013lxx on Plutarch's contemporary sources for Pericles); Powell (1995) makes a good case for authenticity, and see also Kallet (2003) 134\u20135.\n\n141Hence the identification of freedom with democracy: Thuc. 8.68.4, 71.1 and perhaps already 6.56.3 (NB Hornblower 1991\u20132008 on 8.68.4 for the reckoning of liberty from 510), though here the antithesis is with oligarchy, to which the language of slavery comes therefore to be extended ([X.] _Ath.Pol._ 1.8, Thuc. 6.40.2), while oligarchs can be labelled as tyrants. This becomes common in the early fourth century with reference to the Thirty (below 183n.111), but we already find a plurality of tyrants in the mid-fifth century in the Erythrai decree ( _IG_ I3 14.33), presumably 'those who have taken refuge with the Medes' (l.27), thus encouraging the association.\n\n142Hdt. 5.92.\u03b62-h1; E. _Supp_. 448\u20139. For the destruction of value in the image see Felton (1998) 43\u20135 and n.15, who notes that in Roman versions of the image referring to Sextus Tarquinius (Livy 1.54.5\u20138, Ov. _Fast._ 2.701\u20138, Dion. Hal. _Ant. Rom._ 4.56) flowers (usually poppies \u2013 whence our 'tall poppy syndrome'?) substitute for ears of corn; see also Forsdyke (1999) 365\u20138 for the shift of focus to the polis as a whole, and particularly 367 for a suggestion of puns alluding to the citizen body ( _astachus_ ~ _astos_ , _l\u00eaion_ ~ _laos_ ). Michelini (1978) esp. 42\u20134 points to 'docking' as a cure for _hybris_ in vegetation, but there is surely something perverse about the concept in these cases. The flower motif evokes reminiscences of the Homeric image of a fallen warrior as a drooping flower ( _Il_. 8.306\u20138, uncomfortably echoed at E. _Supp_. 714\u20137; cf. Sappho fr.105c and imitations at Cat. 11.22\u20134, V. _Aen_. 9.435\u20137), but the shift from the domain of warfare and the implication of arbitrary selection adds a discordant, sinister note to the pathos. The image re-appears in Aristotle: below 193n.175; Felton (1998) 50\u20132 also discusses parallels in rabbinic texts.\n\n143On the Persian conception of the 'King's house' see above 110.\n\n144Though a little later on, Pericles observes that envy and hostility are the natural concomitants of empire in a way that echoes the argument of Periander for tyranny (Hdt. 3.52.3; cf. Pi. _P_. 1.85). Kallet (2003) 120 sees Pericles' warning as specifically directed to the Athenian _apragmones_ (political quietists) in his audience.\n\n145I agree with Tuplin (1985) 358 that the reference must be to the empire (though NB n.148 below), but am doubtful that _kal\u00ean g_ ' _echeis arch\u00ean_ is ironic, since in that case it is hard to see how the antithesis between that and his domestic political competence works; rather, I think the _ge_ takes the popular self-congratulation as read ('your empire is, of course, fantastic') before undermining it. There is a similar mild debunking of popular pretensions when Philocleon is made to boast that his judicial _arch\u00ea_ is as great as any kingdom ( _Vesp_. 548\u20139 cf. 575, 587).\n\n146The pattern of a bold image that first appears in the mouth of Pericles and is then taken up by Cleon which we have already encountered (above 132n.72) is suggestive, as is the fact that the comic passage falls during Cleon's ascendancy, but no more than that.\n\n147The issue is thoroughly debated in the papers collected in Morgan 2003. In particular, Kallet (2003) and Henderson (2003) argue for the possibility of a positive valuation by the demos of its power as (quasi-)tyrannical \u2013 Henderson (157) appositely quotes Huey Long's 'Every man a king, but no one wears a crown.' This line of argument goes back to Connor (1977); _contra_ , see now Raaflaub (2003), esp. 77\u201382.\n\n148Thuc. 1.18.1, 2.8.4 with Hornblower (1991\u20132008). Bernhardt (1987) is highly sceptical that Sparta ever had a principled opposition to tyranny and argues that the idea arises from hostile Athenian propaganda which contrasted Sparta's past and present policies, perhaps even before the Peloponnesian war; however, that idea (regardless of its actual historical validity) would seem to fit more naturally into the context sketched here, and the fact that the Spartans are made to speak of 'liberation' rather than specifically of 'tyranny' (Bernhardt [1987] 277, 288) is less significant given the complex of associations surrounding the former term by this date.\n\n149As argued recently by Low (2007) 233\u201351, esp. 242\u201351.\n\n150Brief surveys in Meiggs (1972) 291\u2013305, Parker (1996) 141\u201351; for cult as the expression of power, see especially Jameson (1994) on the depiction of sacrifice on the sculptures of the Athena Nike parapet on the Acropolis.\n\n151Raaflaub (2009), esp. 107, 110\u201311. For the style of Achaemenid royal inscriptions one might cite the opening of Darius' Bisutun inscription: 'I am Darius, the Great King, king of kings, king of Persia, king of lands...' (DB \u00a71) or his funerary self-appraisal at Naq\u0161-e Rustam (DNb), e.g. \u00a79: 'as a horseman, I am a good horseman; as a bowman, I am a good bowman, both on foot and on horseback; as a spearman, I am a good spearman...' (tr. Brosius 2000).\n\n152The classic statement is Jones (1957) 41; which is not to say that no attempt can be made to piece it together: e.g. Raaflaub (1989), Brock (1991).\n\n153 _LIMC_ s.vv. Demokratia (Alexandri-Tzahou); Demos (Alexandri-Tzahou) nos. 42 (Eleusis, 421\/0) and 43 (Athens, 410\u201308) = Athena (Demargne) nos. 606, 608 \u2013 both beardless (above n.75); Athena also appears without Demos, but with a personified Samos, on the stele bearing the grant of honorary citizenship for the Samians (no. 607) of 405 BC. It should be noted, however, that not all scholars would accept that personifications of Demos appear at all before the early fourth century: see Glowacki (2003), esp. 462\u20136; in the fourth century Athena appears five times on document reliefs between 375\/4 and 322\u201317 (nos. 609\u201313) and Demos eight times between 398\/7 and _c_. 320 (nos. 44\u20136, 53\u20137), including twice with Demokratia. The cult of Demokratia is only reliably attested for 333 BC, but might go back to 403\/2 ( _LIMC_ s.v.), though Hansen (2008) 21\u20132 argues that it goes back earlier than 430, if not indeed to Cleisthenes; as he notes, there was a shrine of Demos and the nymphs before 450. One of the earliest attested images of Demokratia was a negative one, the depiction of Oligarchia setting fire to her (or her hair? Cf. Ar. _Lys_. 1216\u201322) with a torch on the funeral monument for Critias (DK88 A13; Bultrighini 1999, 316\u20139; see Webster 1954, 18 for making personifications forceful or violent to enhance their persuasiveness). Less seriously, some time in the fourth century the comic poet Heniochus describes two women, Demokratia and Aristokratia, who throw the personified cities of his chorus into confusion (or stir them up: _taratteton_ ) and cause them to get drunk and misbehave (fr.5; Olson 2007, 126\u20138).\n\nFor other, more oblique political personification in this period see Smith (1999), Stafford (2000) 173\u201397. On mythological aspects of 'official art' at Athens see Castriota (1992), and on the relationship between democracy, empire and the arts more generally, the essays collected in Boedeker and Raaflaub (1998), especially H\u00f6lscher (1998) on 'political monuments'; in their 'reflections and conclusions', the editors remark on 'the apparent absence of specifically democratic themes in Athenian art' (325\u201331, quotation from 326). The Athenians seem to have given prominence instead to actual events (e.g. the tyrannicides, the Persian wars), to a newly constructed mythological past (authochthony, Theseus) and to monumental expressions of power and wealth (above all, the Parthenon and the rest of the Acropolis complex).\n\n154Sommerstein (1989) on 693\u20135 judiciously summarizes the scholarly debate on 'the most controversial passage in _Eumenides_ ' (p. 216) and plausibly suggests that 'the poet has deliberately left his precise meaning obscure' (p. 218) where the specific political content is concerned. For the image we can consider the comparison of a foreign marriage to muddy water ( _tholer\u00f4i_ ) at E. _Supp_. 222\u20133 (with Collard [1975] _ad loc_.; the contrast between clear and muddy water appears in an erotic context at Thgn. 959\u201362, and the clear water of a desirable citizen population is contrasted with the water of 'torrents' to be excluded at Pl. _Laws_ 736b (with England [1921]). More generally, there are similar resonances to the imagery of 'stirring' which surrounds Cleon: above n.118.\n\n155Gorg. B11a.30. Earlier in the trilogy it is Agamemnon who is the (fallen) guardian ( _Ag_. 1452) and, probably, the chorus who in his absence consider themselves the 'lone-guardian bulwark ( _monophrouron herkos_ ) of the Apian land' ( _Ag._ 256: so Denniston and Page [1957] against Fraenkel [1950] _ad loc_., though perhaps the image might be deliberately ambiguous, applied prima facie to Clytemnestra, and actually to themselves). This is in line with the restriction to tragedy of the use of the imagery of protection with reference to individuals (cf. n.127 above on military imagery): so in Sophocles Oedipus was 'a tower against death' for Thebes ( _thanat\u00f4n... purgos_ : _OT_ 1200\u20131) but by the end of the play it is Creon who is the only guardian (1418). The transfer of these images to the court here is in line with the movement from the individual to the communal in the trilogy. In _TrGF_ _Adesp_. fr.646.12 _kl_ ] _ein\u00eas eruma patras_ the reference is apparently to the Macedonian people (10) rather than their kings (so Kannicht-Snell _ad loc_.); A. _Pers_. 859\u201360 might also refer to laws as towers ( _nomi(s)mata purgina_ ) but other interpretations are possible, and the text is in any case irremediably corrupt: see now Garvie (2009) _ad loc_.\n\n156And can be personified as an agent: Hdt. 7.104.4, Ant. 3.1.1 (cf. E. _Supp._ 312\u20133, Andoc. 1.9; L. 1.26, 34\u20135); this develops markedly in the fourth century (below 166). The Boule is personified only in the fourth century ( _LIMC_ s.v.: of the four instances only one is securely datable, to 323\/2).\n\n157Admittedly this is on the account of an opponent, but the attack is based on the inconsistency between his democratic rhetoric and his actual behaviour, not the rhetoric itself (for which cf. Isoc. 8.53).\n\n158Above 27 \u2013 though the Anonymous Iamblichi is of course not necessarily an Athenian author; on his thinking on law see Ostwald (1969) 92\u20134, and on the question of identity 92 n.1; on a more positive note, he also speaks of the desirability of law and justice 'ruling ( _embasileuein_ )' in men (6.1).\n\n159As Edwards (1995) _ad loc_. observes.\n\n160Ar. _Eq_. 589\u201390; _stasiazei_ suggests a particular focus on rival choruses rather than just favour for their own, though the knights' participation in real warfare is prominent in the stanza as a whole. For an interest in procedure we can compare the depiction of the process of voting with _psephoi_ on almost a dozen vases from the early fifth century, at a time when democracy and its procedures are a relative novelty: Spivey (1994). Something of the same kind perhaps applies to the bean ( _kuamos_ ) used in the sortition process, particularly for the Boule (Thuc. 8.66 with Hornblower 1991\u20132008, 8.69.4, decree _ap._ Andoc. 1.96; also Hdt. 6.109.2, Ar. _Av._ 1022), and interestingly exported to the Athenian-sponsored democracy at Erythrai _c_. 450 BC ( _IG_ I3 14.9): when the personified Demos is labelled 'bean-chewing' (Ar. _Eq_. 41), there is something symbolic about the adjective, as Neil 1901 remarks _ad loc_.\n\n161So Cartledge (1998) 394, reporting the suggestion in Brock (1991) 169, though he offers as alternatives the possibility of democratic antipathy to theorizing and to writing. Compare the remark of Boedeker and Raaflaub (1998) 326 on the late personification of Demokratia, that before 404\/3 'there was no need for such tangible reaffirmation of the precise constitutional concept'.\n\n#\n\n# Orators and Philosophers: The Fourth Century to Alexander ( _c_. 400\u2013322 BC)\n\nFrom one perspective, the year 404\/3 marked the triumph of Athenian democracy, which emerged from a second episode of oligarchy even more ideologically entrenched, and stronger in practice for a more realistic appreciation of where threats to it lay.1 That perspective is, as we shall see, reflected in the persistence of imagery which expresses democratic ideology such as that based on the model of the polis as household. Yet just as recent scholarship has tended to highlight the ways in which democracy in the fourth century differed from the radical version of the previous century,2 there are distinct differences in the character of fourth-century political imagery, above all in the handling of the imagery of authority figures. That change is driven by two interlinked processes: the resurgence of monarchy as a serious constitutional option, and the emergence of clearly articulated political thought. The return of kings and dynasts to the political stage naturally drew attention back to appropriate images, which in many cases went back to Homer, but had been marginalized or problematized in the previous century, at least at Athens. Yet the thinkers who reached for them were clearly conscious that it was not sufficient to recycle the heritage of epic and archaic poetry: not only are Plato, Xenophon and Isocrates preoccupied with the nature of authority and the search for the ideal ruler or constitution, but we can also see in their works an effort to articulate the rationale behind the expression of authority through images and to distinguish between those images, and their implications.\n\nAs far as our sources go,3 then, this is a fourth-century development which could be seen as a counterpoint to the steady-state Athenian democracy and an indication of alternatives elsewhere, yet it is highly likely that its origins lie earlier, in the latent opposition to radical fifth-century democracy. For one thing, we do not have to wait until the fourth century for examples of effective monarchs: the figure chosen by Polus in Plato's _Gorgias_ (470d\u201371d) as the type of the all-powerful autocrat, Archelaus of Macedon, came to the throne in 413 (and was dead by 399); Evagoras, eulogized by Isocrates, seized power at Cypriot Salamis in 411, and Dionysius at Syracuse in 406.4 Most conspicuously, the Athenians will have had to acknowledge from 412, if they had not done so earlier, that the king of Persia was no longer a figure to be contemptuously dismissed, but a major player in Greek affairs, as he was to remain until the triumph of Alexander.5 We can therefore reasonably suppose that intellectuals will already have started to take an interest in monarchs and monarchy in the late fifth century. The same is true of the elaboration of authority figures such as the helmsman, the doctor and the shepherd. Reading the dispute between Thrasymachus and Socrates in the first book of the _Republic_ about the ruler as shepherd (above 45), one has the sense of tuning in to a debate which has been going on for some time, and by the middle of the century the various images for rulers have become a standardized repertoire, almost a tool kit, to judge by the question of the Athenian in the _Laws_ : 'What sort of ruler do the gods in fact resemble? Or rather, what rulers resemble them?... What about drivers of competing teams of horses, or steersmen of boats in a race?... Or we might compare the gods to commanders of armies. Again, it could be that they're analogous to doctors concerned to defend the body in the war against disease, or to farmers..., or to shepherds.'6 However, this typology is the product of a process of evolution which I believe can be traced back to the late fifth century, and specifically to Socrates. The images themselves of course go back much further, and preceding discussion of them has brought out the latent implication of skill (above [e.g.] 94):7 what appears to be new is a much sharper and more overt focus on knowledge, expertise and skill as essential for the practice of politics, both in leadership and decision-making, and the expression of this belief through analogies with a wide range of practical skills which are for these purposes substantially assimilated to one another.\n\nThe emphasis on politics as a _techn\u00ea_ ('craft' or 'skill') is not likely to be peculiar to Socrates, since the sophists were characterized as a movement by teaching, and a number of them had interests in politics,8 but there is little indication in the admittedly scanty fragments of their works of the use of this kind of analogy.9 Socrates, on the other hand, is well-attested as having frequent recourse to analogies from crafts-manship, often in humble forms such as shoemaking, tanning, metalworking and fulling. The methodological difficulties of recovering any aspect of Socrates' teaching from the works of his disciples Plato and Xenophon are notorious, but it is not, I think, necessary to take a position on the 'Socratic Question' to argue that there are strong indications that this is an authentic aspect of it: first of all, the consensus between the two in presenting him as using the same kinds of images;10 secondly, the characterization of this as a consistent and notorious feature of his argumentation;11 thirdly, Xenophon's highlighting of the use of one such comparison to criticize democratic election by sortition as typical of the kinds of charges levelled at him at his trial in 399;12 fourthly, the same author's anecdote in which his use of an analogy from animal husbandry roused the anger of Critias and Charicles during the rule of the Thirty, which ought to be authentic, or at least plausibly representative of his manner of speech;13 and finally the adoption of this kind of analogy by his pupils in their own works.14 If this attribution is sound, it follows that the reappraisal and elaboration of the imagery of expertise has its origins in informal debates in the latter part of the fifth century, and since Socrates was evidently conspicuously active by 424\/3, the date of Aristophanes' _Clouds_ , it need not have been a response to the fallibility of democracy of which the Sicilian disaster was clear proof.15 Indeed, it was arguably not inherently anti-democratic, since its principles amounted to a critique of political leaders of all stamps, as well as of mass popular decision-making; nevertheless, its attractions for critics of democracy are patent, and its positive espousal of expertise in leadership offered more purchase to advocates of minority regimes, particularly if they were not concerned to think too hard about the philosophical implications.16\n\nThe ways in which this imagery was elaborated in the fourth century are most clearly visible in the treatment of the model of the state as household.17 The keynote of the fifth-century imagery of domestic management ( _oikein_ , _dioikein_ , _oikonomia_ ) had been administration, and indeed that version, with the associated implications of competence, honesty and service, persisted in the democratic discourse of the fourth century (below 154). However, fourth-century intellectuals shifted the focus to authority and to the figure of the householder, and the analogy between the two spheres is made explicit in the assertion that there is a single art of rule, so that expertise is transferable between them.18 The firm establishment by this point of the lexical usage bridging the two spheres19 doubtless made it easier to assert that what was in question was essentially the same activity, the only difference being one of scale, but the principal attractions of the householder as the model of the authority figure were, I think, his ubiquity, and the fundamental importance of his role: since effective running of the _oikos_ was a pre-requisite for the survival of the polis and its inhabitants, the authority of the householder could likewise be regarded as fundamental and natural, always operative and not requiring explanation or justification.\n\nThe domestic model had two further advantages: first, since the householder could readily be identified with a father, it added an affective appeal to his role, while at the same time furnishing a justification for the application of sanctions or punishment when necessary,20 and secondly, since the householder would normally also have legal control of his property, it justified a ruler's authority over the resources of the state and his right to use them as he judged best, a step which was quite at odds with democratic ideology, and would probably have been impossible to take in the preceding century.21 The two strands instructively appear in reverse order in the peroration to Xenophon's _Hiero_ , when Simonides advises the tyrant, who will take it for granted that the state is his to dispose of as he pleases,22 to think of his fatherland as a household, and hence of his relations with citizens and friends in familial terms, and to outdo them all in benefactions: if the state is his household, he has an obligation to preserve and increase it, and likewise he should display not only the authority, but the affection and concern of a father.23 However, Aristotle completely rejected the household model for his own theoretical reasons: first, the _oikos_ was not parallel to the polis, but rather a less-developed subsidiary component of it, and secondly (and more importantly), the nature of the authority exercised by the householder differed even between different members of the household (wife, child, slave) according to their intellectual capacity, and for the same reason the authority exercised in the political sphere by a man ruling his peers was distinct from all of these. He does accept a father's control over his children as a model for monarchic authority, but distinguishes that from the familial relationships appropriate to the other constitutions in which he is in practice much more interested in the _Politics_.24\n\nThe suitability of the household as the master-image of 'rule' becomes clearer if we consider the other images for authority which fourth-century intellectuals deploy. The closest to the householder as an analogue of essential but benign control is the shepherd, but we have already noted that this image was much more controversial, since the difficulty that the relationship entailed some degree of exploitation was readily perceived,25 which necessitated the setting out of a rationale which would mitigate or justify it, though this was certainly far from impossible (above, 45\u20138). It also shared with other imagery of control over animals the implication of an essential difference in nature between ruler and ruled: that was not a problem when it was applied to the relationship between gods and men,26 but made it less suitable for contexts of constitutional rule, and hence it was more easily applied to more authoritarian regimes, such as the Persian monarchy of Cyrus, and in the military sphere, where the divide between commander and troops was more readily accepted as a given.27 This is probably the main reason why it plays a less central role in Plato on the human plane: in the _Statesman_ it is deployed temporarily and heuristically, as a model of ruling which is ultimately discarded.28 In the _Republic_ it appears early on (343\u20135), precisely because the ambiguity over its aims and objectives offers Thrasymachus a purchase, which the doctor does not, to highlight issues of knowledge and justice and enable Socrates to insist on the centrality of the welfare of the flock (i.e. the ruled) even in this contentious case. Thereafter the model of the Guardians as shepherds does linger in the background to the middle of the dialogue, as one might expect given their superiority, though what is particularly at issue is the relationship between shepherds, watchdogs and flock.29 In some ways, herding imagery is most easily deployed as a negative paradigm, as in Socrates' comparison of the Thirty to bad herdsmen who had made their charges fewer and worse, mentioned earlier, or the more extended analogy between Pericles and other great Athenian statesmen and keepers of horses or cattle who have allowed their charges to become savage instead of tame, to their own harm ( _Grg._ 516), since in these instances questions of ends can be left in the background.30\n\nThese weaknesses were not a feature of the doctor or the helmsman, two figures which particularly appealed to Plato31 as types of the expert practitioner within society, to whose authority their fellow men should defer precisely because of their superior knowledge32 and expertise: hence they appear even before the shepherd in the _Republic_ as the types of the expert practitioner of a skill who exercises it in the interest of his subject and of those in his charge.33 As with household management, these are pre-existing images with an obvious appeal which are now articulated much more explicitly: in highlighting the importance of knowledge here, Plato lays a particular emphasis on politics as a specialized skill, but he also brings out the need for the expert practitioner to overcome obstacles which may prevent the community from reaching its goal, or threats which could jeopardize its health or survival. In either case, the appeal of the image is increased by the implication of an essential objective shared by both parties but which only the expert has the necessary understanding to attain, the health of the body or safe arrival at the destination of the voyage, either of which therefore requires willing acceptance of his authority.34\n\nThe implications are nevertheless somewhat different: the doctor's judgement as to what treatment will restore health provides a charter for intervention which no sane man will gainsay, while on board ship, what is important is obedience to the helmsman's orders, even though these may be reinforced by sanctions if necessary.35 Behind this lies a further distinction: since it is not the helmsman's business to set the destination, his role is concerned with means rather than ends,36 but the doctor is treated as the judge of what constitutes health as well as how it is to be achieved, and it is more or less taken for granted that any patient will be unhealthy to start with.37 That is made explicit in cases where he is paired with the trainer, who is to the healthy body as the doctor is to the sick one, while the comparison of the individual doctor to a judge hints that the treatments prescribed for a polis will have a moral aspect too, and explains both why treatment is so much more prominent in Plato than in earlier medical imagery, and why he highlights the more radical and painful aspects \u2013 surgery, cautery and purging.38 A distinction in character is perhaps also indicated in those passages where Plato considers dysfunction in civic seafaring and medicine: the famous parody of the ship of state in the _Republic_ (488a\u20139a; above 58) satirizes the pretensions of popular leaders in laying claim to a role which they do not understand and aggressively maintain cannot be taught \u2013 that is, the distinction is between the job done properly, as a craft, and badly, because founded on ignorance; in the _Gorgias_ , on the other hand, the doctor is opposed to the pastry-cook and the confectioner, the former a practitioner of a true art, which may cause pain to do good, and the latter two practitioners of a knack which panders to its objects and gratifies rather than conferring genuine benefits:39 the doctor _qua_ doctor does not make mistakes, just as Thrasymachus avers ( _R_. 340de). Finally, whereas seamanship is palpably a skill exercised in practice,40 medicine could potentially be codified in writing, as the growing Hippocratic corpus was demonstrating by Plato's time:41 hence it lends itself to an exploration of the distinction between the codification of knowledge as principles or rules and its application in practice. So in the _Statesman_ Plato acknowledges the possibility that a trainer or doctor could write down instructions for their charges, but points out that generic instruction and legislation are poorly adapted to variations between individuals and unable to adapt to changing circumstances, unlike the expert in person. Furthermore, legislation entails compulsion; in the worst case, written codes could actually impede the truly knowledgeable practitioner,42 though Plato goes on to acknowledge their value for laymen. So in the _Laws_ he draws a distinction between two kinds of doctor, the slave-doctor who treats slaves generically and without explanation on the basis of experience, and the true doctor who uses his understanding to engage with individuals.43 Here Plato's doctor is starting to anticipate the Hellenistic concept of the monarch as embodying law in his person (below 166); meanwhile, his rational expertise allows him to make use of falsehood.44\n\nThe trainer comes into his own when the focus narrows from the polis to politicians, and the concept of politics as a specialized skill combines with the established image of politics as a contest (above 119): the logical conclusion is the need for serious training on the part of Socrates' prot\u00e9g\u00e9s, and particularly that of Alcibiades. In Plato's _Alcibiades I_ Alcibiades starts out from the belief that since his opponents in Athenian politics are untrained amateurs, there is no need for him to train, since he will defeat them by superior nature (119b), and the function of the argument in the dialogue is to convince him that he needs special training to prepare him for politics (132b);45 similarly, in Xenophon's defence of Socrates, Alcibiades is said to have neglected to train properly for politics because of his easy superiority ( _Mem_. 1.2.24).46 The antithesis between amateurs and professionals is given a different spin in _Mem_. 3.7, where Charmides is criticized for refusing to enter politics like an athlete who could win honour for himself and his city but refuses to compete; he replies that competition with the masses ( _pl\u00eathos_ ) is difficult, and Socrates in turn points out that as a trained expert he has nothing to fear from amateurs. However, the analogy is not limited to democracy, and finds a more general validity when Isocrates advises Nicocles that just as monarchy is the supreme contest with the supreme prize, so the monarch must have a mental mastery superior to the physical excellence of the athlete (2.11 cf. 13, 51); similarly, Aristotle reports claims that the legislator Onomacritus 'trained ( _gumnasth\u00eanai_ )' in Crete ( _Pol_. 1274a25\u20137).47\n\nThe other fundamental consequence for Plato's imagery of his belief that the exercise of authority should be based on reason is his commitment to a model of parallelism between macrocosm and microcosm at the levels of body, polis and cosmos: given that knowledge and virtue are constants, the structures of power relations must be analogous at each level, and are, or should be, administered on the same basis by one universal art of rule.48 In one sense this kind of analogical thinking goes back to Homer and Hesiod and their conception of the social and political organization of the gods as mirroring that of mortals. That traditional model is still in play in the fourth century, though Isocrates hedges his bets on its reality in appealing to the kingship of Zeus as validating earthly monarchy, and Plato himself sometimes makes use of it.49\n\nHowever, more directly influential is the Presocratic elaboration of the model of cosmic authority, which comes to express a principle of rational direction (above 9\u201310), to which Plato quite frequently alludes, notably in the figurative language of helmsmanship,50 though in later works he tends to depersonalize his sole ruler and to refer to it as 'reason' or 'soul'.51 At the other end of the scale, in the course of the fifth century medical writers developed a conception of the body as organized on political principles. As we have seen, the earliest such model for which we have evidence, that of Alcmaeon of Croton, imagined bodily health as dependent on a proper, though not necessarily equal, balance between the constituent humours, which are described as 'powers', disease being the consequence of the 'monarchy' of any one of them. A similar conception and terminology are to be found in some Hippocratic treatises, though it is not the only possible model, and we also encounter, as in Presocratic cosmology, proponents of a single element as supreme power;52 the parallel drawn between different levels of order is made explicit in Democritus's description of man as a _mikros kosmos_ (B34).53\n\nIn Plato these ideas come together in a distinctive form: the concept of a directing reason is combined with a simplified model of the individual as consisting of two or three elements, of which the rational one is, or ought to be, in control. The claim to rule founded on the priority of reason is reinforced by the identification of the ruling element with the soul, which being divine is prior to, and of a superior nature to the body, just as gods are superior to mortals, and so entitled to rule.54 It may be that the basic principles behind this again go back to Socrates, since we find the same kind of thinking attested in Xenophon, who in _Mem_. 4.3.13\u201314 moves from reference to an unnamed divinity, 'organizing and maintaining the whole cosmos' and administering ( _oikonom\u00f4n_ ) matters invisibly, to the human soul which 'partakes of the divine and patently rules ( _basileuei_ ) in us', for all that it too is invisible. Certainly the principle of rule by a rational element is widespread: Isocrates asserts (15.180) that no-one would deny that soul is 'more fitted to lead ( _h\u00eagemonik\u00f4teron_ )' than body, and the concept is firmly established in Aristotle's thought, from biology to ethics,55 but it also appears in less elevated contexts. The author of the Demosthenic _Erotic essay_ ([D.] 61.37\u20138) commends the cultivation of intelligence ( _dianoia_ ) on the grounds that this directs ( _h\u00eagemoneuousan_ ) all human affairs, and that all physical and material goods are its slave and overseen by it, and ps.-Demosthenes can even support a closing appeal to jurors to uphold the laws by citing the direction of the whole cosmos, the divine and the seasons by law and order ( _nomos kai taxis... dioikein_ : [D.] 26.27). To some degree, this conception is paralleled by a hierarchical conception of the physical body as ruled or overseen by the head, though the Greeks' imperfect grasp of physiology and the persistence of a dispute as to where the seat of consciousness was to be located limited its impact.56\n\nThe level of order which is least prominent in this binary analogy is the polis, at least in Plato: others speak of the _politeia_ as the soul of the city, but he refuses to accept this move.57 Instead, he deploys a tripartite model (the 'political analogy') in which the internal organization of the polis mirrors that of the individual: this is initially presented as a means of obtaining a clearer view of justice in the individual ( _R_. 368c\u20139a), and the establishment of the tripartite structure proceeds from city to individual, the implication being that the individual soul will function in the same way. 58 This builds on Plato's distinctive move in articulating his basic analogical model, namely the identification of the directing principle with the rational soul, yet even from this perspective the polis stands apart from the rest of the system as not being animate: instead, when Plato turns to specifics in Books 8 and 9, the characters of the individuals who correspond to the different constitutional types and the developments which they undergo are themselves described in political terms.59\n\nAgain, the argument begins from the polis: the four imperfect types of constitution are enumerated alongside the ideal 'aristocracy' (544cd), and then it is stated that there must be five corresponding types of individual (544d6-e6). The sequence of decline60 is then analysed, first in the constitution and then in the equivalent individual (545bc), in terms of the relations between the three elements. First the timarchic man hands over authority in himself ( _t\u00ean en heaut\u00f4i arch\u00ean_ ) to the spirited element (550ab); the oligarchic man dethrones this and establishes desire and love of money as a Persian king who 'enslaves' the other elements (553cd; above 8). With the transition from oligarchy to democracy we come much closer to contemporary realities, and the account of internal political change becomes more detailed and circumstantial, characterized as a civil war between necessary, oligarchic passions and unnecessary democratic ones. After the initial democratic coup (559de),61 both internal factions will depend on support from external sympathisers: if the remonstrances of the man's family are successful, the oligarchy will regain control, kill some of the rival desires, exile others and restore the status quo (559e\u201360a). However, if the exiled democratic passions are allowed to increase and breed in secret, they will seize the citadel, empty as it is of any garrison of wisdom and good education. It will then be too late to reinforce the economical element in the man's soul, since the gates to it will be barred, or even to negotiate; good qualities will be arbitrarily redefined and exiled (560ad), and the way will be open for a life of anarchy, dictated by the same unquestioning enthusiasm for equality as in the democratic city, though some of the economical passions may return and force some degree of restraint (561a8-b2).62 The final sketch, the tyrannical man, moves away somewhat from political reality (unlike the corresponding constitutional outline), inasmuch as the supreme passion is implanted as tyrant and leader of the idle passions (572e\u20133a), though the killing or expulsion of decent opinions and feelings and its attendance by a bodyguard and supporters from outside (573ab) conform to the pattern in the tyrannical polis.63 At the close of this section, Plato reconnects the two sides of his analogy by describing the fate of tyrannical individuals in the world: they will become bodyguards to a tyrant, or mercenaries, or if they are numerous they will set up as tyrant the most tyrannical of their number.64 The elaboration of this image65 and of its analogue, the conception of the body as a city in the _Timaeus_ ,66 imply that Plato found the more complex model of political interaction particularly illuminating for the intricacies of human psychology, even if analogies with actual constitutions only describe men as they are, rather than as Plato believes they ought to be. 67\n\nAt this point, with political realities once again to the fore, it will be convenient to bring Athenian democracy back into the picture. The common perception that the democratic regime essentially picked up from the point at which it had been interrupted by the Thirty is encouraged by much of the political imagery associated with it: the politician as servant, the politician as lover and the watchdog of the people, to name but three, reappear as if nothing much had changed since the time of Cleon. Indeed, it is only now that we encounter the orthodox statement of the democratic model of the household: it is the orators who deploy the language of service to express the ideal relationship between politician and demos.68 Applied to themselves, it can strike a note of self-deprecation, but is more frequently developed in an implicit antithesis between the speaker, who adheres to this code, and his opponents, who have made themselves masters instead of servants, while reducing the demos to servitude.69 That charge recalls the scenario of Aristophanes' _Knights_ (above 115), and we find it similarly elaborated in charges that the food which should sustain the demos is being hogged by politicians who resemble greedy nurses or selfish guests at a pot-luck meal ( _eranos_ );70 in this last case, the image, which occurs elsewhere in the orators, carries implications of unsociability and failure to demonstrate appropriate reciprocity.71 While the character of this form of political service varies according to the use made of the image, there is an unambiguously pejorative implication in the allusions to wage-labour which become widespread in the oratory of the later fourth century as a convenient label for corruption, whether among Athenians or, more typically, with reference to foreign policy and, above all, dealings with Macedon, whose supporters could be represented as hirelings lacking the independence of a proper citizen.72 To a considerable extent, this imagery, and the related language of retail commerce,73 must reflect the diminished position of an Athens obliged to negotiate and to place considerable reliance on diplomacy, rather than operating from a position of superior power; the increased complexity of Athenian foreign policy and the greater frequency of failure also made mutual recrimination and infighting more likely. The introduction of money and commerce into this figurative discourse also engenders a lurking suspicion of prostitution, at least where the interactions of politicians are concerned. As we have seen, one cannot prostitute oneself to the demos: that explains why the positive figuration of the politician as lover of the demos remains current, even if it typically appears in our sources as the sort of thing other speakers are likely to say.74 However, there could be a further factor at work here: the persistence of another image of more or less the same vintage, the demagogue as watchdog of the people, makes one wonder whether there was perhaps a repertoire of stock images of leadership validated by their origins in the heyday of imperial democracy. If so, then the good old days were regarded as the time of Cleon at least as much as the age of Pericles.\n\nIn the _Gorgias_ , Plato pointedly takes issue with the conception of the politician as servant and lover.75 As we have seen (above 26, 115), the two are linked linguistically through the terms _therapeia_ and _therapeu\u00f4_ , which can denote service and a lover's attention, as well as referring to treatment by a doctor and the courting of political favour, and, as with all the language of service, can be evaluated negatively as well as positively. Plato pushes hard at this weak point: first, Socrates is made to argue that rhetoric, here regarded as essentially a tool of politics, is no more than a kind of pandering, lacking a foundation in knowledge and aiming only at gratification without regard to consequences, equivalent to cookery as opposed to medicine (above 151). Then the aspiring politician Callicles is said to be the lover both of the Athenian demos and of Demos the son of Pyrilampes, forced to follow his inconstant loves through every change of stance, incapable of resistance, and hence of adhering to any standard of truth.76 The implication of subordination is reinforced when Socrates argues that the only way to win favour with a lover or a demos is to become as like them as possible, not just superficially, but in nature.77 Thus the politics of gratification is fundamentally opposed to any possibility of change or improvement: the politicians of the past, whom Callicles chooses to follow in ministering to his love's desires, have simply given the demos what it wants and so ruined its health.78 Clearly in this thoroughgoing demolition of democratic politics Plato has one eye on Aristophanes' treatment of the same issues in _Knights_ ,79 but the critique is sharpened if we appreciate that the images with which he takes issue were still current in the discourse of many a real-life Callicles when he was writing.\n\nPlato engages in a more nuanced manner with the other side of the democratic household metaphor, the state as a family. Again, it is in fourth-century oratory, and particularly in funeral speeches and related public rhetoric, that we get a clear view of a conception of Athens as a family in which citizens are, by virtue of the myth of autochthony, all siblings and children of Attica or of the Athenian polis and its institutions:80 they were thus bound to the polis by the same obligation to love, support and defend it as individual children had towards their parents.81 Plato sometimes draws on this model in passing, notably in Socrates' philosophical commitment to the Athenians as his kinsmen,82 and he makes more substantial use of it in the _Crito_ , where the Laws claim that Socrates is both their offspring and slave,83 and that they are therefore entitled to deference and obedience, and _a fortiori_ should be immune from violence at his hands to an even greater degree than parents. Here, though, he strikes a somewhat different note in the emphasis on submission (or persuasion), and the usual implication of an affective bond is lacking, replaced by a construction of the relationship as more or less contractual.84 He similarly puts his own spin in the _Republic_ on the myth of autochthony, which he hijacks to form the basis of the Noble Lie, though here the affective aspect is of central importance, and a little later he extends the language of the earth as nurse and mother to the whole of Greece as against the wider barbarian world.85 Neither Plato nor the democrats have any use for the image of the king as father of which Xenophon and Isocrates are fond, though for rather different reasons: the aspects which made it problematic in the fifth century persist in the fourth, despite Athens' increasing engagement with real-life monarchs, while for Plato the fact that fatherhood is at once nearly universal and, though a hierarchical relationship, not founded on knowledge, rules it out of court.86\n\nWhen we turn to the imagery of democratic leadership, the picture is again a complex one. In the fifth century, though the ship of state becomes a commonplace image of community, the figure of the helmsman is confined to tragedy, and no individual in the real world is allowed to lay claim to the position (above 117). The commonplace persists in the fourth century,87 but matters are very different: orators regularly represent themselves as in charge of the ship of state, and indeed the orthodoxy of the claim is illustrated by the way in which, in the aftermath of defeat by Macedon, the foundering of the polis can give rise to denunciations of an opponent's helmsmanship.88 Similarly, Demades claims that a politician deserves pardon for ignoble policies if he is 'governing the shipwreck of the polis' (fr.17). This self-representation probably developed earlier in the century, since Plato's satire on the ship of state seems intended _inter alia_ to mock the pretensions of democratic politicians.89 It is tempting to see another deliberate appropriation in Plato's characterization of his Auxiliaries as watchdogs or sheepdogs,90 since that image too clearly retained its currency in democratic discourse: ps.-Demosthenes ridicules Aristogeiton's claim to be the 'watchdog' of Athens, arguing that he does not bite those whom he accuses of being wolves, but does consume the flock he claims to be protecting, and is therefore subject to the penalty he himself invokes on such rogue sheepdogs (25.40 cf. 26.22). On the other hand, Demosthenes himself had no objection to the image, since he is said to have likened himself and his party to watchdogs given up by the sheep to the wolves, or rather the lone wolf ( _monolukos_ ) Alexander (fr.11.2).91\n\nIt is more difficult to judge the nature of the relationship when we come to medical imagery. As with the helmsman, there is a striking shift in the way in which orators use such imagery, bringing the doctor into the democratic arena92 and, like Plato, giving greater prominence to treatment than in the previous century. The comparison of politicians to doctors is made both explicitly and implicitly: Demades (fr.64) says that politicians, like doctors, should not be blamed for the disease, but thanked for their treatment, while Hyperides implicitly compares the two in contrasting the destructive behaviour of certain individuals with the need of cities for greatest care at times of crisis, like sick bodies (2 fr.10), and Demosthenes draws an analogy between doctors and lawgivers.93 Ps.-Demosthenes endorses radical intervention in treatment, too, saying that Aristogeiton must be disposed of by cautery or surgery, like a cancer or ulcer.94 Oratory and philosophy also have in common much of the more general language of health and disease: the equation of _stasis_ with disease and the identification of loyalty with health and its opposite with disease.95 They also share a concern with the links between disease and stress, a new development which is doubtless due to the more uncertain political environment of the fourth century: in one version, the focus is on the body's vulnerability and consequent need for care at times of stress, while another looks to the stress of sickness to reveal inherent weakness.96 It is tempting and, I think, plausible to suggest that in this case some of the similarities are due to influence from the theoretical writers on practising politicians: while we have to be careful not simply to fall into assumptions on the basis of the chronology of the sources, the most natural rationale for the way in which the doctor's role is articulated in the fourth century is a philosophical one, and that is where we find it at its most detailed; moreover, this is the only authority figure of which Plato neither challenges nor subverts a democratic version.97\n\nThe new-found capacity of rhetors to present themselves as helmsmen and doctors implies that the demos allowed their pretensions considerably greater scope than in the era of Pericles and Cleon,98 and that conclusion is encouraged if we turn to sporting metaphors. These continue to centre around wrestling, and again frequently with the implication of underhand behaviour: Demosthenes complains that the demos allows speakers too much scope for 'tripping and trickery' (18.138), and Dinarchus accuses Deinias of 'giving the laws a throw' (fr.9.3 Conomis).99 What is new is a broader focus on the contest itself, in which the speaker and even his audience are felt to be engaged themselves: so Aeschines begins by warning that Demosthenes will use 'judicial wrestling' but then, shifting his image, says that the jurors must face up to Demosthenes all day long, like boxers in the gymnastic contests jockeying for position, not letting him out of the ['ring' of?] charge of illegality but (shifting the image again, to hunting) lying in wait for him, they must drive him into the toils of the discussion of illegality.100 In the same vein, earlier in the speech he urges the Athenians to look on themselves as 'organizers of political games' ( _ag\u00f4nothetas politik\u00eas aret\u00eas_ ) and to ensure that the prizegiving (i.e. the crowning) is fair, if they want to attract contestants; the implication is that any politician is a competing athlete, and that indeed is what Demosthenes calls himself.101\n\nOne has more of a sense of the sharing of neutral ground when Plato's characters resort to the language of freedom and slavery which had already become commonplace in the fifth century and remained current in the fourth, where the pattern of application in common parlance hardly varies. The association with autocracy, typically labelled 'tyranny', persists: the king of Persia is, as he has been from the time of Aeschylus' _Persians_ at the latest, master of subjects who are all, even the most exalted, his slaves.102 That image slotted neatly into the burgeoning rhetoric of panhellenism, painting the enemy as both alien to Greek values and inherently vulnerable, something which we also find in Xenophon.103 Elsewhere in the same author, however, there are passages which appear to reflect an accurate appreciation of the vassal status of Persian nobles: when in _An_. 1.9.29 and 2.5.38 Artaxerxes lays claim to the weapons of the Ten Thousand as the property of his late 'slave' Cyrus, that might be no more than a literal representation of an ideology by which all the assets of a vassal derive from the King, as in 2.3.17 the _douloi_ are presumably the followers of Tissaphernes and other Persian nobles. Similarly, in the _Cyropaideia_ Cyrus refers to his satraps and subjects as _douloi_ (8.1.43, 6.13) as does Cyaraxes (5.5.9), and conversely the kings of Media and Assyria are referred to as _despotes_ (1.3.18; 5.3.6).104 Something of the same kind may be true of Ctesias: at the battle of Cunaxa he depicts a Persian officer inveighing against Cyrus the Younger 'hoping to overthrow your master... who has millions of slaves better than you', and elsewhere he has Cyrus' brother appointed as _despot\u00eas_ of Bactria and the other lands of which he is governor.105\n\nIn a striking development, Demosthenes extends this imagery to Philip, whom he represents as a _despot\u00eas_ , while Antipater and Parmenion are reduced to servants; similar imagery is applied to contemporary tyrants with Macedonian connections, perhaps to create the implication that the resemblance to Persia extends to the patronage of tyranny.106 Certainly the perceived threat from Macedon to the liberty of Athens and other poleis accounts for a substantial proportion of instances in which the imagery of freedom and slavery is applied to independence and subjection in inter-polis relations,107 though it is also used with reference to Athens in the fifth century and Sparta and Thebes in the fourth, as well as Persia;108 however, since 'freedom' had now entered the formal language of diplomacy, the image of slavery may have lost a little of its bite.109\n\nIn a domestic context, the identification of tyranny with servitude is by now entirely commonplace,110 and the development of interest is the increasing willingness to use the same language of other regimes. We have seen that oligarchy was beginning to be associated with slavery towards the end of the fifth century: in the early fourth century this tendency becomes general, particularly with reference to the regime of the Thirty at Athens, though we also find it retrojected in the orators to the earlier and broader oligarchy of the Four Hundred.111 Increasing readiness to label oligarchy as slavery implies a general belief that democracy was the only constitution which constituted freedom: hence, for example, Demosthenes' consistent antithesis between democracy and oligarchy in his speech _On the liberty of the Rhodians_ ,112 and Plato's casual assumption in the _Republic_ that oligarchic rulers are referred to as 'masters' and in turn refer to their subjects as 'slaves'.113 Demosthenes goes even further in his speech against Timocrates, extending to oligarchy the charge against oriental tyranny that it makes its subjects 'unmanly and slavish'.114 Indeed, by now oligarchy can actually be described as 'tyranny': this is again most frequently attested for the Thirty, and was doubtless intended to imply a lack of legitimacy and of respect for law or their subjects.115\n\nIn this context the label 'tyranny' has almost ceased to be figurative, and comes close to collapsing the two constitutional forms into a single antipole to democracy, but it is also widely used as an image for arbitrary and unaccountable power:116 in particular, Plato builds on earlier personifications of passions and other powerful influences on human psychology to develop the concept of the tyranny of passions within his political psychology of the individual,117 which in turn coheres with the application of the language of slavery, mastery and freedom to self-control and its absence.118 In fact, that language too is coming to be used very broadly of control, often with little clear moral implication, in a way that suggests that it was losing some of its impact.119\n\nThat is certainly not true of the image of the tyranny of the demos which, given the ideological antithesis between the two constitutions, is both plainly figurative and distinctly pointed.120 Although in its early stages in the late fifth century the resonances of this concept are ambiguous and difficult to pin down (above 124), by this stage it has become broadly pejorative,121 but it is more than a reflex anti-democratic slogan: the almost paradoxical suggestion that the majority is capable of unjust domination of the minority is carefully and occasionally almost gleefully worked out.122 Plato exploits the motif in the _Gorgias_ to undermine further the image of the politician as servant: as a _despot\u00eas_ , the demos is no better than a tyrant, and whatever his pretensions, the attention which the _rh\u00eator_ pays it can never rise above servility. We can see from Xenophon that this viewpoint was well-established among opponents of democracy, to the point that poverty could be regarded as a blessing in disguise, if it meant freedom from slavery to the commands of the demos and its imposition of tribute,123 though he presents it as open to the riposte that those who exercise power are more free and less servile than those who do not.124 In part, the negative variation achieves its effect by expressing the relationship through nouns which highlight issues of status rather than verbs describing the activity which, as we have seen, are less clear-cut in their implications and so open to interpretation.125\n\nHere we can see opponents of democracy constructing a response to a persuasive representation of a central tenet of democratic ideology, though it would not be surprising if its origins went back a generation earlier than the first surviving attestations. The shift in the character of our sources also provides us with a clearer view of the persistence of deeper-rooted expressions of anti-democratic prejudice that stress the irrationality of the demos and its need for firm control. Demosthenes alleges that Philip's Athenian advisers compared it to the sea for instability, inconstancy and inscrutability, shifting at random like the waves, while Isocrates compares Athens to a torrent ( _cheimarrous_ ).126 Aristotle intriguingly suggests the possibility of a populist alternative when he remarks that with people as with water, a greater volume is less easily polluted or corrupted ( _adiaphthor\u00f4teron_ : _Pol_. 1286a31\u20133), though the observation seems to be his own. We have already registered reflections of the model of animal-taming with reference to shepherding and the household (above 115, 150); Plato also alludes to another variant when he speaks in the _Statesman_ of installing the statesman in the chariot of state and handing over the reins to him and when he canvasses the charioteer as one possible model for the rule of the gods in the _Laws_ , though he can also employ the image negatively of the new tyrant in the _Republic,_ or the increasingly accident-prone politicians of fifth-century Athens.127 In fact, he seems agnostic on the possibility of taming the demos, at least for non-philosophers: the image of the 'large and powerful animal' ( _R_. 493a-c) which, even if not specifically political, emphasizes the inscrutable animality of the demos, is picked up a little later in the image of the philosopher in politics as a man in a den of beasts ( _th\u00earia_ : 496d), though the demos can equally well be viewed as a lethargic if fine horse in need of a gadfly ( _Ap_. 30e). For democracy, of course, all this is anathema, and the thought that other politicians are making the demos tame to the hand, like a caged animal, outrages Demosthenes.128\n\nOne particular animal image which arguably belongs here is the beehive. _Prima facie_ the bee's status as a social animal would recommend it as an image of community, but in practice Greek bee-imagery concentrates either on leadership (the 'king' i.e. queen bee) or on social problems (drones).129 Xenophon does the former in a Greek context, comparing the Elean democrats flocking to their leader Thrasydaios to a swarm of bees, although with no implication beyond the picture of followers crowding round the leader and the consequent magnification of his importance,130 but the queen bee is more frequently associated with Persian kings. Already in the fifth century Aeschylus had by implication likened Xerxes to a queen bee followed to Greece by a vast swarm which has left Susa deserted.131 In the fourth century the image seems to have provoked some contention: Plato rejects the model of the king bee as natural-born and acknowledged ruler, at least for the real world,132 but Xenophon makes positive reference in the _Cyropaideia_ (5.1.24) to the belief that the king bee was of a different nature from the bees it ruled: the speaker, Artabazus, says that Cyrus seems like a born king no less than the king bee, which the bees obey voluntarily, all attending it wherever it stays or goes, through the strength of their desire to be ruled by it. It has long been suggested that this was a Persian idea, in as much as it is in accord with the Persian belief in the superior nature of the ruler, and more recently it has been argued that the Persians may well have identified themselves with bees, in which case Aeschylus anticipated Xenophon in the reflection of authentic Persian ideas.133 On the other hand, in his account of constitutional and individual types in the _Republic_ , Plato does develop the idea of drones as anti-social and subversive exploiters, which becomes a running but increasingly prominent and developed subsidiary image in the passage from oligarchy through democracy to tyranny: it is to be noted that here no king bee is mentioned, and the drones have a multiplicity of leaders, one of whom exploits his position as _prostat\u00eas_ to make himself tyrant.134\n\nOne striking new development which seems to spring from elite values is the appearance of imagery drawn from art \u2013 specifically, from music and the plastic arts. Notwithstanding the prominence of cultural aspects in Athenian public life, it is only now that we encounter analogies between art and politics,135 and their character is quite distinctive: they are confined to philosophical writing, though unlike much of such imagery, they are not (contrary to what one might expect) primarily concerned with the exercise of _techn\u00ea_. They seem instead to rely on a quasi-aesthetic judgement of the degree to which perfection is approached and of proper proportion, and as such lend themselves to the justification of the principle of proportional equality and of inequality in political contexts: harmony in music depends on a specific mathematical ratio, while in art what matters is the relationship between the disparate parts of the body.136 Aristotle puts this point most clearly _\u00e0 propos_ the 'virtue' of a constitution, comparing the need for moderation to the avoidance of extremes in representing facial features, and he likewise observes that growth in a polis as in a body must be in proportion to avoid damaging constitutional change.137 Plato concentrates more on the legislator as creative artist, which allows him both to introduce the idea of a model ( _paradeigma_ ), the Form of the Good, from which the philosophic legislator will work,138 and on the way in which he will work on the material to arrive at the desired result: the verb which he often uses for this process, _platt\u00f4_ ('mould') implies that the ruled will be entirely passive, like clay,139 and suggests that he envisages the legislator mainly as a sculptor,140 though terminology from painting sometimes intrudes.141 Painting is a particularly good analogy for the endless process both of repairing damage to the picture and, even more, of striving to bring it closer to perfection ( _R_. 501a-c, _Lg_. 769a-c). For Aristotle, too, legislators are craftsmen ( _d\u00eamiourgoi_ ) and their work can be more or less 'polished ( _glaphuros_ )'.142\n\nLike his artistic imagery, Plato's musical imagery links in to key ideas in his thought, particularly in the _Republic_ , in which the notion of harmony plays a significant role. Socrates defines the cardinal virtue _sophrosun\u00ea_ (self-control or discipline) as a kind of harmony ( _harmonia_ , _sumph\u00f4nia_ ) which consists in an agreement between the constituent elements of state and individual as to which of them is to rule (430e, 431e\u20132a, cf. 591d); the order which this creates, with the three elements performing their proper roles, is the essence of justice (442cd, 443c-e). Musical imagery thus supports the political analogy and, since it is also a feature of the cosmos, the parallelism between microcosm and macrocosm.143 In the _Laws_ this harmony is equated with knowledge and is a prerequisite for the exercise of power, and its absence is folly and 'dissonance' ( _pl\u00eammeleia_ ).144 Aristotle, in his musical as in his artistic imagery, is concerned with a balance between extremes, so that a harmonious constitution is one that achieves a mean between slackness and excessive tautness; the difference here is that he seems to show some preference for a defective regime which errs on the side of tension ( _sunton\u00f4teran_ ), rather than being too slack ( _anieisthai_ ).145 There are also some instructive allusions to pipe-playing, which he regards as a distinctive _techn\u00ea_ : hence he identifies the ruler, as the possessor of expertise, with the piper and the ruled with the pipe-maker.146 The Aristotelian _Oeconomicus_ reports a similar comparison of the relationship between commander and troops to that between piper and chorus: such passages make it easy to understand why Xenophon values the chorus as a model of order (though not in specifically political contexts) but it does not form the basis of any democratic imagery.147\n\nThere is a degree of continuity between these artistic images and the image of weaving in Plato's _Statesman_ :148 weaving too involves the expert manipulation of raw material which is itself furnished by subordinate crafts, and the application of expertise in the combination of disparate elements,149 which makes it inclusive but not necessarily egalitarian.150 On the other hand, its ubiquity as a feature of the Greek household removes any potential taint of the banausic (insofar as Plato was concerned by that) and by assimilating it to _oikonomia_ increases its suitability as an analogue for a universal art of rule, and Plato takes that further by removing the gendered aspect which was so marked in the Aristophanic image; he also devotes much more attention to the process of weaving itself, as opposed to the preparation of the wool.151 The central aspect of weaving here is the diversity and complexity within the unity which it creates by binding together elements which are complementary but not self-sufficient, though the fact that it is the product of a collaborative process is also important, as is the function of clothing as a form of protection.152 In the _Laws_ the image is put to a slightly different and less generous use: the magistrates are compared to the tough, tested warp, and the rest of the citizens to the softer and more pliant woof.153\n\nIf imagery drawn from the arts is confined to philosophy, the evidence is much more widely spread for another of the major developments of the fourth century, the burgeoning use of military imagery. As we saw, in the fifth century such imagery was surprisingly infrequent, and restricted almost entirely to tragedy and to the figurative use of words for leadership (above 121). While this usage continues to some extent into the fourth century,154 it is far outweighed in volume and interest by two new kinds of military imagery: the language of station, duty and obedience ( _taxis_ ) and of personal warfare ( _polemein_ ). The language of _taxis_ is particularly noteworthy, as it is common to Plato and to the orators: it is attested earlier for the former, and indeed, if Plato's attribution of it to Socrates is not anachronistic, must actually go back to the end of the fifth century, but his usage of the image does not seem distinctively philosophic, and it is more likely that both Plato and the orators are reflecting a more general innovation in Athenian public discourse: Plato himself is capable of echoing the popular view of the laws and constitution as a _taxis_.155 In fact, at the most general level, to denote the ancestral policy or behaviour of a state, the image is not confined to Athens: in his _Archidamus_ Isocrates has his speaker appeal to the Spartans not to allow the city 'to abandon the position in which our fathers stationed her' (6.93); the image of desertion would obviously be a potent one for Spartans. In the same way, Demosthenes can call on the Athenians not to abandon 'the post of valour' won by their ancestors;156 by extension, the orator can identify democracy as their ancestral constitutional post and dilate on the implications: just as the military deserter is deprived of citizen rights and communal privileges, so the oligarch, the political deserter, should be deprived of the right to advise the city; as it is, the stipulation to have the same friends and enemies is applied in diplomacy, but patently neglected where Athens' politicians are concerned (15.32\u20133). The orators also refer to a citizen's duty as _taxis_ : the earliest instance is in Lysias, where Philon's failure to support the city at the time of the Thirty is treated as aggravated desertion,157 but it can also be applied to the duty to give truthful evidence, or for jurors to hold their position as defenders of the democracy, ashamed of deserting.158\n\nMore commonly, the image is applied to choice of policy within Athens. Demosthenes regularly uses it to describe his own policy choices, with the implication of courage and resolution, often in a dangerous stance of loyalty, or to refer to a policy maintained in a time of crisis. By contrast, Aeschines initially took up the _taxis_ of hostility to Philip, a position from which he subsequently 'treacherously deserted ( _\u00eautomol\u00ease kai proud\u00f4ke_ )'.159 Aeschines returns the insult with references not only to similar shifts in policy, a 'desertion' revealed by scrutiny of public records, but also to the more literal desertion of Demosthenes' post in the city after Chaeronea, following on from his physical _lipotaxia_ at the battle itself. The image is also applied by Demosthenes to the policy choices of others and was evidently so used by other speakers; naturally, that means that his opponents marshal themselves with Athens' enemies.160 The strong emotional and legal pressure to hold one's position in the battle-line made _taxis_ and the associated ideas of courageous obedience and treacherous desertion a powerful image.161 Demosthenes' denunciation of Aeschines shows that it is a short step from desertion to treachery, and the further step to mercenary service is easily made if one adds the monetary element: pseudo-Demosthenes gives his discussion of the Macedonians' mercenary politicians a clever twist by suggesting that they are 'bodyguarded' ( _doruphoroumenoi_ ) by Macedonian garrisons, bodyguards being a characteristic of tyrants.162\n\nBattle-line imagery, then, is applicable to both foreign and domestic politics; the idea of warfare _tout court_ is not surprisingly confined to internal affairs. The earliest instance seems to be in Theramenes' defence speech, where he is made to say that he is 'at war' with extreme democrats;163 this may be intended as a riposte to Critias' denunciation of him as a traitor and hence worse than a simple enemy, and it is noteworthy that he expresses his opposition to extreme oligarchs with the softer _enantios eimi_ ('I am opposed to'). Demosthenes makes the same assertion of his relationship with the pro-Macedonians, and he attributes the same expression to Meidias and other politicians; the image is also employed by Isocrates and Aeschines, who also predicts with mild ridicule that one of Timocrates' supporters, a general, will 'make a raid ( _katadrom\u00ean_ )' in his defence.164 On the whole, though, the intended implication is clearly a favourable one, to lend glamour to what might otherwise be seen as tedious and self-serving infighting, by dressing it in the clothing of warfare.165\n\nMilitary imagery naturally suggests protection, and here again we find politicians making claims that would have been impossible for their fifth-century predecessors. Dinarchus alludes to Demosthenes' claim in _de Corona_ to have 'fenced round' ( _perikecharak\u00f4men\u00ean_ ) Athens with his counsels, but in that speech Demosthenes, though drawing a contrast with his literal activities as overseer of the fortifications, still claims to have fortified Athens with military assets \u2013 arms, cities (i.e. allies), strongpoints, harbours, ships, horses and men. Aeschines likewise reports Demosthenes' claim to have fortified the city with 'brazen and adamantine' walls, meaning his alliance with the Euboeans and Thebans, and Demades also claims to have fortified Attica metaphorically by 'the city's security ( _t\u00eai t\u00eas pole\u00f4s asphaleiai_ )'.166 Beyond the particular circumstance of Demosthenes' service as overseer of fortifications in 337\/6 BC (D.18.112\u201319, Aeschin. 3.17\u201323, 236), the stress on resources is a further reflection of Athens' straitened circumstances, and even if the talk is of metaphorical fortifications, it is notable that the image of men as the essential protection of a city appears only once, in Lycurgus' speech against Leocrates, where the defendant's physical desertion makes it particularly apposite.167 Instead, as we shall see shortly, the language of guarding and protection is transferred inwards to the machinery and personnel of the democracy. In the same way, too, the architectural imagery of bulwarks and props once applied to individuals now comes to be used of the social structure of the polis and the crucial importance of its integrity: for Plato in the _Laws_ , unwritten laws are like carpenters' props ( _ereismata_ ), the failure of which causes catastrophic collapse, while in the _Statesman_ a purely written constitution is a shaky though surprisingly resilient foundation ( _kr\u00eapis_ ), just as in the view of Demosthenes the absence of truth and justice is for Philip's power; hence the vital role of those elements which hold the city together, like a building, a body or a ship.168\n\nWarfare between politicians is one element in a strain of increasing violence in the political language of fourth-century Athens which we can detect also in animal imagery. Politicians now routinely refer to one another as 'wild beasts' ( _th\u00earia_ ) or 'brutes' ( _kn\u00f4dala_ ), just as sycophants are abusively compared with 'a small menagerie'.169 The perception of particular animals also comes to be contested: against the watchdog of the people, we have bad dogs who bite, like Idrieus, who Androtion said was dangerous when off the leash of prison; earlier, Thrasyboulos had undermined the pretensions of the Thirty by pointing out that, so far from the Spartans being an asset to them, they had handed over the former oligarchs to their victims like dangerous dogs tied up in a wooden collar.170 Hyperides drew a similar distinction between good and bad examples of a creature, comparing rhetors to snakes, some of which were venomous, while others, like the 'brown snake', ate other snakes; the defensive tone acknowledges a negative popular perception which is reflected in the Aesopian fable of the fox who declines an offer to remove his fleas, on the grounds that at least that lot, being already sated, are not sucking much of his blood.171 On the other hand, Aristotle puts a positive spin on another fable, that of the lions and the hares ('where are your teeth?') as germane to the position of the ideal monarch.172 Demosthenes was similarly violent in his medical imagery, accusing the 'crop of traitors' of 'hack[ing] off the limbs of their own countries' and calling the demos 'hamstrung' ( _ekneneurismenoi_ , lit. 'with sinews cut'); Aeschines' attribution to him of the phrase 'the sinews of the demos have been cut through' is thus entirely plausible.173 Also reported there are a very similar image from viticulture \u2013 'the shoots of the demos have been cut away' \u2013 and two from carpet-making: 'we are being stitched up like a mat ( _phormorraphoumetha_ )' and 'certain people are threading like needles into tight spaces.'174 In fact, horticultural imagery in the fourth century tends somewhat to the sinister, and although we find positive mentions of the figure of the farmer or gardener, all is not necessarily well in the garden: Socrates suggests ironically that he is being weeded out by Meletus, and Aristotle picks up the anecdote of lopping off the tallest ears of corn as an object-lesson for tyrants, and for other regimes too. Furthermore, what grows may not always be desirable: for Plato, tyranny is a baneful plant, while orators regard opponents and their proposals as the seed and root of trouble.175\n\nFor all their ideological differences, there is one point on which the philosophers and Athenian public speakers are in complete accord: the central importance of Law or laws. _Nomos_ had already come to have the status of a king by the turn of the century (above 125), and its ideological predominance increased even further in the course of the fourth, so much so that it transcended earlier controversies to become a king, a master, and even a god.\n\nFor Athenian democrats, the concept of law naturally extended to include the constitution and those who made it work. Thus it was natural, for example, to transfer the language of protection and guardianship to the laws and to those who applied them, the jurors and magistrates, though the role of the latter is perhaps envisaged as a deterrent vigilance.176 By now, politicians too might claim to be guardians against illegality and guardians of the constitution or of the democracy, though in all these passages such claims are reported sceptically, and ps.-Demosthenes points out that it is such self-appointed watchdogs who really need watching.177 The military colour of _phulax_ and _phulatt\u00f4_ has faded here, to be replaced by broader notions of security and a new specific implication of scrutiny and oversight.178\n\nThe centrality of democracy as a frame of reference encouraged the figurative use of its terminology and institutions, a practice which had begun to appear by the end of the previous century and is widespread in fourth-century oratory. So, for example, Isaeus is credited with the aphorism that the greatest 'liturgy' was to live an orderly and sober life, while the title _chor\u00eagos_ has become generalized to mean one who backs or funds politicians, usually with the implication of corruption. It is revealing that a number of such cases refer to financial administration, which underwent a series of reforms in response to Athens' chronic budgetary difficulties: Demosthenes applies the image of the symmory system to Athenian politics, which he suggests is now run by organized consortia similar to those existing for taxation purposes.179 Another key principle is accountability: Demosthenes regularly applies the idea of the _euthuna_ system to more general concepts of accountability, often to draw a contrast between accountable rhetors, especially himself, and post-eventum critics and sycophants or the unaccountable Philip, and similarly he appeals to the jurors to act as _logistai_ , assessors at an audit.180 Aeschines for his part claims that the laws are acting as supporting speakers for him ( _sun\u00eagoroi_ ).181 Contrariwise, the institutions of the democracy come to be described in figurative terms: for Demosthenes in _De Corona_ , the herald's proclamations are 'the common voice of the fatherland', Demades referred to the theoric fund as the 'glue ( _kollan_ ) of the democracy, and Aeschines called the _sanidion_ , the whitened board on which the disputed decree and the relevant laws were inscribed in _graphai paranom\u00f4n_ , the measuring-rod ( _kan\u00f4n_ ) of justice.182\n\nDemosthenes may also reflect contemporary concerns, both financial and legal, in his use of the imagery of counterfeiting. In his speech against Timocrates, he attributes anachronistically to Solon the concept that while silver coinage is the medium of private transactions, laws are the common currency of the city, and that therefore penalties for debasing or counterfeiting this public coinage should be correspondingly more severe, since though states have survived debasement of their coinage, none has survived debasement of its laws. Here law is treated as having an absolute worth corresponding to what we would call the 'gold standard' of the highly-prized Athenian silver coinage; that concept is played on in a slightly different way when he suggests that the assembly should assay speeches like coinage or weigh up individual politicians in the bankers' scales, and the conceit of the juror as assayer ( _argurogn\u00f4m\u00f4n_ ) is echoed in Aristotle's _Rhetoric_. Demosthenes' denunciation of Leptines for having made Athens 'counterfeit and untrustworthy', in revoking immunities from liturgies previously granted, is more in line with earlier imagery which applied the language of counterfeiting and assay to individual character.183\n\nIn all this, the democracy for all its ideological predominance is a touchstone or a point of reference, not an agent: that status is reserved for _Nomos_ , which comes to be personified in various ways.184 Like those who implement them, the laws can be represented as guardians and as preserving ( _s\u00f4izein_ ) the city and its citizens; here the personification is limited, but in other images the personified laws are much more active, as rulers of the city or the motive power that drives the institutions of the democracy. Equally, the laws can be represented as a disembodied prosecution, as in Apollodorus' speech against Neaira, or as having imposed the due penalty on an adulterer, or as forming a triumvirate with the prosecutor and the democracy in cases of _graph\u00ea paranom\u00f4n_. Indeed, the laws can be represented as legislating in themselves, moved by their zeal for what is just and good.185 In an appropriate context, however, law may be personified as almost passive: in his speech _Against Meidias_ (21.223\u20135), Demosthenes represents the laws' strength as resting in their maintenance by the jurors, whose sovereignty is reciprocally generated by the power of law, rather than in a capacity for active intervention, since they are only 'inscribed letters'; thus the laws are seen in this case as a victim in need of assistance.186\n\nNevertheless, this passage looks anomalous when compared with the presentation of the laws within the framework of Athenian democracy, and even more so when compared with the depiction of law or laws as kings: Plato puts in the mouth of the tragic poet Agathon the phrase 'laws, the kings of cities', and Aristotle credits almost the same words to the rhetorician and sophist Alcidamas, while Plato himself writes that salvation comes 'when law becomes supreme king over men'. Law can even become a tyrant, or like one: Demades observes that the best democracy is that in which all fear the law like a tyrant, adding aphoristically that while for slaves compulsion serves as law, for free men the law compels. For the sophistic proponent of the rule of nature, however, law is illegitimate constraint, and so Plato represents Hippias as describing law as 'tyrant over men', doing many violent deeds against _phusis_.187 As a monarch, whether king or tyrant, law is readily figured as a master (even more so as a god: see below): hence it becomes increasingly uncontroversial to speak in terms of servitude to the laws, an idea which we find frequently in Plato and Aristotle. Xenophon expresses the same idea in a more nuanced manner when he describes Agesilaus as 'doing service to the laws' ( _tois nomois latreu\u00f4n_ ), using a verb often applied to dutiful service to the gods; the conception of rulers submitting to a higher authority looks forward to the somewhat paradoxical Hellenistic concept of monarchy as 'distinguished slavery'.188\n\nWe can also see in the convergence of law and monarchy, combined with the insistence of the philosophers on ruling as a matter of skill, the foundations of another key concept of Hellenistic ruler theory, the idea that the king embodies law ( _nomos empsuchos_ ): the earliest allusion to ideas of that kind is to be found in Xenophon, who in the _Cyropaideia_ attributes to Cyrus the belief that, while men are improved by written laws, the good ruler is 'a law with eyes for men, because he is able not only to give commandments, but also to see the transgressor and punish him'. It is not surprising that we should encounter the notion first in a Persian context, since their belief in the inherent natural superiority of their kings also prefigures philosophic contemplation of the ideal king or statesman.189\n\nThe final step is the apotheosis of law and of the ruler, which in the light of prior developments seems almost over-determined. The personification of forces capable of affecting human behaviour physically, like wine, or psychologically, like love, was by now a well-established process: these are typically characterized as _turannoi_ or _dunastai_ , minor powers with a tendency to arbitrary behaviour (above 7\u20138), and there had been something of this in some earlier personifications of Nomos as the somewhat arbitrary 'king of all' in Pindar, or as a 'master ( _despot\u00eas_ )' comparable to an absolute King of Persia.190 Now, however, the description of law suggests something closer to an established divinity, as when Plato describes the ideal constitution as divine, and submission to the laws as submission to the gods.191 If law merits such reverence, then it is natural to regard those who create it as something more than mortal, hence Plato's reverential allusions to Lycurgus, and his description of the Nocturnal Council in the _Laws_ as 'godlike' can be viewed in the same light; likewise his proposal to heroize the Guardians in the _Republic_ after their death assimilates them to the founders of colonies and implies a foundational aspect to their activity. At the same time, his readiness to style them 'saviours and defenders', titles more usual for gods, is in line with an increasing willingness to confer divine honours on living individuals and to credit them with superhuman characteristics. 192\n\nThat process reaches its culmination in Alexander. Callisthenes' flattering description of the sea on the Pamphylian coast with its rollers recognizing Alexander as its (new) master ( _anakta_ ) and performing a sort of _proskynesis_ clearly evokes the description of Poseidon being greeted by the denizens of his realm in the _Iliad_ : the implication is that the Macedonian king is no local divinity, but, like Plato's divine Nomos, something akin to one of the Homeric pantheon.193 In itself that is a startling enough step, but Anaxarchus' comparison of Alexander to Zeus with Justice seated beside him (Plut. _Alex_. 52.2\u20134; above 14) goes even further, effectively combining the image of the king as god and that of the king as embodying law. As an authentic god, the king embodies law, and as embodied law he is godlike, even divine: power, legitimacy and divinity collapse into one another in the unique person and situation of Alexander, and from that singularity will emerge the new world of the Hellenistic kings.\n\n## Notes\n\n1For the author of the _Ath.Pol_. (41.2), this is the point at which the Athenian constitution achieves its final form: Ober (1998) 352\u20133 with references in n.2. Osborne (2003) offers a stimulating discussion of the changing status in the late fifth century of tyranny and oligarchy as threats to democracy.\n\n2E.g. Rhodes (1980), Hansen (1989), though NB Eder (1998) for a model of more gradual evolution.\n\n3The shift in the character of those sources requires acknowledgement at the outset: the prominence of philosophic writing is one aspect of a more general dominance of prose texts, which includes a much greater volume of oratory, at the expense of drama, where we have little comedy, and still less tragedy, and of verse in general.\n\n4Both Archelaus and Evagoras had supported the Athenians during the Peloponnesian war and been honoured by them ( _IG_ I3 117 = _ML_ 91; _IG_ I3 113) \u2013 indeed, Evagoras was probably also awarded Athenian citizenship at this time: Rhodes & Osborne (2003) 52\u20133; Dionysius was admittedly largely unsuccessful before 404, though he might have benefited from association with Athens' nemesis Syracuse (on which see Thuc. 7.55, 8.96.5).\n\n5Hence Plato not only acknowledges Greek fear of Persian power ( _Lg._ 685 c6\u20137), but has the oligarchic man establish wealth in himself as a Persian monarch with all the trappings ( _R._ 553c7\u20138), and treats the Great King as the type of the fortunate man in _Grg._ 470e4\u20135, _Apol_. 40d7-e2, _Euthyd._ 274a6\u20137; cf. also the account of Persian wealth at _Alc I_. 123bc, Cyrus and Xerxes as models for Alcibiades' ambition ( _Alc I_ 105c5\u20136), Callicles' choice of the invasions of Xerxes and Darius as instances of the unfettered exercise of power ( _Grg_. 483d \u2013 though these are poor historical exempla: Ober 1998, 200) and Darius as lawgiver ( _Phdr_. 258bc, _Lg_. 695cd, _Ep. 7_ 332ab). This might be another Socratic preoccupation: Antisthenes, like Xenophon, wrote a work centred on the elder Cyrus (Rankin 1986, 143\u20134), for whom NB also Pl. _Lg_. 694a\u20135b, in a passage of suggestive polemic, and Isoc. 9.37\u20138.\n\n6Pl. _Lg_. 905e\u20136a (tr. Saunders). Compare Socrates' reference to 'the likenesses to which we must always compare our kingly rulers... the noble steersman and the doctor who is \"worth many others\"' ( _Plt_. 297e7\u201311 tr. Rowe): in the _Statesman_ Plato works through a range of comparisons, beginning with the model of the shepherd (261d\u20138c), then the doctor (from 293b) and gymnastic trainer (from 294d), and helmsman (from 296e) and also alludes to the charioteer (266e8\u201311). Xenophon likewise juxtaposes father, teacher, doctor and helmsman in the context of military discipline at _An_. 5.8.18\u201320. Cf. Pender (2000) 111\u201314, 118\u201348 for such 'metaphors working together' (though the combinations are not necessarily the same) to describe the gods, and on mixed metaphor in the _Republic_ see Tarrant (1946) 29\u201330.\n\n7And we have also registered a strand in oligarchic imagery which highlights the irrationality of the demos (above 61, 120); in ps.-X. _Ath.Pol_. the demos is explicitly disparaged as ignorant (1.5, 7) and mad (1.9). Aristotle offers a critique of the craft analogy at _Pol_. 1281b38\u201382a23.\n\n8de Romilly (1998) 217\u201325; Protagoras is credited with drafting the legal code for the Athenian-sponsored colony at Thurii: Guthrie (1962\u201381) III.1, 263\u20134 (and see 262\u20139 for his political thought more generally).\n\n9Plato's attribution to Protagoras of a myth in his _Protagoras_ is a possible exception, but all aspects of his presentation of the sophists require very cautious handling.\n\n10Compare the surveys in Brickhouse and Smith (1994) 5\u201310, 163\u20136 (based on Platonic instances) and Vlastos (1994) 96\u20139 (drawn from Xenophon).\n\n11Pl. _Grg._ 490c8\u2013491a3, especially e9\u201311: ' \"you're always saying the same things, Socrates\" \"Yes, and about the same things, too, Callicles\" '; _Smp._ 221e4\u20136; X. _Mem._ 4.4.6.\n\n12That argument, which is regarded as characteristically Socratic by Aristotle ( _Rh_. 1393 b4\u20138) also appears in the _Dissoi Logoi_ (7; probably to be dated around the end of the fifth century: Robinson 1979, 34\u201341), somewhat elaborated, and combined with prudential consideration of the risk that the lot will select enemies of democracy. Isocrates, however, is careful to deploy only the latter argument in the _Areopagiticus_ (7.23).\n\n13X. _Mem_. 1.2.9, 32\u20138: note especially Critias' warning to 'keep away from the cobblers, carpenters and smiths' at 37.\n\n14Note also the use of the doctor and helmsman images by Antisthenes: frr.15.8, 185\u20136, Rankin (1986) 25, 139, who suggests that craft analogies became 'agreed areas of reference' and 'basic \"counters\"' in dialectical argument (ibid. 141), though Lloyd (1966) 292\u20134 remarks on the disparity between the use of such imagery in Plato and Aristotle and their disdain for actual craftsmen. For an anonymous 'socratising' fragment see xviii n.12.\n\n15That is, it could be roughly contemporary with the beginnings of explicit criticism of democracy in pseudo-Xenophon's _Athenai\u00f4n Politeia_: Ober (1998) 14\u201315 (though note that Hornblower 2000 has argued for a fourth-century date).\n\n16Socrates' political sympathies: Guthrie (1962\u201381) III.2 89\u201396 is still a sensible overview; Vlastos (1994) argues that he was fundamentally democratic, while Brickhouse and Smith (1994) 163\u20134 note that his positive allusion to banausic craft activity is unlikely to have appealed to an elite audience (as Callicles' impatience in the passage cited at n.11 indeed implies), and suggest (164\u20136) that he was equally critical of all existing constitutions, and Wallach likewise concludes that Socrates' 'political orientation... is indeterminate' (2001, 92\u2013119, esp. 116\u201319; quotation from p.118) . However, even if Socrates was not himself specifically opposed to democracy, he had in practice made available some powerful weapons to those who were. The commitment of Socrates to oral debate in public (Ober 1998, 174 n.37) also represents an exception to what is often seen as a link between a culture of writing and criticism of democracy: e.g. Steiner (1994) 186\u2013241 esp. 220\u20137 (at 216 she excludes Socrates as uncategorizable); Ober (1998) 45\u20138, who notes the exception (45 n.60) without exploring the point.\n\n17In what follows I am not specifically concerned with articulating the approaches of individual authors (for a sketch centred on Xenophon see Brock 2004b) and although for practical reasons I focus particularly on philosophical writers, my agenda is only incidentally philosophical. In particular, I am not attempting to give an account of Plato's political philosophy (on which see recently Schofield 2006), or of his use of imagery (discussed by Pender 2000; 2003), or even of his political imagery from a philosophic perspective (Bambrough 1956 is still fundamental here; also Louis 1945, Jackson 1988), all of which lies beyond my competence (the same goes for Aristotle, though his more sparing use of imagery makes the issue less prominent). Rather, my aim is, within a picture of fourth-century political imagery as a whole, to examine the working of Plato's imagery in itself and to set it in the broader context of earlier and contemporary usage. Again, to make my coverage as full as possible, I have tended to include material from works of debated authenticity such as _Alc. I_ (on which see Denyer 2001 14\u201326) and _Ep. 7_ (see Schofield 2006, 13\u201319 for a recent summary of the debate with extensive bibliography), but this should not be taken to imply an informed judgment on my part, and more expert readers are at liberty to discount such material if they wish, though I do not think the argument would be substantially affected.\n\n18Pl. _Plt._ 258e\u20139c; X. _Oec._ 13.5, 21.2, 10, _Mem_. 4.2.11: above 25\u20136. It follows that this is not exclusively a masculine prerogative, hence Socrates' injunction that Ischomachus' wife should administer her household 'like a queen' (X. _Oec._ 9.14\u201315); at _Mem_. 3.9.11 Xenophon notes that in wool-working women exercise authority over men because of their knowledge of the craft.\n\n19Above 36n.4.\n\n20Above 31: Plato emphasizes the parental right to control ( _archein_ ) at _Lg._ 690a, while Xenophon ( _An_. 5.8.18) and Aristotle ( _Pol_. 1315a21) look to the father-child relationship to justify and palliate punishment where necessary. In this form such imagery not only combined the two strands in the imagery (household, family) which had been kept apart hitherto, but also tapped into the Homeric resonances of the king as father which had been rather under-exploited in subsequent literature (above 111\u201312).\n\n21Most overtly stated in Isoc. 2.19, 21 (above 32): contrast Pindar's use of the language of stewardship (above 26). The Persian conception of the empire as 'the King's house' (above 12, 110) might well have been one countervailing factor for fifth-century Athenians, but the concept would have been controversial in any case: see above 23n.91 on S. _Ant_. 738.\n\n22That proprietorial attitude is expressed in Hiero's earlier comparison (6.15\u201316) of his citizens to a fine horse of which he is afraid, lest it cause him fatal harm, and so would be hard put either to use or to kill. Cyaxares similarly compares Cyrus' winning over of his subjects to diverting the affections of a man's dogs, attendants or wife ( _Cyr_. 5.5.28\u201330), while Isocrates echoes the undertone of animal-taming in the observation that men, like dogs or horses, can only be properly ruled by one who loves and takes pleasure in them (2.15); in both these cases, too, monarchy is the regime in question.\n\n23 _Hiero_ 11.14 (quoted above, 32). For the positive characterization in Xenophon of the ruler or leader (Greek as well as non-Greek) as father, see above 31; note the similar sharpening of the language of friendship ( _ou monon philoio an_ ) to that of desire ( _alla kai er\u00f4io_ ) a little earlier (11.11 with Gray 2007 _ad loc_.) and NB Gray's rebuttal of ironic readings of these aspects of the _Hiero_ (212\u201313) and now in Gray (2011), _passim_.\n\n24.The universal model of rule is firmly rejected at _Pol_. 1252a7\u201316 (cf. 1253b18\u201320); mastery over slaves is distinguished from statesmanship at 1255b16\u201320 and the different kinds of authority exercised by the head of the household over slaves, children and wife distinguished more fully at 1259a37-b17 (cf. 1278b30\u20131279a2). In discussing the development of the polis in _Pol_. I.ii, he uses the verb _basileuein_ of authority in the household in a way that implies that it is an early evolutionary stage (1252b19\u201327, cf. 1255b19), but when he identifies a fifth, total form of monarchy with household authority, it is presumably that of the ideal king (1285b29\u201333 with Robinson 1995, 52\u20133). Analogies between different familial relations and constitutional forms are elaborated in the _Nicomachean Ethics_ (1160b22\u201361b10; above 34); NB also n.86 below.\n\n25.Plato himself trades on this in the unflattering portrait which Socrates draws in the _Theaetetus_ of the ruler in the eyes of the philosopher as a kind of herdsman 'milking' ( _bdallonta_ ) his subjects, as well as rendered uncivilized by his environment ( _Tht_. 174de). Blondell (2005) 27\u20138 discusses the social marginality of herdsmen, though I think that this is the only passage in political imagery where capital is made of it.\n\n26.Pender (2000) 108\u2013110, 119\u201323; the problem of the ruler's being of a different species is highlighted by the myth of the rule of Kronos in the _Statesman_ (274e\u20135c; cf. _Lg_. 713de): Blondell (2005) 31, 38\u20139, 43 and above 46.\n\n27.X. _Cyr_. 1.1, 8.2.14, cf. Pl. _Lg_. 694e\u20135a (above 47\u20138). In X. _Mem_. 3.2.1 Socrates expounds the duties of the general in terms of the Homeric epithet _poimena la\u00f4n_ , and indeed specifically of Agamemnon, which lends some support to the interpretation advanced above (43), and suggests that Homeric reminiscences were being consciously exploited. Aristotle likewise cites Homer's characterization of Agamemnon as shepherd at _EN_ 1161a12\u201315, with reference to friendship in monarchy (the king cares for his subjects so that they do well), laying his emphasis on affection instead of authority: Pakaluk (1998) 122.\n\n28.Lane (1998) 40\u20136, Blondell (2005) 23\u201344, also Miller (1980) 43\u201354, who sees a problematic association with autocracy as well; additional difficulties with the image include the lack of specialization and differentiation of a proper art. Lane (40) observes that the methodology here means that herding (Plato uses a more neutral language [ _agel\u00ea_ ] which covers a range of animals and indeed birds) is more than just an analogy. Blondell (54\u20135) notes that the shepherd is retained in a subsidiary role in the dialogue's later model, weaving, as supplier of the raw material.\n\n29.Blondell (2005) 26\u20137. The Guardians as watchdogs should protect the flock from external attack rather than behaving like wolves themselves (415e\u201316e; cf. the accusation levelled at the Romans by a Dalmatian rebel that their governors are 'not dogs, or shepherds, but wolves': Dio 56.16.3), obey the rulers as shepherds of the polis (440d) and guard the herd (451cd; but _agel\u00ea_ is used of the Guardians in the sense 'pack' in the analogy from stock-breeding at 459de, on which NB Halliwell 1993, 17); canine imagery also at 466a, 537a, 539b. The tripartite arrangement here of course coincides with Plato's psychology. At _Lg_. 735b the Athenian, discussing the selection of citizens for the new foundation, speaks in terms of purging the herd of 'unhealthy and inferior stock', again underlining the herdsman's absolute control of inferior species (and the concept is pursued in terms of medical purging and pure water: above 72, 144n.154). A further attraction for Plato is the etymological link between the vocabulary of herding ( _nomeus_ , _nomeu\u00f4_ ) and that of law ( _nomos_ ) \u2013 the verb _nem\u00f4_ ('dispense', 'inhabit' 'manage' 'pasture') covers both fields: Pender (2000) 109, _Laws_ 714a with England (1921) on 714a1; cf. _Plt_. 295e. This tactic is picked up and elaborated by the author of the pseudo-Platonic _Minos_ (317d\u20138a, 321b-d), who makes a link with the Homeric formula _poimena la\u00f4n_ at 321b10-c2.\n\n30Though talk of wildness and tameness and the introduction of horses in the _Gorgias_ passage hint at the overtones of control in earlier imagery of animal-taming, as does the mention of the charioteer at 516e3\u20137.\n\n31Though Xenophon too links the doctor and helmsman as examples of leaders to whose superior understanding men will voluntarily defer in their own interest ( _Cyr._ 1.6.21), and in _Mem_. 3.9.10\u201311 the helmsman is joined with the farmer, doctor and trainer as models for the deference to true expertise which ought to operate in ruling; cf. also _Mem_. 4.2.5 for the doctor as the type of expert who must be trained by experts, and NB also n.6 above. The Persian empire is described as 'steered by the _gn\u00f4m\u00ea_ (will\/judgement\/wisdom)' of Cyrus at _Cyr_. 1.1.5, significantly echoed at 8.8.1. Bad doctors are also compared to bad helmsmen at Hp. _VM_ 9.4.\n\n32Schofield (2006) 136\u201393 argues that 'two very different conceptions of knowledge in politics are in play' (138) in Plato, one practical and 'architectonic', the other truly philosophic; however, I find it difficult to discern any clear distinction between the two in his usage of imagery.\n\n33 _R_. 341c\u20132e; in fact it is Thrasymachus who is made to appeal first to the expertise of the doctor as defining him (340d2\u20133), so setting up Socrates' elaboration. Note that horse-training is briefly slipped in as a parallel at 342c4\u20136, perhaps to prepare the ground for the next section as a less problematic example of control of animals than shepherding. The doctor and helmsman are joined as types of the skilled practitioner in Plato's fantastical democratization of their arts at _Plt_. 298a\u20139d, where he imagines them being selected by lot (298c5\u20139); note, though, that wealth, the oligarchic touchstone, is similarly excluded as a criterion for helmsmanship at _R_. 551c2\u20136. The crucial need for understanding ( _nous_ ) when a doctor or helmsman exercises power is the point of the paired images at _Alc I_ 134e\u20135a. See also Cordes (1994) 138\u201369 for discussion of Plato's medical imagery, esp. 140\u201352 for political imagery.\n\n34The point is made explicitly with reference to the helmsman and the doctor at _R_. 489b5-c3; Aristotle too distinguishes the helmsman and doctor from the despotic authority of a master which is mistakenly regarded as statesmanship ( _Pol_. 1324b29\u201333), while at 1278b40\u20131279a21 he cites the trainer, doctor and helmsman as examples of those who rule for the benefit of others while belonging to the same community and benefiting indirectly, thus fitting his model of ruling and being ruled in turn. In this they can be clearly distinguished from the slave-master, but the status of household management is less clear-cut in this regard (1278b37\u20139).\n\n35Xenophon highlights the importance of discipline on a storm-tossed ship at _An_. 5.8.20, and Aristotle makes a similar point about the dangers even of small errors to a weak body or a badly-crewed ship ( _Pol_. 1320b33\u201321a1), so that the worst constitutions require the greatest precaution. Plato appeals to the idea of constant peril at sea in establishing a standing committee of the Nocturnal Council in the _Laws_ (758ab), in an image which slides from 'watching' ( _phulake_ ) to the more explicitly military 'guarding' ( _phrourein_ ). The essentially interventionist character of the doctor image is presumably the reason that while the image of the helmsman is very commonly applied to the role of the gods and cosmic direction in Plato (Pender 2000, 110\u201311, 240; and other authors: above 64n.31), that of the doctor only appears once, in _Lg_. 905e9\u201310, where it is rapidly assimilated to ideas of protection through the doctor's role in the 'war' against disease: Pender (2000) 139\u201343.\n\n36That the helmsman is essentially a facilitator is acknowledged in _Grg._ 511b\u201312b, where his capacity to save lives is advanced as a parallel for oratory. At _Euthd_. 291cd the mistaken notion of the kingly art as directing the other arts is described precisely in terms of helmsmanship ( _kubern\u00f4sa_ ), the point underlined by allusion to the maritime image applied to a human monarch at A. _Sept_. 2\u20133: Bambrough (1956) 105 notes the difficulty that pursuing the helmsman image to its logical conclusion implies that in that case he 'is not content to accept the fares of his passengers or the fee of his master, and then to conduct them where they wish to go, but... insists on going beyond his professional scope by prescribing the route and the destination as well as the course by which the route can best be traversed and the destination most suitably reached.'\n\n37Paradoxically, this state of affairs can justify the philosopher's disengagement from politics. In _R_. 425e\u20136c Plato compares a society \u2013 by implication, democratic Athens \u2013 to a patient on whom it is pointless to try the specific cures of ad hoc legislation (which he also compares to amputating a Hydra's head: 426e8) until he reforms his way of life, a change to which Athens, with its laws against alteration of the constitution, is inherently opposed (contrast Plut. _Lyc_. 5.3 on that legislator's complete change of regimen for Sparta), and in the _Seventh Letter_ he justifies his refusal to intervene in Athenian politics in very similar terms ( _Ep. 7_ 330c\u20131a): the first course in treating an invalid is to advise him to change his way of life, and if he refuses, only a fool will persevere in his attempts. So too with a government: if it is orderly, and requests advice, by all means give it, but to comply with a government that opposes change with the threat of death and enforces compliance with its desires is unmanly (and Plato had already judged all existing constitutions incurable: 326a). Likewise in the _Republic_ , just after the satire on the ship of state (489bc), he asserts that it is for the patient to seek out the doctor, not vice versa; the principal theme of this section is the obstacles to the true philosopher's engaging with society (for the burlesquing of 'mastery of animals' imagery in the picture of the 'large and powerful animal' [493a-c], see below 159).\n\n38Doctor and trainer: _Cri_. 47b, _Prot_. 313d, _Alc I_ 131a, _Grg_. 504a, 517e, _R_. 389c, _Plt_. 295b-e, _Lg_. 684c, 720e, 916a): at _Grg_. 464bc Plato makes it explicit that the trainer is to the healthy body what the doctor is to the sick one, corresponding to the legislator and the judge; the analogy between doctor and judge is elaborated in the account of the painful but therapeutic character of punishment in 477e\u201380b: cf. _Lg_. 728c, 854e, 862bc, and for the metaphor see Pender (2000) 199\u2013206. Painful treatment: e.g. _Grg_. 456b with Dodds (1959) on b4, 521e\u20132a, cf. _R_. 564bc (excision in the hive) and above 72; purging: _Plt_. 293d (cf. 308e\u20139a for a literal parallel), _Lg_. 735d\u20136a, above n.29 (and for other 'cleansing' imagery in Plato cf. below n.141; even training is expected to be painful: _Lg_. 684c. It follows from Plato's perception of the sickness of real-world constitutions that the trainer rarely appears directly in political contexts (but see below): _gymnastik\u00ea_ tends to serve as a side-kick to _iatrik\u00ea_ rather than an independent concept. Plato's identification of the doctor with the judge brings to the fore a moral aspect that is at most latent in earlier medical imagery (above 73; compare a moralizing use of helmsman imagery at _Clit._ 408ab.\n\n39 _Grg_. 463a\u20135e, 500b, e\u2013501a, 517c\u20139a, 521a\u20132a (the last passage imagining Socrates the doctor arraigned by a pastry-cook before a jury of children); Plato is here attacking the democratic model of service (below, 155).\n\n40'Just as a steersman, always watching out for what is to the benefit of the ship and the sailors, preserves his fellow-sailors not by putting things down in writing but offering his expertise as law' ( _Plt_. 296e\u20137a2, tr. Rowe).\n\n41NB Hornblower (2002) 187\u201397 on 'system-building and treatise-writing [and] professionalism' (184) in this period, with particular reference to warfare.\n\n42 _Plt._ 295d\u2013300a: seafaring is included, as a much more clear-cut case than medicine, to underline the fatuity of subjecting experts to a democratic legal framework in 298b\u20139d, where there is also a clear echo of the caricature of the ship of state in the _Republic_ (above 58).\n\n43 _Lg_. 719e\u201320e, 722e\u20133a, where the underlying issue is whether laws should simply be prescriptive or include an explanatory preamble; the image reappears in the context of penal legislation at 857c-e (cf. the law as loving and thoughtful parent at 859a). On the medical model for preambles (or 'preludes') see Yunis (1996) 217\u201323, with an emphasis on the contrast with the authoritarian doctor of the _Gorgias_ ; Schofield (2006) 84\u20136, who notes that the demarcation between the two classes of doctor is almost certainly Platonic invention (97 n.99): indeed, Jouanna (1999) 112\u201316 observes that while Hippocratic doctors may have had assistants, these were not considered doctors themselves, and that Hippocratic doctors treated slave and free alike.\n\n44 _R_. 389b-d. Aristotle cites the licence of Egyptian doctors to vary the prescribed treatment after a specified interval as a parallel for the superiority of the expert ruler to law, but in the following chapter queries the validity of the craft analogy and makes the countervailing case that even in such cases written rules can serve to prevent deliberate malpractice and errors of judgment due to emotion ( _Pol_. 1286a9\u201314, 1287a32-b3). At _Rh_. 1375b20\u201325 he recommends litigants whose case is supported by the law to use the stock argument that it is not advantageous to outwit a doctor: here the authority of the law is identified with that of the doctor, but without reference to writing.\n\n45And, reintroducing the medical theme, inoculate him against its dangers: what he learns will be _alexipharmaka_ ('antidotes': 132b2).\n\n46Although Xenophon alludes briefly to the related figure of the teacher (above n.6; similarly, at _An_. 2.6.12 the troops of the harsh disciplinarian Clearchus regard him as children do their teacher, with respect but no affection or loyalty), he does not feature in Plato, for whom he would presumably not function as an analogy.\n\n47The aristocratic overtones of the image are pointed up by the way in which the idea of politics as an _ag\u00f4n_ (contest) with prizes for the individuals who participate comes to be particularly associated with election to the Spartan _gerousia_ : X. _Lac. Pol_. 10.3, D. 20.107, Arist. _Pol_. 1270b24\u20135; cf. Plut. _Lycurg_. 26.1. Xenophon also compares the ephors to judges at games ( _Lac.Pol_. 8.4) in terms of their authority and close supervision, and it may be the capacity for authoritative action and judgment which underlies the use of _brabeus_ ('umpire') for rulers in Aeschylus ( _Pers_. 302, _Ag_. 230, and NB Kannicht [1969] on E. _Hel_. 703); Homer uses another word for umpire, _aisumn\u00eat\u00ear_ ( _Od_. 8.258), to mean 'prince' at _Il_. 24.347: cf. _aisumnai_ 'rules' in E. _Med_. 19 and Arist. _Pol_. 1285b25\u20136 for _aisumn\u00eateia_ as elective tyranny such as that of Pittakos. That last case brings to the fore the further aspect of due adherence to a specific code of rules, which is clearly present, combined with the implication of informed adjudication, when Aristotle compares the juror to an umpire ( _brabeut\u00eas_ : _Rh_. 1376b19\u201320): cf. the appointment of a referee ( _rhabdouchon kai epistat\u00ean kai prutanin_ as well as _brabeut\u00ean_ ) for the discussion in Pl. _Prot_. 338ab, and for the word _brabeut\u00eas_ see also E. _Med_. 274 with Page (1938), _Or_. 1065.\n\n48On this kind of analogical thought in Plato see esp. Lloyd (1966) 220, 225\u20136 (cosmic rule), 254\u20137 (world as a living creature), 389\u2013403 (analysis of analogical arguments).\n\n49Zeus as king: Antim. fr. 3, D. 35.40, Aristodicus _FGrH_ 36 F1, Aglaosthenes _FGrH_ 499 F2 (above 18n.39), partly rationalized in Isoc. 3.26 (above 6); so Herodorus ( _FGrH_ 31 F30) gives an account of Prometheus in which he is a king of the Scythians, bound for failing to feed his people. Plato makes Zeus the supreme ruler at _Cra_. 396a8, _Criti_. 121b, _Phdr_. 246e, and speaks of the rulers in Hades at _Cri_. 54b (cf. Isoc. 9.15: Aiakos as _paredros_ of Pluto and Kore); the myth of judgment in _Grg_. is based loosely on the traditional succession of Kronos and Zeus (523ab) and the myth in _Plt_. on the Hesiodic tale of the Golden Age (268ef.). Plato also imitates fifth-century practice in personifying Eros as a tyrant ( _R_. 572e\u20133b): on the tyranny of passions see further below 158, and for Eros as unruly divinity cf. Aristophon fr. 11 (above 7); a weaker personification is Isocrates' characterization (3.9 = 15.257: above 7) of Logos as _h\u00eagem\u00f4n_ ('leader').\n\n50For helmsman imagery in the Presocratics, see above 64n.31. In Plato, this imagery, often employing the verb _(dia)kubernan_ , covers a range of powers from traditional divinities to pure abstractions: so at _Smp_. 187a medicine 'is steered' by Asclepios and the tyrant Eros (above n.49) _diakubernai_ the soul ( _R_. 573d4\u20135; cf. _Smp_. 197b3 [Zeus], e1 [Eros]). The next step is the divine rulers in myths: _Plt_. 272e3\u20134, 273c3, d6-e1, _Ti_. 42e3, _Criti_. 109c2\u20134; cf. _theos_ (God) at _Lg_. 709b7\u20138 (and NB already Antiph. 1.13 for Dike as helmsman; Menander fr.372 reflects the popular view of a world steered by Tyche), while at _Phil_. 28d8\u20139 Socrates speaks of 'reason and intelligence' ( _noun kai phron\u00easin_ ); note also n.36 above for the refusal to assign the same role to the kingly art in _Euthd_. 291cd. The assimilation of levels of organization through the language of 'steering' extends to the microcosm (and appears already in Hp. _Vict_. 10.3, of fire as the directing bodily principle [above 131n.60): use of the same verb at _R_. 590d6 and 591e3 helps to assimilate rule of reason in the city and individuals. Isocrates too applied this metaphor at the microcosmic level, describing the soul as the helmsman of the body (fr. 37 = Apophth. \u03b43 Blass; also attributed to Menander: fr.1100K = Comp. Men. et Phil. III 57\u20138 Jaekel, whence perhaps a similar instance in Latin: Ter. _Hec._ 311); Antiphanes uses the verb of the circulation of the blood (fr. 42).\n\n51Reason: _Ti_. 48a, _Phil_. 28d; Soul: _Lg_. 896de, 897c, and cf. the world-soul of _Ti_. 34bc; note also the rule of the sun and the Good at _R._ 509d (cf. _epitropeuein_ of the sun at _Cra_. 413b4\u20135; this word and cognates are also applied to divine\/cosmic rule at _Cra_. 412d, _Phil_. 28d, _Tht_. 153a; to rule of knowledge: _Plt_. 304c \u2013 and hence of statesmanship: 304c\u20135e), the ordinances of the Demiurge at _Ti_. 42de, and the passing reference to 'our king' at _Lg_. 904a6; also Lloyd (1966) 220, Pender (2000) 106\u20137, 239. For cosmic monarchy in Plato and its antecedents see above 9\u201310, and compare Aristotle's restatement of the principle in _Metaph_. 1076a3\u20134, backed up by a Homeric quotation (above 9).\n\n52On Alcmaeon B4, see above 20n.65, 81n.45, 131n.60. The language of _dunamis\/-iai_ , _dunast\u00eas_ ('potentate') and _dunasteu\u00f4_ ('hold power') are found in Hp. _Nat.Hom_. 4.2, _VM_ 16.1, 8, 17.2, 19.4\u20135, 20.4, 6, 22.1, 24.1, _Aer_. 12.4, while the author of _Breaths_ is a proponent of the monarchy of air: _Flat_. 3 (quoted above 7), 15; all this material is treated more fully in Brock (2006) 354\u20136.\n\n53Democritus also speaks of the 'bodily tabernacle' (e.g. B37, 187, 223, 288) and draws pictures of the mind and senses at odds (B125) and of the body taking the soul to court (B159). The simpler binary model of a ruling and a subject element and the debate over the location of the former are foreshadowed in places by the Presocratics: Anaximen. B2, Alcmaeon A8, Emp. A30, B 105, Philolaus B13, Democr. A105, Antiphon B2.\n\n54Soul is entitled to rule as prior: _Ti._ 34bc, _Lg._ 896b, 967d, _Epin._ 980de; as divine: _Phd_. 79e\u201380a, _Lg_. 967d cf. 726\u20137a; as rational element: _Phd_. 94b, _R._ 441e, _Lg_. 875cd, _Epin._ 983d; as divine and rational: _R._ 590d; rule of soul more generally: _Clit_. 407e, _Phlb._ 35d, 64b, _Alc. I_ 130ac; Pender (2000) 171\u20132. This also introduces an ethical dimension, at least implicitly, since the superiority of soul is in part moral: cf. the pre-eminence of _s\u00f4phrosun\u00ea_ in _Chrm._ 173a, 174de.\n\n55It is consistent with Isocrates' more muted formulation that he goes on to say that the role of soul is to take counsel ( _bouleusasthai_ ) and that of body to carry out ( _hyp\u00earet\u00easai_ ) its decisions. For Aristotle, knowledge ( _epist\u00eam\u00ea_ ) is authoritative: _APo_. 76a16\u201318; superiority of soul and mind: _de An_. 410b12\u201314 cf. 429a18\u201320; soul commands body: _MA_ 703a37-b1. The basic principle is often nuanced: in _Pol_. 1254b5\u20137 he states that soul rules body as a master, but reason controls the appetites in a kingly or constitutional manner; in _Top_. 129a10\u201316 reason is said to command _normally_ , and likewise in _EE_ , while maintaining the normative position that one should live in accordance with reason in all things (1249b7\u201313 cf. 1219b26\u201320a2) he addresses the problem of the individual's failure to heed reason (1246b8\u201312). So too in _EN_ he asserts that the part which chooses is dominant (1113a6\u20137), and that the faculty which creates also governs (1143b33\u20135; hence prudence [ _phron\u00easis_ ] cannot be in authority [ _kuria_ ], but only at most a steward [ _epitropos_ ]: 1145a6\u20139, cf. _MM_ 1198b9\u201320) but a later passage appears agnostic on whether this is specifically _nous_ , and if so whether it is actually divine (1177a13\u201316).\n\nThe political organisation of the individual does not always work smoothly: the self-willed man disobeys his internal _h\u00eagem\u00f4n_ ( _MM_ 1203b8\u20139) and views his desires as decrees ( _ps\u00eaphismata_ : _EN_ 1151b15\u201316) and a man without self-control is like a state which doesn't observe the good laws it passes (1152a20\u20134); there can even be _stasis_ in the soul (1166b19; cf. Isocrates' dictum that evil thoughts must be banished from the soul like the _stasiast\u00eas_ from the well-ordered city [fr.31]).\n\n56The head is master of the body ( _Ti_. 44d) and most authoritative, as seat of the senses ( _Lg_. 942e; cf. 961d, adding reason and the soul, and 964d\u20135b for an analogy between the two types of Guardians and the senses and intelligence located in the head); by the same logic, the front of the body as the location of perception is superior to the rear (45a). At _Ti_. 90a the head, being the highest part of the body, is closest to heaven. By the same logic, Aristotle makes the heart an acropolis ( _PA_ 670a26) and locates the soul in an _arch\u00ea_ there (e.g. _MA_ 701b25, 29, 702a37): for the controversy, see Brock (2006) 353, 356\u20137. The tendency to impose hierarchy seems to have been a strong one: for physiological 'sovereignty' see the note of Farquharson (1912) on Arist. _IA_ 706a20.\n\n57Isoc. 7.14: 'the soul of the city is nothing else but the _politeia_ , which has as much power as intelligence ( _phron\u00easis_ ) in the body', echoed almost verbatim at 12.138; Demosthenes is credited with the sentiment that laws were the soul of a city because without them it would perish like a body without a soul (fr. 13.23; cf. his identification of laws with a city's character ( _tropous_ ): 24.210). Similarly Aristotle reports the argument that the rule of law is the rule of God and reason ( _Pol_. 1287a28\u201330). In his parodic funeral speech ( _Mx_. 238c1) Plato does call the _politeia_ 'nourishment ( _troph\u00ea_ )', but doubtless with his eye on commonplaces of democratic rhetoric. The term _politeia_ in such contexts can include social organization as well as formal constitution: Bordes (1982); hence Aristotle observes that the _politeia_ is 'a kind of way of life ( _bios tis_ ) of the city' ( _Pol_. 1295a40\u20131).\n\n58First the three elements in the soul corresponding to the economic class, Auxiliaries and Guardians are identified (434d\u2013441c), then the hypothesis that it will therefore function in the same way is tested and confirmed (441c\u20132d) and validated by example (442d\u20133c); justice is further identified with good household management and harmony (443d) and injustice with ill-health (444c-e). For a helpful discussion of the 'political analogy' see Annas (1981) 109\u201352 esp. 146\u201351.\n\n59In other words, this is principally an exercise in psychology (Annas [1981] 294, 305): man is like a city, but not the other way round (in contrast to the physiological conceptions of the _Timaeus_ : Brock 2006, 351\u20132, 358), except for the seizure of the acropolis within the democratic man at 560b. Arguably this is unsurprising, since the analogy is introduced as aimed at getting a clearer view of justice in the individual; note also the introduction at 552c of a subsidiary image, bees, which as social insects lend themselves to description of politics (though they can themselves also be 'politicized': below n.129).\n\n60Schofield (2006) 106\u20137 is doubtless correct to insist that formally this is not strictly a linear process, but it nonetheless reads that way: this is partly because of the structuring of the sequence of individuals as a generational narrative of a family, but also because of Plato's language (e.g. the use of _ex_ and _meta_ at 544c5\u20136, 550c8\u20139 and the image of the slope at 568c9-d1).\n\n61In another compact and suggestive subsidiary image, the bad companions are described as _aith\u00f4si th\u00earsi_ , 'tawny beasts' (559d9): _aith\u00f4n_ , which appears only here in Plato, hints at the lions of Homer.\n\n62There are shades of Thucydides' analysis of _stasis_ at this point, esp. 560d\u20131a ~ Thuc. 3.82.4; for the likelihood of direct influence: Pohlenz (1913) 247\u201352, esp. 252, McDonnell (1991) 191\u20132. The motif of _stasis_ in the individual is established early, at 352a; cf. 440b, e, 442cd, 444b, 586e, 603d; so too in an inversion of the stock image (below n.95) the sick body 'is at odds with itself ' at 556e. For Plato, the city hit by _stasis_ actually becomes two cities (551d), an idea echoed by Aristotle ( _Pol_. 1310a4\u20135) and by Cicero _\u00e0 propos_ the impact of Tiberius Gracchus ( _Rep_. 1.31); Catiline combined Plato's ideas to give the state two bodies (ap. Cic. _Mur_. 51). Schofield (2006) 203\u201327 emphasizes the centrality of unity to Plato's thinking in the _Republic_.\n\n63It is the man's bad companions, described as 'wizards and tyrant-makers' (572e4\u20135) who bring in the passion, though use of the word _prostat\u00eas_ (572e6, 573b1) recalls the earlier picture of the development of a popular leader into a tyrant (esp. 565d1\u20134, e3). Bodyguards: 573a8, e7, 574d7 \u2013 the madness which performs this service is imported ( _epaktou_ : 573b4), just as the tyrannical individual may take service abroad (n.64). On the tyranny of passion see n.49 above and see further 158 below.\n\n64Bodyguards or mercenaries: 575b; most tyrannical as tyrant: c4\u20135; note the phrase 'like a city' already at 575a3, likewise the closing of a circle by the linking of the tyrant's family and fatherland ( _m\u00eatrida te... kai patrida_ ) at 575d.\n\n65Note subsequent casual references to the internal _politeia_ (579c, 590e\u20131a, 608b), and a final brief allusion to the image in Book 10 to justify the exclusion of the poet from the ideal city because he precipitates an internal coup d'etat against reason (605b cf. 606d).\n\n66 _Ti_. 69c\u201370b; Brock (2006) 351\u20132.\n\n67But in the political analogies of the _Laws_ he reverts to a binary opposition between reason, naturally fitted to rule, and emotion, 'like the demos and masses of a city' (689ab; cf. 863e\u20134a for an antithesis between the tyranny of passions in the soul and the just rule of reason). Plato of course has other models besides the polis for the tripartite soul, most notably the chariot in _Phdr_.\n\n68 _Diakonein_ , _therapuein_ , _hup\u00earetein_ , _epimeleisthai_ : e.g. D. 18.311, [D.] 50.2, Aeschin. 3.13, 15, Hyp. 5 col.30; above, 26. Note how Isocrates' lip-service to this ideal helps to camouflage the highly conservative project of the _Areopagiticus_ : 7.26, cf. 12.146; Ober (1998) 278\u201380.\n\n69Self-deprecation: Yunis (2001) on D. 18.206; demos enslaved: e.g. D. 2.14, 3.30\u20131, 22.54f., [D.] 13.31, cf. Aeschin. 3.3; compare the charge that opponents are like ungrateful liberated slaves (D. 24.124).\n\n70Nurse: Democrates fr. 1 Baiter-Sauppe = Arist. _Rh_. 1407a8\u201310; _eranos_ : Aeschin. 3.251 (above 28). Isocrates 4.76 ascribes to the politicians of the past the orthodox respect for public property; compare Aristotle's advice to tyrants to present their handling of public funds as stewardship (above 28), in contrast to theoretical treatments of the monarch as householder (above 31\u20132). Analogous is Demosthenes' accusation that the 'crop of traitors' gave away their countries' freedom to Philip and Alexander 'like a drinking present' ( _propin\u00f4_ : 18.296; for the behaviour in reality see 19.128, 139): the implication of physical self-indulgence and moral laxity is here combined with the implication of associating with the enemy at symposia as boon companions. However, in 3.22 the charge is that the interests of Athens have been 'pledged away' to the demos for the sake of short-term gratification, though the language attributed to the guilty politicians ('What do you want? What shall I propose? How can I gratify you?') brings us back to the model of politician as (bad and irresponsible) servant.\n\n71On the _eranos_ (either a communal meal or, later, a contribution to an interest-free loan) and its ideology of reciprocity and mutual friendship, see Millett (1991) 153\u20139; for selfishness at an _eranos_ meal, cf. Thphr. _Char_. 30.18. The image is quite widely applied to civic behaviour: in one version, jurors are encouraged to assess like fellow-contributors whether a defendant makes the proper contribution of lawful behaviour ([D.] 25.21\u20132; the image is a little more general in D. 21.101 [with MacDowell (1990)], 184\u20135, and cf. the image of the liturgy, below 164); more specifically, the appropriate contribution may be to the city's defence, often of one's life: Thuc. 2.43.1 (above 133n.75), Ar. _Lys_. 648\u201355 (on which NB Vannicelli 2002, arguing for a deliberate echo of Pericles), Lycurg. 1.143, cf. X. _Cyr_. 7.1.12; there may well be an association here with the particular use of the image with reference to returning due care to parents: E. _Supp_. 361\u20134 with Collard (1975) on 363, D.10.40; Millett (1991) 289 n.11; Aristotle draws on this to justify the reciprocity of being ruled when young and then ruling when mature ( _Pol_. 1332b38\u201341). Liddel (2007) 141\u20133 brings out the potential complexity of the image, noting that while an _eranos_ can be viewed as 'a public-spirited and voluntary contribution to the reciprocal exchange-relationship between individual and _polis_ ', it is also possible to emphasize the obligation of reciprocity arising from an ongoing relationship.\n\n72With reference to foreign policy: (e.g.) D. 15.32, 18.33, 19.316 (Philip or other foreigners hire politicians; [D.] 7.7 hyperbolically posits this of jurors); D. 9.54, 10.19, 18.21, 149, 19.29, 68; Aeschin. 3.86, 220; Din. 1.15, 28, 3.12 (politicians as hirelings); the two are combined in Demosthenes' scathing dismissal of Aeschines' claim to guest-friendship with Alexander (NB Yunis 2001 _ad loc_.). Likewise within Athens a politician may take a wage: D. 24.14, 25.37 (in the latter case from Philip's partisans) or be hired: D. 24.67, 51.22; comprehensive references on both: above 38n.22. Demosthenes uses the image of retail commerce (next n.) more frequently in 19 ( _FL_ ), that of wage labour significantly more often in 18 ( _Cor._ ), presumably because the latter speech takes a longer-term view.\n\n73According to which politicians, particularly those opposed to Demosthenes, are said to have sold ( _pipraskein_ , _apodidosthai_ ) something (the people, the city, the city's interests, freedom, affairs, defences, etc.), usually to Philip of Macedon; it is particularly prominent in _F.L._ , as in the celebrated denunciation of Philocrates: 'he would go round shopping for whores and fishes with the money for which he sold the city's interests ( _pragmata_ )' (19.229); cf. D. 18.23, 28, 46\u20137, 177, 19.28, 90, 121, 133, 141\u20132, 149, 178, 180, 207\u20138, 253, 300, 329, 334, 343 (the peroration); cf. generally 9.38\u201340 and, for such imagery applied to internal politics, 23.201. However, the charge was not unique to Demosthenes, and could even be turned against him: Aeschin. 3.66, 92\u20134, 226, Din. 1.88, Pytheas fr. 3B-S; also [D.] 7.17, 11.18 (external affairs); [D.] 25.46, Din. 2.1, 3.12 (internal). Less common is the inverse form, which represents Philip as purchasing these same commodities: D. 9.9, 18.32, 47, 247, 19.133, 300, Aeschin. 3.66, 91, Hyp. 5 col.15; Arist. _Rh._ 1410a17\u201320 cites a non-Athenian example; for the capacity of monarchies to do this cf. Isoc. 3.22. On this commercial vocabulary for bribery, see Harvey (1985) 84\u20136, and cf. the image of the scale ( _trutan\u00ea_ ) unbalanced by money in D. 5.12, 18.298; Theramenes' contemptuous reference to 'those who out of poverty would sell the city for a drachma' (X. _HG_ 2.3.48) looks with its implication of treachery like a precursor to such imagery, though with a rather different ideological slant.\n\n74Isoc. 12.141, D. 3.24, _Pro_. 53.3 [D]. 26.23, 58.30, Din. 3.22; Scholtz (2007) 46\u201351. For the near-absence of political prostitution and pimping see above 29 and n.23.\n\n75Ober (1998) 190\u2013213 offers a stimulating reading of the _Gorgias_ ; see also Yunis (1996) 117\u201361; Schofield (2006) 63\u201372; Scholtz (2007) 127\u201335.\n\n76Two loves: _Grg_. 481d1\u20135; for Demos see above 134n.82. With 481d\u20132a compare Socrates' fear that Alcibiades will become _d\u00eamerast\u00eas_ ('besotted with the demos') and be corrupted, though for all its superficial attractions, if he sees it naked he will know it for what it is ( _Alc. I_ 132a with Denyer 2001).\n\n77513ac: strictly speaking this is a social point rather than a moral one, since Socrates admits the possibility of change for the better, but in the context it is bound to take on a moral aspect (as well as undermining Callicles' plans for mastery: 484a); Socrates has already compared the life of endless gratification commended by Callicles to that of a catamite ( _kinaidos_ : 494e4).\n\n78See esp. 521a for two kinds of _therapeia_ with 38n.24 above: Callicles chooses _diakonein_ (521a8); politicians of the past: 517b; in X. _Mem_. 2.6.13 Pericles is said to have charmed the city into loving him; rhetoric and its political application equivalent to pandering ( _kolakeia_ ): _Grg_. 463b1, 517a5\u20136 with Dodds (1959) _ad locc_., 521b1, cf. _Alc I_ 120ab; for _kolakeia_ as a derogatory label for a lover's behaviour see _Smp_. 183b1, 184c1 and NB Nightingale (1995) 50\u20131; ruinous gratification: _Grg_. 518e\u20139b, cf. _R_. 426c. The representation of the demos as children is perhaps gentler in its implications than Aristophanes' characterization of it in _Knights_ , but does impute to it the inability to make sound judgements for itself. _Therapeia_ is also ambiguous in Isocrates: see Morgan (2003) 185\u20139 for a stimulating discussion.\n\n79Nightingale (1995) 187\u201390 has a good discussion, particularly on the shared assimilation of gratification to feasting. Plato also had _Knights_ in mind in the _Republic_ : the rare word _anterastai_ ( _R_. 521b5) echoes _Eq_. 733 (otherwise only once, in a general sense in Aristotle _Rh._ 1388a15); see n.89 below for another clear echo.\n\n80Above 32\u20133; Plato plays this theme straight in his own funeral speech, the _Menexenus_ (238e\u20139a, cf. 237e).\n\n81There is a subversive version of the familial image in comedy in Antiphanes fr. 194, where one speaker deliberately misinterprets the riddle of the writing tablet (feminine) and her children as referring to the city and her children, the politicians: for text, commentary and translation, see Olson (2007) 200\u20133, 441.\n\n82 _Ap_. 30a; cf. Meletus telling tales on Socrates to the city as mother ( _Euthphr._ 2c) and the tyrant who turns werewolf through kindred murder ( _R_. 565e); similar comparisons, promoted by the family narrative, in the political analogy in books 8 and 9: _R_. 548b, 568e\u20139c; above, 33.\n\n83 _kai ekgonos kai doulos_ : 50e3\u20134; the triad 'begotten, raised, educated', on which the claim rests, appears just before at e2 and again at 51c8\u20139; at 51e5\u20137, however, 'parents and rearers' is supplemented by 'and because you agreed to obey us' (see next note).\n\n84Argument _a fortiori_ : 51a7-b3; but the language of consent which comes to predominate derives from Socrates' choice as an adult to reside in Athens: 51e1\u20134, cf. 52a7\u20138, c1\u20132, d2-e2, 53a5\u20138, 54c3\u20134. Likewise 'slave' implies that a very different fictive relationship (though a legitimate one: below 166) is playing a part in the argument. However, _pace_ Liddel (2007) 139\u201341, I would see this contractual and 'authoritarian' strand as peculiar to the _Crito_ : elsewhere the impetus to the obligation behind the parent-child analogy is supplied by its affective character, and more generally by the firm embedding of _charis_ and reciprocity in Greek society, both of which would lead those concerned to internalize it.\n\n85The Noble Lie is well discussed by Schofield (2006) 284\u2013309, who emphasizes the way in which Plato uses the affective power of its familial character to give the Guardians a non-philosophical commitment to the ideal city; on the element of autochthony, see 223\u20134. The earth is 'mother and nurse' in the Lie at 414e, and of all Greeks at 470d7\u20138, in the context of the argument that war between Greeks amounts to _stasis_ (ibid. 207); cf. also the image of the quarrelling brothers at _Lg_. 627b\u20138a, which springs from the principle that citizens are kinsmen ( _suggeneis_ ) and offspring of the same city (627b3\u20134).\n\n86King (or general) as father in X. and Isoc.: X. _Cyr_. 8.1.1, 44, 2.9, 8.1, _Ages_. 1.38, 7.3, _An_. 5.8.18, 7.6.38; Isoc. 2.19, 21; above 31. There is a partial exception to the democratic aversion to father imagery when Demosthenes inverts the standard topos to make all citizens parents of the polis (10.40\u20131; above 33). Plato does employ the father image for human-divine relations (Pender [2000] 104\u20136 and 238\u20139 for references); on the human plane, on the other hand, he explicitly points to the failure of fathers as teachers, especially where politics is concerned: _Men_. 93a\u20134e, _Prt_. 319d\u201320b, _Lg_. 694c\u20135e. As we have seen (above n.24), Aristotle accepts the analogy between king and father as legitimate for true monarchy, but does not consider it applicable within the polis; note also the comparison between the affection of father towards son, god to man and natural ruler to subject at _EE_ 1242a32\u20135, and _EN_ 1180b4\u20137 for a familial image for the acceptance of the authority of law and custom.\n\n87Allusions to the ship of state in Demad. frr.13, 29 (cf. fr.17 [below] and frr.42\u20133, 56, 63 for his evident fondness for maritime imagery); D. 9.69; more developed versions at D. 18.281, fr.13.16, _Ep_. 1.8: on all these passages see above 57 and n.35.\n\n88D. 19.250; Aeschin. 3.158, rebutted in D. 18.194 (above 57 and n.37). There is an echo of the philosophic view of the helmsman, though with a democratic twist, in ps.-Demosthenes' observation ( _\u00e0 propos_ Aristogeiton) that whereas the mistakes of the individual sailor have small, local consequences, those of the helmsman-politician are large and general, and consequently such men must be subject to stringent control (26.3). Wooten (1978) discusses the exculpatory shift in Demosthenes' maritime (and medical) imagery in the wake of Chaironeia; indeed, Ronnet (1951)159\u201360 observes that his figurative language evokes defeat far more often than victory.\n\n89He also has a comic precursor in mind, to judge from the characterization of the Demos as 'somewhat deaf ( _hupok\u00f4phon_ )', copied from Aristophanes' Demos ( _Eq_. 43, noted by Nightingale 1995, 188 n.44; Aristotle too echoes the word at _Rh_. 1406b35\u20136). Critias' denunciation of Theramenes for constant changes of course (X. _HG_ 2.3.31) provides an instance of the helmsman as leader at the end of the fifth century (for which cf. Odysseus' self-characterization as helmsman at Antisth. fr.15.8), though not in a democratic context: Usher (1968) 132 suggests that this image, and Xenophon's version as a whole, derive from the original speech (though Gray 1989, 183\u20134 takes a sceptical view of the possibility that the speech is authentic).\n\n90This is another image prominent in comedy, too (above 118\u201319), though it also does significant philosophical work as 'alienating' (Schofield 2006, 227\u20138) and as an instance of the combination of spirit with knowledge (ibid. 39\u201340), as well as forming part of another tripartite schema (above n.29); on their function as guards see below n.178.\n\n91Plutarch also credits Demosthenes with this self-depiction ( _Dem_. 23.5); the antithesis between dog and wolf is found also in Plato ( _R._ 415e\u20136a, _Lg_. 906d). The image persisted even later: Thphr. _Char_. 29.5 with Diggle (2004). With the watchdog's barking ( _hulaktein_ ) compare the application of the same verb to the fifth-century politician Syracosius in Eup. fr.220, where 'yaps' perhaps catches the tone better. For further negative dog imagery, see below 163.\n\n92It is in fact in oratory that we finally encounter the phrase _to t\u00eas pole\u00f4s s\u00f4ma_ ('the body of the city'): Dein. 1.110, Hyp. 5. col. 25, both in prosecutions of Demosthenes, perhaps not coincidentally.\n\n93[D.] 26.26; cf. Demades' comparison of jurors to doctors in their need for understanding (fr.24 and cf. the analogy between an unjust argument and eye disease in fr.26). For Demosthenes' ironic variant, making Aeschines a doctor wise after the event (D. 18.243, reflected in Aeschin. 3.225) see above, 72.\n\n94[D.] 25.95, cf. D. 18.324 for expulsion of the 'incurable'. More gentle therapy underlies his comparison of the theoric distributions to inadequate invalid food (above 73); here the food imagery mirrors the idea of politicians feeding the demos in a niggardly manner (above 154).\n\n95 _Stasis_ as disease: Pl. _Mx_. 243e, _Plt._ 307d, _Lg_. 628cd, 744d (and cf. 758cd for the Guardians 'healing' revolutions; by inversion, disease can now be seen as _stasis:_ _Soph_. 228ab, _R_. 556e, _Ti_. 82a, 85e\u20136a), [Arist.] _Ath.Pol_. 6.4, 13.3, Arist. _Pol_. 1273b18\u201324, 1284b17\u201322; Isoc. 12.99, 165, D. 2.14, 9.12, 50; more generally of disorder: D. 9.39, and of the oligarchic drones ( _R_. 552c cf. 563e, 564b; Pelletier 1948, esp. 145\u20136) in the political analogy, where the tyrant is the 'ultimate disease of the city' (544c), and internally diseased himself (579e), just as for Protagoras the man without the social virtues will not only be a disease in the city ( _Prot_. 322d), but personally incurable (325a). Plato also applies _phlegmainein_ ('inflammation') to political disorder in early Sparta: _Lg_. 691e\u20132a, cf. the 'disease of kings' at 691a and _Ep. 8_ 354b; more generally, _R_. 372e, and note _ouden hugies_ ('nothing sound') of the philosophic appraisal of real-world political action at _R_. 496c. Loyalty: Pl. _Lg_. 630b; D. 8.36, 19.289; treachery: D. 19.259 and 262, cf. Aeschin. 2.177.\n\n96Vulnerability: Pl. _R_. 556e; Hyp. 2 fr. 10 (cited above); sickness reveals weakness: D. 2.21, imitated at [D.] 11.14; Demosthenes develops the idea in a stinging passage in _De Corona_ , where he observes that Aeschines, like bodily ills, only surfaces in times of trouble (18.198), contriving also to insinuate that Aeschines' disloyalty is a long-standing problem. The underlying concept may also explain Demosthenes' use of medical terminology for Athenian lack of preparation: 3.31, 9.35, 19.224 (and contr. identification of success with health: 18.286); similarly, the Athenians are asleep in 10.6, blind in 18.159, 19.226. On medical language in D. see further Wooten (1979).\n\n97We have sufficient oratory from the first half of the century (see Ober [1989] 341\u20139 for details and a handy tabulation) to suggest that it is significant that almost all the instances cited above date from the 340s or later, i.e. after Plato's death, while the appearance of medical imagery also in Xenophon (nn.6, 31 above) and Antisthenes (n.14 above) may indicate that this was another aspect of the Socratic heritage. Not that politicians always make things better: Pl. Com. fr.201 implies that contemporary politicians disagree with Demos and make him feel sick; he asks for a feather and a bowl because he wants to be sick, while another figure is called a 'disease ( _nosos_ )'; for Demos as the speaker and interpretation see Plut. _Mor_. 801AB; for the date (380s) Olson (2007) 220.\n\n98There may well be a connection with the suggestion that the period after the Social War sees 'a growing valuation of the importance of political expertise': Liddel (2007) 248\u201350 (quotation from p. 248): for the reforms to financial administration of Eubulus and Lycurgus, greater specialization in the generalship and the pursuit of efficiency in this period, see Rhodes (1980) 312\u201315, 321\u20132.\n\n99Plato similarly makes Gorgias argue that rhetorical skill must be exercised responsibly, like that of the boxer or wrestler ( _Grg_. 456c\u20137b); for the association between the two skills see above 119 and Gera (1993) 68 n.142.\n\n100Aeschin. 3.205\u20136; in the earlier speech against Timarchos he makes a similar point in terms of horse-racing, telling the jurors that they must 'drive him down the course' (1.176), perhaps with the implication that his evasions will be less cunning and more obvious. Ober (1989) 282\u20133 notes Aeschines' fondness for athletic imagery, which he suggests was intended to imply that Aeschines was 'the sort of man who spent a good deal of time in gymnasia and so naturally used athletic turns of phrase': the whole section (280\u201392) on aristocratic values and democracy is relevant here, though I am less convinced than he is that democratic ideology is straightforwardly dominant by this date.\n\n101Aeschin. 3.179\u201380; D. 61.48 ( _ag\u00f4nist\u00eas_... _t\u00f4n politik\u00f4n_ ). Demosthenes 15.30\u20131 compares Athens as a whole to an athlete obliged to take on two contests, against internal as well as external enemies, and so is unable to achieve anything without a struggle ( _akoniti_ , lit. 'without [the] dust [of the arena]').\n\n102Master: Isoc. 4.90, 127; D. 15.27, Aeschin. 3.132 (note the echo of Hdt. 7.8.\u03b31\u20132); slaves: Isoc. 4.150\u20131, 5.139, drawing on the sophistic view of the influence of constitutional forms on character and temperament (above 128n.124) to talk down the power of Persia as a whole (cf. the more generally environmentalist passage at 7.74 and Arist. _Pol_. 1285a19\u201322, b2\u20133, 23\u20135, 1328b27\u20139); D. 9.43, 14.31\u20132, 15.15, 23; the same rhetoric is echoed in Plato's mock funeral speech ( _Mx_. 239d\u201340a). Andocides extends the image in referring to the rebel Amorges as 'the king's slave and a runaway' (3.29; see above 109 for earlier instances). Hence it also becomes a topos that the giving of earth and water amounts to slavery: Arist. _Rh_. 1399b11\u201313; doubtless the same ideology underlies the purported advice of Aristotle to Alexander (fr.658R) to treat Greeks like a leader ( _h\u00eagemonik\u00f4s_ ) and barbarians as a master ( _despotik\u00f4s_ ) like animals or plants.\n\n103In _HG_ 6.1.12 (a speech attributed to Jason of Pherae) and _An_. 3.2.13 (where Xenophon himself is the speaker) the idea is deployed as a proof of the military impotence and consequent vulnerability of the Persian empire; cf. _HG_ 3.1.21, 4.1.35\u20136 for the standard Greek view of the position of even eminent Persians; so too the contrast which Cyrus himself draws between the freedom of his Greek mercenaries and his own prosperous but servile status ( _An_. 1.7.3) might be considered a _topos_ calculated to appeal to his audience. In the _Laws_ Plato makes a general contrast between the maximal freedom of Athenian democracy and the servitude of Persian monarchy (697c, 698a, 699e, 701e, 757a) after a golden age of imperial freedom under Cyrus (694a).\n\n104His application of the term _hup\u00earet\u00eas_ to Cyrus' aides de camp in _Cyr_. might also be the product of a search for a less loaded term to reflect the position of _ba(n)daka_ (see esp. 8.4.29 for the rich rewards reflecting their status; also 2.4.4, 5.3.52, 4.18, 6.2.13, 3.14, 29, 7.1.38, 2.2\u20133, 5.18, 39, 8.5.13). See also Petit (2004) on _An_. 1.6.4\u201311 for arguments that Xenophon genuinely understood Persian 'vassalit\u00e9'. The enigmatic passage in _An_. 2.5.23 in which Xenophon has Tissaphernes speak of 'wearing the tiara upright (i.e. being king of Persia) in one's heart' also looks likely to rest on an unusual awareness of Persian protocol: Brock (2004b) 255; for the underlying complexities of this Greek perception of (apparently) Median ceremonial see Tuplin (2007b).\n\n105Ctesias _FGrH_ 688 F19, F9.8.\n\n106D. 1.4, 18.235; the same word is applied by Hypereides to an unspecified Macedonian king (6.20); the word for the service done by Antipater and Parmenion, _diakonein_ , is also applied to the servile relation of Arthmius of Zelea to the Persian king (D. 19.69, 9.43; cf. 9.32 for 'slaves' of Philip deputing as _ag\u00f4nothetai_ ). Tyrants: [D.] 17.8 (Macedonian support); particular case: D. 9.66 (Eretria), Din. 1.44; cf. also Hyp. 2 fr.1, 2.8, 10, where Philip and the Macedonians are characterized as 'tyrants', and 6.39, where Leosthenes and his men are praised as superior to the tyrannicides Harmodius and Aristogeiton for having overthrown the tyrants, not just of Athens, but of all Greece (i.e. Antipater and the Macedonians).\n\n107D. 1.23, 2.8, 6.25, 8.46, 59\u201360, 62, 9.22, 26, 56, 59, 70, 10.4, 25, 61\u20132, 64, 18.46, 47, 65, 72, 203, 208, 295\u20136, 305, 19.81, 112, 259\u201361; [D.] 7.32, 11.4; Lycurg. 1.50, 60, 149, fr.12.1 Conomis; Din. 1.19; Hyp. 6.24\u20135, 34, fr.27 Jensen, _Ag. Diondas_ 137v 2, 176r 3 and cf. 175r 15\u201316: 'to endure slavery under [the pro-Macedonian] Demades'.\n\n108Athens in the fifth century: L. 2.56, Isoc. 4.80, 104, D. 18.205, Lycurg. 1.104, X. _HG_ 2.2.23 ('the beginning of freedom for Greece'), Pl. _Mx_. 242ac, [Arist.] _Ath.Pol_. 24.2, Arist. _Rh_. 1396a17\u201319 ('enslavement' a stock criticism of Athens); and generally: D.18.100, X. _HG_ 2.4.20; Sparta (with particular reference to the decarchies and the seizure of the Theban Cadmeia): L. 2.59\u201360, Isoc. 4.127, 7.65, 69, Din. 1.38, X. _HG_ 3.5.12\u201313, 5.4.1, 7.1.44; Thebans: D. 8.74, X. _HG_ 7.5.1, 3; Persia: L. 2.59\u201360, 33.6, D. 14.31\u20132, 15.3, 15 (Mausolus), X. _HG_ 3.1.3, 16, 21, 4.8.2; also Isoc. 9.56, 68, D.20.69 (Evagoras and Conon as liberators), X. _An_. 7.4.24, 7.29 (subjects of Seuthes); Pl. _Plt_. 308a (consequences of excessive moderation or courage).\n\n109The principle of freedom and autonomy is spelt out in the charter of the Second Athenian League: _IG_ II2 43 = R&O no. 22.9\u201311, 20 cf. _IG_ II2 126 = R&O no. 47.16\u201317; [D.] 7.30, 17.8, building on the principle of general autonomy established by the Peace of Antalcidas (X. _HG_ 5.1.31); the fuller formula appears already in X. _HG_ 3.1.20 with reference to events in 399 BC and in Athens' alliance with Chios of 384 ( _IG_ II2 34 = R&O no. 20.20\u20131). Demosthenes deploys the formula to amplify the slavery-freedom antithesis at 1.23 and 18.305 (and the effect is gained by implication at [D.] 7.32, 17.8), and Xenophon likewise makes the same point editorially about the Spartans at _HG_ 5.4.1; the concept is already present in Thucydides, though not explicitly formulated: 2.72.1, 3.10.6, 46.5, 4.86.1, 5.27.2, 6.77.1, 84.3, 8.64.5; Ostwald (1982) 35\u201341, Raaflaub (2004) 149\u201360.\n\n110Of the Peisistratids: Isoc. 16.25, Lycurg. 1.61; of Euphron at Sicyon: X. _HG_ 7.3.8; of Athenian anti-tyranny legislation: Lycurg. 1.125; of tyranny in general: Pl. _R_. 344b, 563e\u20134b, 569a, 575d, 576a, 577c, Arist. _Pol_. 1314a7\u20139, 19\u201321, cf. 1324a35-b3. Plato inverts the image in his extended analysis of the condition of the tyrant in terms of a hypothetical slave-owner (578d\u20139e), beset by fears and external pressures which render him a prisoner and the slave of his own slaves. Here, as usually in fourth-century political imagery, the common perception of the tyrant's position as desirable is assumed but undermined; positive images for tyranny are rare, and seem to be associated only with Dionysius I of Syracuse, who is reputed to have been told that tyranny was 'a fine shroud' (i.e. worth dying for: Isoc 6.44\u20135; cf. D.S. 14.8, 20.78, identifying the speaker as one Heloris; Plut. _Mor_. 783D), and, by the historian Philistus, that one should not leap down and escape from tyranny on a galloping horse, but should rather be dragged off it by the leg ( _FGrH_ 556 F59\/T4).\n\n111Of the Thirty: L. 2.61\u20132, 64, 12.39, 73, 94, 97, 13.17, 14.34, 18.5, 24, 27, 28.13, 31.26, 31\u20132; Isoc. 16.37, Lycurg. 1.61; X. _HG_ 2.3.24, 4.17 (but in Andoc. 1.99 _edouleues tois triakonta_ means 'you were the lackey of the Thirty' and is a purely personal insult); of the Four Hundred: Andoc. 2.27; Lys.12.67); of both revolutions: L. 12.78; Isoc. 20.10. Liberty is identified with the establishment of Athenian democracy at L. 2.18, Isoc. 10.35 (in the latter case credited to Theseus: cf. the same idea and language at E. _Supp_. 352\u20133); hence Phormisius' proposal to limit the franchise also threatens enslavement: L. 34.2.\n\n112D. 15.15, 17\u201320, cf. 20.107\u20138, Isoc. 8.125; Demosthenes draws a similar contrast in the _Leptines_ between the voluntary honours conferred by a democracy and those of tyrants and oligarchies received 'from one's master' (20.15\u201316). Democritus' alignment of democracy with freedom and oligarchy with slavery (B251) probably dates from the later fifth century and, since he hailed from Abdera in Thrace, which may also have been a democracy (Lewis 1990), implies that the concept was by no means confined to Athens.\n\n113 _R_. 463ab: compare his concern that the Guardians should not turn into 'masters' (416b, 417b; 590cd appears at odds with this, but NB Schofield 2006, 273\u20134 and n.119 below for the 'mastery' of reason), and the presentation of Spartan-style timarchy (547c); at _Mx_. 238e the image is used of tyranny and oligarchy indifferently, while at _Lg_. 712e\u20133a all existing constitutions are said to entail the slavery of the ruled.\n\n114D. 24.75; above, n.102. The opposition in this passage between oligarchy and the rule of law also implies that oligarchy resembles tyranny in ruling by whim or private law.\n\n115L. 12.35, X. _HG_ 2.3.48, 4.1, _Mem_. 1.2.56, Polycrates ap. Arist. _Rh_. 1401a34\u20136, [Arist.] _Ath.Pol_. 41.2; earlier, Critias is actually made by Xenophon to argue that for their own safety the Thirty must behave tyrannically ( _HG_ 2.3.16). More generally, Theramenes is made to apply the adjective _turannikos_ to men of extreme oligarchic sentiments (2.3.49); otherwise such language is applied to the fifth-century Athenian view of oligarchy (Isoc. 4.105), to the pro-Spartan oligarchy at Thebes after the seizure of the Cadmeia (5.4.1\u20132, 9, 13, 7.3.7), to the harmosts and decarchies of the Spartan empire (L. 2.59, X. _HG_ 3.5.13, 6.3.8) and, more tendentiously, the democratic party at Corinth during the union of Corinth and Argos ( _HG_ 4.4.6; NB n.122 below). For the figurative language of tyranny in the fourth century (and earlier), see further Tuplin (1985) 366\u201375.\n\n116.The slave-doctor of Plato's _Laws_ is like a tyrant because he stubbornly ( _authad\u00f4s_ ) imposes his will (720c, 722e), just as spoilt ( _truph\u00f4ntes_ ) young men do to their lovers ( _Men_. 76bc). Closer to political reality, Polus perversely expresses admiration of accomplished speakers who are like tyrants because they can kill, rob or exile whom they please ( _Grg_. 466bc): the same point is made in a more moderate way in the _Phaedrus_ , where orators are said to be 'like kings' and 'kingly' ( _basilokoi_ ; 266c). Demosthenes picks up the motif of 'issuing orders' ( _epitattein_ ) in his critique of the dysfunctional nature of contemporary Athenian politics with reference to the behaviour of its leaders (2.30).\n\n117.The motif of freedom from the passions as masters is introduced very early, at _R_. 329cd, and the internal tyranny of the passions is developed at length in the 'political analogy' (e.g. 553cd [the 'Persian king' analogy: above 153], 572e\u20133b, 577d) and the expression appears elsewhere ( _Phdr_. 238b [cf. e], _Lg_. 863e). Plato makes an explicit link to the earlier characterization of Eros as a tyrant (573b, 575a): see above 8 for earlier instances relating to Eros and the symposium (drink is also mentioned at _R_. 573bc and _Phdr_. 238b), and 7 for Eros as unruly divinity. Political power can of course also engender _er\u00f4s_ as desire ( _R_. 521b; above n.79), and the desire for tyranny can be assimilated to other physical desires, as in the remark attributed to Jason of Pherae that he felt hungry when he was not tyrant (Arist. _Pol_. 1277a23\u20135; _er\u00f4s_ and hunger appear together at Pl. _Ep. 8_ 354cd); that in turn links in to the perception of the tyrant as indulging his appetites without restraint (e.g. Wohl 2002, 220\u20133, 241\u20137; popular belief that the tyrant enjoys greater pleasures of all kinds is foregrounded as the initial premise of X. _Hiero_ ); see also next note.\n\n118.In a political context, slavery to pleasure is contrasted with ruling servants: Isoc. 1.21; rule yourself as well as subjects and do not be a slave to pleasure: 2.29; a good ruler leads his pleasures, not vice versa: 9.45; the worst ruler is the one who cannot rule himself: fr.40; the free and truly kingly man is not ruled by any pleasure: Pl. _Alc I_ 122b; contrast Democr. B214: some men are masters of cities, yet slaves to women; on slavery to pleasure in general see Brock (2007) 211\u201313. For slavery and freedom in relation to self-control and virtue see (e.g.) X. _Mem_. 4.5.2\u20135, Pl. _Phdr_. 256b, _Lg_. 863d, for rule and obedience _Grg_. 491de, _R_. 389de (and cf. the internal war of _Lg_. 626e); in the _Republic_ the clich\u00e9 'master of oneself ' is elaborated in terms of the rule of the better element, i.e. the rational element in the tripartite soul, so that 'ruling oneself ' amounts to justice (430e\u20131b, 443d): hence the philosopher is 'most kingly and king of himself ' (580c).\n\n119.So the rule of soul (above n.54) is expressed as _despozein_ (Pl. _Phd_. 80a, 94de, _Lg_. 726; cf. _despotis_ _Ti_. 34c], _despotoun_ [ _Ti_. 44d]) and the position of the body or passions as _douleuein_ ( _Phd_. 80a, _Lg_. 726); for _douleuein_ of submission to authority see _R_. 653d, _Lg_. 701bc, _Ep. 8_ 354de, all with reference to democratic ideology, and cf. Arist. _Pol_. 1274a17\u201318 (lack of right to election and scrutiny would be slavery), 1297a2, 1317b10\u201313 (but 1311a19\u201320, 1313b7\u20139 refer to tyranny, and cf. 1295b19\u201322, of the dysfunctional city split between rich and poor). Such language can be used positively, of the acceptance of authority ( _Lg_. 762e), shading into the imagery of the mastery or kingship of law (below 166), in contrast to the sophistic perception of _[nomos_ as enslaving _phusis_ ( _Lg_. 890a, cf. the tyranny of law: below 166 and n.187). The broad identity of _despozein_ and _archein_ is also implied by statements that the art of rule is the same in political and domestic contexts (above 25\u20136). Philemon, in the characteristic philosophizing mode of fourth-century comedy, extends the idea into a universal principle, that everyone is slave to someone or something else: the speaker, a slave, has a master, while the Athenians are slaves to _nomos_ ; others are slaves to tyrants, who in turn are slaves to fear; mercenary commanders serve satraps, who serve kings, who serve the gods, who are subject to necessity (fr.31 [ _Thebaioi_ ]). The effect of universalizing the concept is both to blunt its impact and to remove any stigma attaching to it.\n\n120As is the image of imperial tyranny, which is deployed in an unambiguously negative manner both by Demosthenes of the Spartan empire (20.70; see above n.108 for Conon as liberator and n.106 for the tyrannicides as a point of reference) and by Isocrates with reference to Athenian naval imperialism in the _de Pace_ (8.89\u2013115 cf. 15.64), in contrast to a lawful and kingly hegemony modelled on the Spartan monarchy (8.142\u20134): Davidson (1990) 31\u20132, 35\u20136; Tuplin (1985) 359\u201361.\n\n121Isocrates' claim that in the ancestral democracy it was held that the demos should have electoral and judicial power 'like a tyrant' (7.26) or 'which the most fortunate of tyrants have' (12.147) is superficially positive, but may be deliberately double-edged: when Aeschines presents a version of this thought, he carefully says that that in a democracy the private citizen 'is king ( _basileuei_ ) through law and vote' (3.233); in his warning not to give these up, the word _dunasteia_ ('power') must be used in a neutral sense, since the warning not to give up the (figurative) strongpoints ( _ischura_ ) of the democracy to the few (234) hints at the physical occupation of Athens by the Thirty (who are mentioned in 235) and the Four Hundred before them.\n\n122The classic passage is the amusing dialogue between Pericles and Alcibiades preserved by Xenophon ( _Mem_. 1.2.40\u20136); there is a tantalizing suggestion that the idea might have appeared in tragedy at _TrGF_ _Adesp_. fr.656.7(] _ochlos turan_ [, perhaps from a fifth-century satyr-play). Plato makes varied use of the concept: discussing constitutions in _Plt_., he airs the idea that the mass may rule by force (291e\u20132a; cf. _Lg_. 627b for the domination of a just minority by an unjust majority), while in _Grg_. Socrates forces Callicles to realize that the Athenian demos will be his tyrant-like master (513a2 with Dodds 1959; cf. 510d), but earlier Callicles' objection to democracy is that it facilitates the enslavement of individuals of superior _phusis_ by the feeble masses (492ab cf. 484a). The image was not confined to Athens: Xenophon ascribes it to opponents of the brief Corinthian democracy of the early fourth century ( _HG_ 4.4.6), though there is some blurring together of internal and external politics, since the desired liberation and salvation is both from democracy and from Argive control.\n\n123X. _Smp_. 4.45, 4.32: the mention of the discredited concept of _phoros_ (tribute) in the latter passage may hint at the imperial 'tyrant city' (above 123\u20134, though NB Tuplin 1985, 351\u20132 for a different view), _Mem_. 2.1.9; above 30. For Plato see the previous note.\n\n124 _Mem_. 2.1.10\u201312, 8.4; above 38n.26.\n\n125Typically _doulos_ and _despot\u00eas_ , though _oiket\u00eas_ , the word used by Aristippus in _Mem_. 2.1.9, is also most frequently applied to slaves ( _LSJ_ s.v.); by contrast, nouns such as _tamias_ (steward) and _hup\u00earet\u00eas_ (servant) refer to activity and, while implying subordination, do not necessarily denote a particular status: Brock (2007) 209\u201310.\n\n126D. 19.136: at 314 he imputes to Aeschines anti-democratic views which regard the current state of affairs as 'rough water ( _klud\u00f4na_ ) and madness'; Isoc 15.172, and cf. Pl. _Ep. 7_ 325e2\u20133 for the dizzying flux of Athenian politics. For earlier examples see 120 above, for a later one, cf. App. _BC_ 3.20, and note also the use of verbs such as _surre\u00f4_ ('flow together': X. _HG_ 2.3.18) and _katakluz\u00f4_ ('swamp': Pl. _R_. 492c5) of popular activity. The image is reified in the anecdote that Demosthenes practised speaking against the din of a stormy sea to give him the confidence necessary to address the assembly (Lib. _Arg.D._ 11).\n\n127 _Plt_. 266e; _Lg_. 905e, 906e; _R_. 566d; _Grg_. 516e (picking up the animal-taming imagery of 516ab [above 150]); for Plato's use of _eu\u00eanios_ ('responsive to the rein') in _Lg_. see above 138n.120, and note also the passing reference (in a medical image) to the authority of the ephors at Sparta as a curb-chain ( _psalion_ : _Lg_. 692a4\u20135).\n\n128D. 3.31, though he can use the yoke positively as an image of partnership ( _Pro_. 55.2). There is a hint of social legislation as yoking in Aristotle's description of Lycurgus' attempt _tas... gunaikas... agein... hupo tous nomous_ (lit. 'to lead women beneath the laws': _Pol_. 1270a6\u20137) and their resistance ( _antekrouon_ lit. 'they knocked against'): see Newman (1887\u20131902) on a8; for the expression cf. D. 24.131.\n\n129Though conversely, Aristotle as biologist frequently describes bees and other social species in political terms: at _HA_ 488a10\u201313 he notes that some social species, such as cranes and bees, have a 'leader' ( _h\u00eagem\u00f4n_ ), while ants and many others do not, and at 628a33\u20134 the wasp leaders are described as 'managing ( _dioikousai_ )'. He uses the neutral term _h\u00eagem\u00f4n_ much more frequently than the popular _basileus_ ('king') with reference to bees and other insects (34 times as against 12: see the index to Balme 2002) and also applies it to bellwethers among sheep (573b24\u20135, cf. 574a10, 575b1, 577a15), cranes (614b21\u20135), partridges (614a11, 15) and migratory fishes (598a29\u201330 \u2013 but at 597b15 the reference is to species that 'pilot' quails: Arnott 2007 s.v. Gl\u00f4ttis); otherwise _basileus_ is applied only to the Goldcrest or Firecrest (592b27, 615a19\u201320; also _tyrannos_ at 592b23; Arnott 2007 s.vv.). For a later positive paradigm from the beehive, see Plut. _Lyc_. 25.5 on the identification of Spartiates with their community.\n\n130 _HG_ 3.2.28; since the context is military, Xenophon may have modelled the image on the simile of swarming bees in _Il_. 2.87\u201390.\n\n131A. _Pers_. 126\u20139 with Broadhead (1960) on 128; he also notes the intrusion of ground terminology in the substitution of the Homeric _orchamos_ for _h\u00eagem\u00f4n_ , the word normally used of the queen.\n\n132 _Plt_. 301de with Rowe (1995); however, he applies the image positively to the Rulers at _R._ 520ab.\n\n133Goodenough (1928) 84, though without any Persian parallels for the image as such (for the belief in the inherent natural superiority of Persian monarchs see above 12); Roscalla (1998) 97\u2013101 sees the Persians' self-identification reflected in distorted form in the assertion that in ancient times the Greeks called them Kephenes (i.e. Drones: Hdt. 7.61.2) and notes an apparent allusion to the king of Assyria as a bee in _Isaiah_ 7.18. Cf. also Pomeroy (1994) 240\u20132, 276\u20137 on the complex of queen bee imagery in _Oec_. 7.17, 32\u20134, 38\u20139, arguing for a link to the Persian content of ch. 4, though here Xenophon must also be trading on ideas of orderly and productive management in the hive, overseen by the queen, which go back at least to the Bee-Woman of Semonides (7.83\u201393, esp. 85). Callimachus ( _Jov_. 66, _Aet._ fr.178.23Pf.) uses in the sense 'king' the word _ess\u00ean_ , which on some accounts referred specifically to the king bee, and was applied to the _basileus_ at Ephesus ( _EM_ 383.27; the priestesses of Artemis were called _melissai_ 'bees'); at least in the former passage, the appearance of other bee motifs suggests that he has this sense in mind (so McLennan 1977 _ad loc_.). This cult-practice would seem to be ancient and perhaps of Hittite origin: Barnett (1948) 20\u20131; for other cultic and mythic associations with bees, see Cook (1895).\n\n134 _R_. 552e, 555d, 556a, 559cd, 564b, 564d\u20135c; note the subordinate image of the need for a lawgiver-doctor to excise the drones (564bc), whose stings are toxic or infectious ( _entiktei_ 565c; Pelletier 1948, 140\u20131) and, among much interaction between tenor and vehicle, the buzzing of subordinate drones in assembly 564de; _prostat\u00eas_ : 565cd, though the parallel with a werewolf is more prominent here, and the drones now represent the tyrant's bodyguard (567de). In the individual, the desires of the oligarchic character are also drones (554b-d), and the process culminates in the establishment in the tyrannical man of a master-passion as supreme drone with drone attendants (572e\u20133b, 573e, 574d). This imagery goes back to Hesiod _Op_. 304\u20136, to which Plato alludes in _Lg_. 901a, and there are strong parallels in fifth-century drama (and later: Adam 1902 on 552c cites Shakespeare _Pericles_ 2.1.50): for stings and stinging to describe exploitation see E. _Supp_. 242 (see the mention of base _prostatai_ in 243), Ar. _Vesp_. 1113, though as Pelletier (1948) notes, aggressive drones with stings are an invention of Plato's with no parallel in nature; for _blittein_ (564e10) NB Ar. _Eq_. 794, _Lys_. 475); Liebert (2010) argues that Plato's ultimate target is the honeyed sweetness of poetry. Plato also describes colonization in terms of swarming: _Plt._ 293d, _Lg_. 708bc (and the inverse image occurs at X. _Oec_. 7.34).\n\n135The delay is even more striking if one accepts the arguments of Fisher (2008) 208\u201312 against Pritchard (2003), (2004) for substantially increased levels of participation socially as well as numerically in festival activity from the time of Cleisthenes' reforms on, although the musical imagery of the chorus seems to operate from the standpoint of the critic or observer rather than the practitioner.\n\n136Systematic theoretical approaches to art go back to the second half of the fifth century with the Canon of Polycleitus (Borbein 1996, 84\u20136), which laid down rules for the ideal ratios between measurements of parts of the body, and musical theory likewise gained pace through the fifth century, particularly under the influence of the 'New Music' (West 1992, 218\u201353, 356\u201372; Csapo 2004), while the principle of proportional equality emerges in the early fourth century: Harvey (1965). The influence of theoretical developments in music is evident in the _Republic_ in Socrates' concern to identify the correct music for the ideal city (398c\u2013402a), and the citation of Damon (also mentioned at 400bc) for the proposition that there can be no musical change without major constitutional change (424c): Wallace (2004) discusses public aspects of Damon's activity, and Csapo (2004) 235\u201345 considers the links between musical and political controversies.\n\n137 _Pol_. 1309b21\u201331, 1302b33\u20131303a2; at 1287a14\u201316, in the discussion of proportional equality, he makes the related point that bodies (and their needs) vary, the implication being that the appropriate arrangements must be decided on a case-by-case basis by expert judgment \u2013 and indeed there were probably competing artistic canons: Pollitt (1974) 21\u20133; see especially Plin. _HN_ 34.58 on Myron and 34.65 on Lysippus. Despite his openness to models derived from art, Aristotle rejects the image of the law as 'a likeness' of justice: _Top_. 140a7\u20138, 141a20\u20131.\n\n138 _Paradeigma_ : _R_. 500d\u20131c; the image is introduced to denote the basis of philosophic understanding at 484cd; at 592b the ideal city is itself a 'paradigm laid up in heaven'.\n\n139500d6; there is an instructive parallel at _Lg_. 671bc, where wine is said to heat men and make them pliable, like iron, in the hands of the lawgiver. However, at _Plt_. 261cd the objection is raised that kingly knowledge is nobler than that of the master-builder because it works with animate materials.\n\n140The word suits well the moulding of the matrix for a bronze sculpture in clay or wax ( _Lg_. 746a specifies the latter). Although we tend to think in terms of sculptors working in marble, there is no Greek parallel to Michelangelo's concept of the artist liberating the sculpture from the stone, and it seems a reasonable assumption that, particularly for large sculptural programmes like the Parthenon frieze, the design will have been first produced as a clay maquette.\n\n141The painter is most prominent when Plato focuses on fidelity to a model ( _R_. 484c8\u20139, 501c6), so that the creative process here is described largely in those terms: NB _pinax_ ('canvas' [lit. 'wooden board'] 501a2), _hypographesthai_ ('sketch' 501a9; also used of the legislator as artist providing judicial 'sketches' at _Lg_. 934c1\u20132), _exaleiph\u00f4_ ('rub out' 501b9); the image also represents the exercise of practical expertise: Nightingale (2004) 127\u201331, Schofield (2006) 162\u20133. The cleaning of the canvas ('blank canvas', ' _tabula rasa_ ') is also the best artistic analogue for the preparatory cleaning or purging which he usually anticipates ( _katharan_ 'clean' in 501a3 is cognate with _kathair\u00f4_ 'clean, 'purge'): for other such images NB above nn.28, 38.\n\n142 _d\u00eamiourgoi_ : _Pol_. 1273b32\u20133, 1274b18; _glaphuros_ : _Pol_. 1271b21\u20132, 1274b8 (contrast the biological image 'more developed' in 1271b24); hence tyrants banish nobles as rival practitioners ( _antitechnous_ : 1311a17 with Newman 1887\u20131902).\n\n143Harmony in the cosmos: _R_. 617bc, _Ti_. 37a, 47d, 90d, _Cra_. 405cd; in the soul: _Phd_. 93cf.; hence it is also the objective of the education of the Guardians, to be achieved by harmony between its intellectual and physical aspects ( _R_. 410e, 441e\u20132a; cf. _Lg_. 659e) and harmony is characteristic of the wise man ( _R_. 591cd, _La._ 188d, _Prt_. 326b): so Socrates warns Gorgias of the danger of internal dissonance ( _Grg._ 482bc). Compare also the discussion of pleasure or contentment as harmony at _Phlb._ 31cd, and NB Csapo (2004) 235\u20136.\n\n144 _Lg_. 689cd with England (1921) on d2, 691a with England on a7; his note on 689d6 identifies this knowledge with _sophrosun\u00ea_. Plato also puns on the musical and legislative senses of _nomos_ (cf. n. 29 above), often combined with the idea of the prelude ( _prooimion_ ), particularly in the _Laws_ , where it is associated with the persuasive model of law-giving: _R_. 531d\u20132a, 532d; _Lg_. 722d\u20133b, 734e, 772e, 774a, 799e, 854ac, 870de, 880ab, 887a, 907d, 916d, 923c, 925e, 932a; Csapo (2004) 239\u201340. This wordplay does not seem to have explicit argumentative force, though it may hint both at the harmony implicit in good law and at the idea of law as a tune to be followed; it also suggests the creativity of the lawgiver.\n\n145For the model of the best constitution as a harmonious balance see Arist. _Pol_. 1290a19\u201329, _Rh_. 1360a23\u20137, _EE_ 1241b27\u201330 (and for the broader principle _EN_ 1138b21\u20133) and cf. _Pol_. 1301b16\u201317 for tautening or slackening; particular changes at Athens: 1304a20\u20131 (tautening), [Arist.] _Ath.Pol_. 26.1 with helpful discussion in Rhodes (1981) _ad loc_. (slackening); NB also _rhuthmizein_ of the creation of order in _Pol_. 1308b17.\n\n146 _Pol_. 1273b11\u201312; 1277b29\u201330: Plato makes a similar point about the superior understanding of the piper as user at _R_. 601de. The _aulos_ was a double-reed instrument, so 'pipe' is preferable as an approximate translation to the traditional 'flute'.\n\n147[Arist.] _Oec_. 1353b17\u201318; X. _Oec._ 8.3 (cf. 8.20), _Mem._ 3.5.18 with Dillery (2004) 261 and, for his fundamental concern with order, Dillery (1995) 27\u201335; Wilson (2000) 37\u201340, 46\u20137 highlights the similarities with military training. Perhaps the division of direction of a chorus between _chorodidaskalos_ (trainer) and _choregos_ (funder and manager) was another factor which made it unsuitable as a model of leadership: Wilson (2000) 81\u20136, but see also 130\u20136 for possible cases of the _choregos_ personally leading the chorus in performance; in any case, there were substantial ideological tensions around the figure of the _choregos_ as patron and representative of the wealthy elite (109\u201397). The relatively small size of the chorus (only 50 for dithyramb, fewer still for drama) may also have limited its appeal as a model for democratic arrangements.\n\nThere is an incidental theatrical image in Demosthenes' comparison of the danger that the demos will not give an equal hearing to both sides to the susceptibility of an audience to the actors who appear on stage first ( _t\u00f4n prokatalambanont\u00f4n_ : _Pro_. 34.2; cf. Arist. _Pol_. 1336b28f with Newman 1887\u20131902).\n\n148 _Plt_. 305e\u20136a, 308c\u201311c; see the illuminating discussions of Lane (1998) 163\u201382 and Blondell (2005) 49\u201371.\n\n149The subordinate activities are distinguished by division (280a\u20131d, cf. 289cd; Lane 1998, 49\u201356) following the purportedly random choice of weaving at 279ab.\n\nIn the _Laws_ , the combination of dissimilar elements in marriage is represented as the mixing of wine and water ( _Lg_. 773cd, cf. 771e). Proper blending is an important element in Plato's thought, particularly in the _Philebus_ (Gould 1955, 220\u20131), but he tends to refer to it in rather general terms and language (though NB _sugkrasis_ in _Plt_. 308e in the context of weaving), so that it is frequently unclear whether the underlying thought is symposiastic or medical (or indeed from some other field such as weaving or music). The description of early Sparta as 'inflamed' and 'swollen' (above n.95 and 77n.8) suggests that the mixture of elements in the constitution described there is conceived in medical terms, particularly since more than two elements are involved (691e\u20132a, 693b), and indeed Jouanna (1978) 84\u201391 argues that a concern with balance and regimen is a new feature of Plato's model of the statesman as doctor in this work. The language of mixture is widespread elsewhere in the dialogue (Wibier 2010, 49\u201353 lists 36 instances), but not always clearly in a medical sense, as already noted: that might be in play in the passages concerned with legislation (722bc, 921e) but is less obviously the case when the Nocturnal Council is presented as a mixture (951d, 961d, 969b; Wibier 2010, 38\u201346).\n\nAristotle alludes to the idea of Sparta as a 'mixed' constitution ( _Pol_. 1265b33\u20135, cf. 1266a4 for the advantage of blending from more elements) and to accounts of Solon as having created a similar arrangement at Athens by 'mixing' (1273b35\u201341) in a way that suggests that the concept was current in wider circles. His own enthusiasm for a form of mixed constitution which he labels _politeia_ is well-known (Lintott 2000), though the idea of mixture is usually expressed more or less literally; however, in 1281b35\u20138 he compares the admixture of the demos to the superiority of a mixed diet over an unmixed one (and cf. 1286a29\u201330 on the advantages of a feast to which many people contribute).\n\n150Even if one accepts the tempting suggestion that Plato had in mind Lysistrata's wool-working image (above 122; Lane 1998, 164; Scheid and Svenbro 1996, 21\u20132 are somewhat guarded on the point), the same is true in that case \u2013 and of course there are important differences, too (below). For comic influence on Plato cf. nn. 79, 89\u201390 above.\n\n151Both points emphasized by Lane (1998) 167\u201371, 173; Blondell (2005) 67\u201371 goes further on the former, arguing that women are actually excluded by the 'neutering' of weaving. It is a little surprising, given the frequent imagery of cleansing and purging elsewhere, that Plato barely alludes to this in terms of the image here (308c is general and anodyne) but describes it explicitly at 308e\u20139a; the significant implication is that culling is not part of statecraft as such: Lane (1998) 173. Aristotle uses the parallel of weaving to make the point about preparing the raw material entirely neutrally at _Pol_. 1325b40\u20136a5.\n\n152Complexity: Lane (1998) 171\u201382; diversity: Blondell (2005) 60\u20132, who also emphasizes collaboration: 'the central point of the paradigm of weaving is that the finished product requires the co-operation of many skilled agents besides the actual weaver' (67); NB also Lane (1998) 177\u20138 for the continuing role of the citizens. Clothing as a form of protection: _Plt_. 279cd, 280c-e, 288b; perhaps also evoked in the closing picture of the fabric 'covering all the other inhabitants in the cities' (311c3\u20134).\n\n153 _Lg_. 734e\u20135a with England (1921), noted by Aristotle ( _Pol_. 1265b19\u201321). In _R_. 557c the point of the comparison of democracy to a robe is its variegated nature ( _pepoikilmen\u00ea_ ; LSJ s.v. _poikill\u00f4_ I): for discussion see Rosenstock (1994) 377\u20138, Monoson (2000), 170\u20131, 223\u20136; Villac\u00e8que (2010) brings out well the critique underlying an implicit opposition between _poikilia_ and _haplot\u00eas_ (simplicity) that democracy is deceptive and lacks genuine coherence and consistency. There is also the suggestion that a concern with show and appearance reflects a self-indulgence and superficiality at odds with the proper function of weaving.\n\n154 _Prostat\u00eas_ and its cognates continue to be applied figuratively to leadership, most commonly with reference to political leadership, both singular (Ar. _Pl._ 920, [Andoc.] 4.12, X. _HG_ 2.3.51, _Mem_. 3.6.2: the appearance in Xenophon of the verb _prostateuein_ implies that the usage is becoming a commonplace; Theopompus _FGrH_ 115 F121) and plural (Ar. _Ec_. 176, L. 13.7, 25.9, the last of factional leaders; X. _HG_ 7.4.33, _Mem_. 2.8.4, Theopompus _FGrH_ 115 F194): Isocrates (8.53) plays on the alternative technical use of the word for a metic's patron to make a point about the implications of the character of _prostatai_ for the reputations of those they represent. The singular only appears once in the fifth-century formula _prostates tou demou_ in a historical context (X. _HG_ 1.7.2: Archedemos precipitating the Arginusae trial), though Plato applies this language in the _Republic_ to the popular leader who turns into a tyrant (565c\u2013e, 566cd and for the single leader cf. _Grg_. 519bc, _Lach_. 197e, _Phdr_. 241a; more generally, with an implication of plurality, _R._ 562d, 564d, 565a). In the fourth century the image is extended beyond the polis to denote the leading state in Greece, first Athens (L. 2.57), then Sparta (X. _HG_ 3.1.3, 5.10, 14, _An_. 6.6.12, 7.1.30; cf. the aspirations of Mytilene within Lesbos: _HG_ 4.8.28), hence the Spartans' position of patronage as _prostatai_ of the Peace of Antalcidas ( _HG_ 5.1.36).\n\nThe only instance of the figurative use of the general is when Plato mentions him as one possible comparison for the gods in the _Laws_ (905e); it may be that the military function of many authority figures, especially monarchs, made it otherwise ineffective as an image.\n\n155Socrates is made to say that one must adhere to the post in which one has been stationed by the god, be it philosophy ( _Ap_. 28d\u20139a, an extended _a fortiori_ argument) or life ( _Phd_. 62b, where the word used is _phroura_ ['guard-post']); the image need not be anachronistic: NB nn.157\u20138 below. On philosophical warfare, see Loraux (1989) 27\u201330, who sees an echo of ephebic service in _phroura_. _Taxis_ is commonly used by Aristotle, too, often in a fairly neutral manner to denote the 'disposition' of a constitution (Rhodes 1981 on _Ath.Pol_. 3.1) but the implications are made clear by his description of law as 'a _taxis_ ' (i.e. a form of order: _Pol_. 1287a18, 1326a29\u201330) and when he says that it is a sign of a good constitution when the demos 'maintains position in its _taxis_ ' ( _Pol_. 1272b30\u201331) For an echo of the idea of the constitution as _taxis_ (e.g. D.15.32\u20133; below) NB _Mx_. 246b ( _taxis_ must have the slightly more general sense of 'policy' or 'standards'): hence in _Lg_. 917c failure by a citizen to uphold the laws can be regarded as _prodosia_ ('betrayal'). When Aristotle ( _Pol_. 1270b34\u20135) echoes Plato's description ( _R_. 548b; Aelian _VH_ 13.38 attributes a similar expression to Alcibiades) of the Spartans 'running away from the laws', one naturally thinks of soldiers deserting, though the verb _apodidrask\u00f4_ can also refer to slaves escaping their masters, which would suit the characterization of Law as _despot\u00eas_ of the Spartans (Hdt. 7.104.4; below, n.190). The image of deserting one's post can be applied to standards or principles more generally: L. fr. 427 (Carey) concerns female morality.\n\n156D. 3.36: there is much play with _tax-_ language in the peroration of this speech (3.34\u20136); the expression, which hints at the Athenian station at the battle of Plataea (Hdt. 9.26\u20138) is imitated at [D.] 13.34, and NB also the appeal to the same rhetoric in the ephebic oath and the oath of Plataea (R&O no.88 6\u20138, 23\u201331).\n\n157L. 31.28, cf. the _a fortiori_ argument based on _prodosia_ (treason) in 26; for the probable date ( _c_. 398 BC) and the problems in pinning down the legal basis of the argumentation here see Carey (1989) 179, 197\u2013200.\n\n158Evidence: Lycurg. 1.20; like Lysias and Aeschines (3.159, below), Lycurgus is playing on his opponent's literal desertion: contrariwise, at D. 21.120 Demosthenes turns back Meidias' literal accusation into a metaphorical denial of desertion (NB MacDowell (1990) _ad loc._ ); juror: Aeschin. 3.7; cf. [D.] 25.4 for jurors 'occupying the position' of a prosecutor. We may compare the epigraphic expression for doing one's duty, _einai en t\u00f4i tetagmen\u00f4i_ ('to be in the appointed [place]') which goes back to at least 426\/5 BC: _IG_ I3 61.47 cf. _IG_ II2 116.45\u20138, 212.63\u20135; _eutaxia_ ('orderliness'), on the other hand, does not emerge as a 'cardinal virtue' in honorific inscriptions until after our period, being first attested in 304 BC, though its roots go back further into the fourth century: Whitehead (1993) 65 and n.101, 70. In the same way, Aristotle speaks of defence of the constitution as a kind of 'night watch' which needs the stimulus of fear ( _Pol_. 1308a24\u201330); in the _Ath.Pol_., it is the Areopagus which is said to have had the _taxis_ of watching over ( _diat\u00earein_ ) or guarding the laws (3.6, cf. 4.4, 25.2).\n\n159Courage and resolution: D. 8.71, 18.62 (Yunis 2001 has a good note _ad loc_.), 192, 221, 304; dangerous loyalty: 18.138 (note the contrasting juxtaposition of wrestling imagery: and cf. 15.31\u20132); consistency in crisis: 18.173 and cf. Plut. _Dem_. 13.1; on Aeschines: 19.9, 302. In a similar image, Solon is said to have imposed sanctions on the citizen who did not 'take up station ( _th\u00eatai ta opla_ )' with one side or other in civil strife ([Arist.] _Ath.Pol_. 8.5. with Rhodes 1981). One wonders whether all Demosthenes' military imagery (he is by far the most frequent practitioner, even allowing for the volume of his corpus; around half of all his images in speeches before 346 come from this field: Ronnet 1951, 166) was intended consciously or otherwise to offset his rather inglorious military career in reality: compare the claim that in the matter of bribery, Athens avoided defeat where he was concerned (18.247). It is however noteworthy that military imagery is more frequent in _de Corona_ than _F.L_., while for commercial imagery the pattern is reversed (above, n.73). Cf. Christ (1998) 148\u20139 on the use of military imagery by volunteer prosecutors: he notes a further term, _bo\u00eathein_ ('come\/run to the aid of ').\n\n160Aeschines' riposte: 3.75, 159; policies of others: D. 14.35, _Ep_. 3.2, 15, 29, 32; [D.] 58.45; siding with the enemy: D. 18.138, 292.\n\n161See MacDowell (1978) 160 for the legal sanctions; the gravity of the offence is also shown by the fact that to allege it falsely was covered by the law of slander (ibid. 127\u20139).\n\n162Note especially the contrast between drawing pay ( _mistharnein_ ) and duty at 18.138, and for _misthophorein_ , the normal word for mercenary service see D. 9.14, [D.] 17.11; bodyguards ([D.] 17.12, 25) were normally mercenaries. Isocrates plays on the same idea but with the opposite effect in his _Helen_ when he describes Theseus as 'bodyguarded by the goodwill of the citizens' (10.37); 2.21 makes a similar point more neutrally in his instruction of Nicocles (NB Usher 1990 _ad loc_. for Roman parallels) and cf. X. _Cyr_. 8.7.13 for loyal friends as a king's truest and most reliable sceptre.\n\n163 _polem\u00f4_ : X. _HG_ 2.3.48 (~ Critias' charge: \u00a729). The closest parallel in earlier literature seems to be E. _Ion_ 1385\u20136, where _polem\u00f4_ means 'disagree with'; as with the language of _er\u00f4s_ (above 134n.83) the change in grammatical format from _polemios eimi_ ('I am an enemy of\/hostile to') makes a significant difference. For the spread of military imagery into other fields compare Antisthenes' use of military imagery for philosophy (frr.71, 88, 90; Rankin 1986, 116\u20137); the comparison of disease to warfare alluded to in Pl. _Ti._ 88e, _Lg._ 905e is already present in Hippocratic writing by the late fifth century: Padel (1992) 56, Jouanna (1999) 330\u20131.\n\n164Demosthenes and pro-Macedonians: 18.31, 19.115; Meidias: 21.29; other politicians: 22.61, 63 and also found in [D.] 25.38, 58.44, Isoc. 15.136, Aeschin. 1.64, 135 ( _katadrom\u00ean_ ); for non-political quarrels cf. L. 32.22, Is. 1.15. At 3.35 Aeschines seems to imply that Ctesiphon is going to engage in siege warfare ( _epoisei technas tois nomois_ ); note also Demosthenes' claim that it has never been his policy to whet ( _akon\u00f4n_ ) the city against its own breast ( _Ep_. 2.11).\n\n165Contrast the direct invective of Aeschines' denunciation of Demosthenes as a 'cutpurse' (3.207) and 'pirate' (3.253). The recurrent theme in Xenophon's _Hiero_ that the tyrant is at war with his subjects (e.g. 2.8\u201318, 4.11, 6.7\u20138) is a metaphor that verges on the literal, and the same is true of his account of the conspiracy of Cinadon ( _HG_ 3.3.4\u20135): the seer's warning that the Spartans are, as it were, in the midst of their enemies, and Cinadon's description of the minority Spartiates as 'enemies' suggest an impending _stasis_ in which the polis fragments into two mutually hostile communities.\n\n166Din. 1.64, referring to D. 18.299 (the word does not appear there, but does so at Aeschin. 3.236). Wankel (1976) 1269\u201374 has a detailed and illuminating discussion of the image; Demosthenes had already used it in a less developed form in _F.L_. (19.84); Aeschin. 3.84; Demad. fr.25 De Falco.\n\n167Lycurg. 1.47, speaking of the Athenians who died at Chaironeia; for the earlier tradition see above 89, 123.\n\n168Pl. _Lg_. 793c, _Plt_. 301e\u20132a (cf. _Lg_. 736e); D. 2.10. The latter two combine architectural and maritime imagery, while at _Lg_. 945c Plato juxtaposes the undergirding of a ship and sinews in a body which create a unity that amounts to _dik\u00ea_. Elsewhere, the terminology of bonding could refer either to physiology or architecture: _sundesmon_ ( _R_. 520a, _Lg_. 921c; NB _LSJ_ s.v.v. \u03c3\u03b0\u03bd\u03b4\u03b5\u03c3\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2, \u03c3\u03b0\u03bd\u03b4\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2, \u03c3\u03bc\u03bd\u03b4\u03ad\u03c9). At _Lg_. 737a7 he applies the Homeric phrase _herma pole\u00f4s_ (above 85) to a constitutional principle, while making the Nocturnal Council the anchor of the city (961c) comes close to integrating them into its fabric.\n\n169 _Th\u00earia_ : of rivals in general: D. 18.322, 24.143, [D.] 25.8); of individuals: [D.] 25.31, 95 (referring to Aristogeiton 'the Dog'), 58.49; Aeschin. 2.20 (attributed to Demosthenes), 34, 3.182 cf. 2.146; Din. 1.10, 2.10 (Aristogeiton again); Aristogeiton called Lycurgus and Demosthenes _kn\u00f4dala_ : fr.5 B-S. _Th\u00earia_ is also found in non-political contexts: D.34.52, [D.] 35.8, 43.83. Sycophants: Harvey (1990) 109, who specifies monkey, wolf, ox, dog, snake, scorpion and poisonous spider. Politicians are an assortment of animals in Pl. _Plt_. 291ab (with Rowe 1995 on b2).\n\n170Idrieus: Androtion _FGrH_ 324 F72 = Arist. _Rh_. 1406b27\u20139; for the figure of the dangerous dog cf. X. _An_. 5.8.24. Thirty: X. _HG_ 2.4.41, alluding to a practice established by a law of Solon (Plut. _Sol_. 24.3). Pern\u00e9e (1979) sees a further image from hunting dogs in _periel\u00ealuthen_ (the MS reading): the oligarchs have first been out-manoeuvred by their prey, and then handed over to them by their former masters. Dogs are not only dangerous when biting: Hippias of Erythrai ( _FGrH_ 421 F1) has a tale of flatterers called _prokunes_ ('fawning dogs'), who overthrew an unsuspecting king.\n\n171Hyp. fr. 80 Jensen; Aesop 269a Perry = Arist. _Rh_. 1393b22\u20134a1; Plut. _Mor_. 790cd applies the fable slightly differently, to 'young men thirsty for fame and power'. Isocrates' comparison of rhetors to _korakes_ ('crows': fr.15 = Apophth. \u03b41 Blass) is perhaps not more than a pun on the name of the early Sicilian rhetorician Korax, but also exemplifies the negative use of animal imagery.\n\n172Arist. _Pol_. 1284a15\u201317 = Antisthenes fr.100. Cf. D.S. 19.25.5\u20137 for another fable (related by Eumenes of Cardia) which underlines the positive value of possessing teeth.\n\n173D. 18.296 (translation from Yunis 2001; NB his notes on the chapter for the bravura sequence of images), 3.31; Aeschin. 3.166: notoriously, none of the phrases cited there appears in the published version of _de Corona_. Compare the demand for the excision or burning out of Aristogeiton like a cancer or ulcer ([D.] 25.95) and Aeschines' denunciation of Demosthenes for opening new wounds ( _helkopoieis_ : 3.208; above 73).\n\n174The phrase _anatetm\u00eakasi tines ta kl\u00eamata tou d\u00eamou_ appears in the MSS of Aeschines but not in the citation in D.H. _Dem_. 57, and so is omitted by the Bud\u00e9 editors: however, it is not likely to be a marginal glossing of the preceding viticultural image, which is a simple accusation of peculation, and the fact that Herodian _de fig_. (Walz _Rhet. Gr._ VIII 590) preserves the word _kl\u00eamata_ is in its favour; for the resonance of the destruction of growing vines, compare Arist. _Ach_. e.g. 183 (with Olson 2002), 233, 512, 984\u20135. _Phormorraphoumetha_ : 'stitched up' = hampered (so _LSJ_ s.v.), and the following phrase seems to come from the same field; NB Aeschin. 3.207 for D. as cutter-up of the constitution.\n\n175The farmer is one of the traditional figures to which the gods might be compared at Pl. _Lg_. 906a and attributed to Protagoras as a model for wise men and good speakers at _Tht_. 167bc; cf. Athena's description of herself as a gardener: A. _Eum_. 911\u20132. Meletus weeding like a good gardener: Pl. _Euthph_. 2d\u20133a; ears of corn are a familiar lesson for tyrants at Arist. _Pol_. 1284a, 1311a20\u20132, 1313a40\u20131, but applicable also to oligarchies and democracies (with particular reference to ostracism) and even imperial powers at _Pol_. 1284a26-b3; Aristotle also reverses the roles of Thrasybulus and Periander, perhaps because the latter as one of the Seven Sages seemed better fitted to the didactic persona: Felton (1998) 46 n.16; on Aristotle's handling of the anecdote see further Forsdyke (1999) 368\u201370. Tyranny a plant: Pl. _R_. 565cd (cf. Hdt. 1.60.1, 64.1, imitated in [Arist.] _Ath.Pol_. 14.3, for the 'rooting' of Peisistratus' tyranny); _sperma_ and\/or _rhiza_ of trouble: D. 24.154, [D.] 25.48, Hyp. fr.204.\n\n176Jurors as _phulakes_ of the laws: [D.] 25.6, Aeschin. 1.7; of the democracy: Aeschin. 3.7; of both: Din. 3.16; so also judges' power is _nom\u00f4n phulaka_ at Pl. _Plt_. 305c. Magistrates: L. 27.3, though here the gamekeepers have turned to poaching; Isoc. 7.47 develops the notion of legal system as deterrence and likewise mentions punishment, though he is dismissive of communities which simply establish laws as barriers ( _emphragmata_ ) to wrongdoing (7.40). At L. 25.28 it is claimed that abiding by oaths and contracts protects democracy (cf. below, n.182). Compare the language of guardianship and deposit on trust: above 27\u20138.\n\nLaw can itself be characterized as a contract ([D.] 25.16, Hyp. 3.30, perhaps also _Com. Adesp._ fr.1094.17 = _PHeid_. 182 [Gigante 1957]); Aristotle offers this as a possible argument in _Rh._ 1376b7\u201311, but dismisses the conception of the laws of a polis as merely a 'treaty' at _Pol_. 1280b6\u201312, and such a view is likely to have been superseded by the increasing characterization in this period of Law as a personality and agent (below).\n\n177Guardians against illegality: [D.] 58.34, 46; of the constitution: Isoc. 8.53; of the democracy: Aeschin. 3.250; watching the watchdogs: [D.] 26.22. In the _Hiero_ (6.10), Xenophon, exploiting an ambiguity in _phulatt\u00f4_ , contrasts free cities, protected by sentries who are themselves overseen by the laws, with the lack of security of a tyrant, the implication being that the tyrant's arrogation of law to himself (a stock charge) actually serves to undermine his own security.\n\n178Likewise in the _Republic_ , although the Guardians ( _Phulakes_ ) are initially introduced as having a military function (374b-e), that role is hived off to the Auxiliaries ( _Epikouroi_ 414b, described at 414d3 as 'soldiers'), while the character of the Guardians as 'best' and 'most protective of the city' (412c) is characterized in more general terms (412c\u20133c; for the distinction cf. 434ab): hence it is natural to regard subsequent references to the Guardians as _phulakes_ as substantially figurative (e.g. 421a, 463ab, 464c, 503b, 504c, 506a), though the same word is also applied to the Auxiliaries as watchdogs (e.g. 451d; note the jingle _phulakes... skulakes_ ); for the figurative usage cf. _Ti_. 17d, _Lg_. 632c, 754d, 920a, 964b-d, 965b, 966b, 969c: in _Lg_. in particular the reference is frequently to law(s) and in Book XII the effect is to spell out the implications of the title _Nomophulakes_ (which is also attested as an office at Athens by the 320s: Din. frr.6.11, 14.2).\n\n179Liturgy: Is. fr.30 Thalheim, cf. L. 21.19; _chor\u00eagos_ : D. 9.60, 19.216 (both of Philip); of politicians exploiting war for personal gain at Aeschin. 2.79; cf. the verb at [D.] 11.6. Symmories: D. 2.29, repeated with minor variations at [D.] 13.20; for their organization see de Ste Croix (1953) 56\u201362 (esp. 60), whose account implies a pun on the technical and non-technical senses of _h\u00eagem\u00f4n_.\n\n180D. 1.28, 8.69, 18.189 (with Wankel 1976, 899\u201390), 245, cf. 18.196; 18.235 (Philip); other instances are vaguer, and in _Pro_. 53.1 _tas euthunas didonai_ amounts to 'pay the price'. Alexis fr. 264 alludes to the system in constructing a comic paradox: the speaker argues that one is better off disenfranchised than married, since while those in the former condition cannot rule others, married men are not even their own masters and have to submit to daily _euthunai_. _Logistai_ : 18.229 with Yunis (2001).\n\n181 _Syn\u00eagoroi_ : Aeschin. 3.37. Compare also n.154 above for Isoc. 8.53 on _prostatai_ (and NB his use of _metoikein_ at 4.105 to mean 'have no political rights' in an oligarchy) and 26\u20137 for Hyperides' ironic use of _tamias_ and _epistat\u00eas_.\n\n182D. 18.170, Demad. fr.36 De Falco 9 (cf. Lycurg. 1.79 for oath 'holding together [ _sunechon_ ]' the democracy), Aeschin. 3.199\u2013200; for law as _kan\u00f4n_ cf. Lycurg. 1.9 and above 135n.93; Aristotle objects to the image of the law as a measure ( _metron_ ) of justice at _Top_. 140a7\u20138.\n\n183Timocrates: D. 24.212\u20134: there is anachronism in his reference to proceedings for _nomon m\u00ea epit\u00eadeion theinai_ as well as the association of Solon with coinage. Assembly as assayer: _Pro_. 32.4 ( _dokimasai_ : _LSJ_ s.v. dokimavzw I.1); _Pro_. 55.3 ( _zugon_ : _LSJ_ s.v. IVa cf. L. 10.18); juror as assayer: Arist. _Rh_. 1375b3\u20136; Leptines: 20.167. See the discussion in Kurke (1999) 317\u201320, who notes that it was around this time that Athens introduced small-denomination bronze coinage. For the quality of Athenian coinage see X. _Vect_. 3.2: Athenian concern to maintain its reputation is made plain by the law on approvers of silver coinage passed in 375\/4 BC: R&O no. 25; the language of scrutiny and approval ( _dokimazein_ : ll.6, 14) could also be applied to citizenship: Kurke (1999) 310\u201313 (and note also _kibd\u00ealos_ 'counterfeit, fraudulent' [11] and _k\u00f4d\u00f4niz\u00f4_ 'test [metal]': Ar. _Ran_. 723, D. 19.167 with MacDowell 2000).\n\n184For examples in the later fifth century see above 145n.156. The increasingly entrenched position of law in the fourth century (above n.2) is reflected in the frequency of prosecutions for unconstitutional proposal ( _graph\u00ea paranom\u00f4n_ ), a process first attested in 415 BC: Hansen 1991, 205\u201312. That procedure is itself invoked figuratively by Aristotle when he says that many jurists 'bring a charge of illegality ( _h\u00f4sper rh\u00eatora graphontai paranom\u00f4n_ ') against the doctrine of legal slavery ( _Pol_. 1255a7\u20139). Cp. his use of _proedria_ ('front-row seats', i.e. precedence: _Pol_. 1309a28, cf. 1292a9) for figurative allusion to the language of Athenian institutions; the comparison of 'the middle' to an arbitrator ( _diait\u00eat\u00eas_ : _Pol_. 1297a5\u20136) might be another case, since the Athenians had a system of public arbitrators: [Arist.] _Ath. Pol_. 53.2\u20136.\n\n185Guardians (of morals): Aeschin. 1.14 and cf. Din. 1.86, where the personified Meter is guardian ( _phulax_ ) of Athens' public records in her temple, the Metro\u00f6n; _s\u00f4izein_ : D. 24.156, 216, [D.] 25.21, Aeschin. 1.5; democratic cities are administered ( _dioikountai_ ) by the laws: Aeschin. 1.4, and cf. the same verb at [D.] 59.115; laws rule like magistrates ( _tois t\u00eas pole\u00f4s archousi nomois_ ): [D.] 26.5); drive the democracy: [D.] 25.20. Laws as prosecutors: [D.] 59.115, reducing the case to The Laws v. Neaira; as executioners: L. 1.26 with Carey (1989); collaborate with prosecutor and democracy: Aeschin. 3.197\u20138 cf. 202, where they are linked with the democracy and the jurors; even legislate: [D.] 25.16; this somewhat far-fetched conceit is matched slightly earlier in the speech (11) by an emotive appeal to support Eunomia 'who preserves all cities and lands' and Dike (seen in Hesiodic terms, though the account is attributed to Orpheus). NB also the law as educator in Arist. _Pol_. 1287b25\u20136, and Rhodes (1981) 34 and n.177 for frequent instances of the law(s) issuing orders in [Arist.] _Ath.Pol_ ; likewise law(s) speak, give orders and forbid actions in _EN_ 1129b14\u201324.\n\n186Reading _t\u00f4i tois nomois ischuein_ ('that your power is derived from the laws'): see MacDowell (1990) _ad loc_.; perhaps the elite status of the litigants made the laws a more sympathetic victim?\n\n187Agathon: Pl. _Smp_. 196c; Alcidamas: Arist. _Rh_. 1406a17\u201323: it is a moot point whether the former depends on the latter (Dover 1980 prints it as a quotation) or whether the phrase is a sophistic commonplace; Pl. _Ep. 8_ 354bc; Demad. fr.35 De Falco; Pl. _Prot_. 337d; cf. also L. 2.19 (above 21n.77) and NB already Anon. Iambl. 6.1 (above 145n.158). Plato's characterization of law in _Plt_. 294bc as a stubborn and ignorant man who permits no contravention of his rule reflects the depreciation of codified law in that dialogue.\n\n188For voluntary servitude to the laws as masters see esp. _Lg_. 698bc, 699c, 700a with the discussion of Schofield (2006) 78\u201382, noting the Herodotean echo in _despotis... Aid\u00f4s_ (698b5\u20136) and 715cd; refusal to accept it (701bc) and subjection of the laws to men (856b) threaten corresponding danger. The same policy is urged on the Sicilians in Plato's letters ( _Ep. 7_ 334c, 337a, _Ep. 8_ 355e), where the suggestion that the victors should make themselves more subject to the laws than the vanquished (337cd) perhaps hints at the idea of self-mastery as rule. Aristotle in commending the rule of law recommends that individual rulers should be appointed as guardians and servants ( _hyp\u00earetas_ ) of the laws ( _Pol._ 1287a20\u20132; for the milder terminology cf. Pl. _Lg_. 715c) and argues that subjection to the constitution is not _douleia_ but _eleutheria_ ( _Pol_. 1310a35); compare his paradoxical description of the Orthagorid tyrants as 'enslaved to the law in many respects' (1315b15\u201316); X. _Ages_. 7.2 with Brock (2007) 209\u201310 for the resonances of _latreuein_ ; _endoxos douleia_ : Ael. _VH_ 2.20, attributed to Antigonos Gonatas; and above 30. The concept of the law as master presumably also underlies the image of the citizen who attempts to evade his liturgic responsibilities as a runaway slave ( _drapeteuein_ [D.] 42. 25, 32); for the image of running away from the law as parent see above n.155.\n\n189X. _Cyr_. 8.1.22 (tr. Miller [Loeb]); Farber (1979) 502\u20137 takes a pragmatic view of the concept as necessitated by the practicalities of expansive imperial rule. Cf. also _Lac_. 8.4 for the ephors' capacity for close supervision, like judges at the games (above n.47); fuller discussion above 14. Aristotle describes the man of outstanding virtue who should be made king as 'law in himself ' ( _Pol_. 1284a13\u201314, 1288a3); the principle is anticipated when he says that the man of judgement is _nomos heaut\u00f4i_ , i.e. can legislate for himself, regarding appropriate social behaviour (specifically, ridicule: _EN_ 1128a32).\n\n190Pi. fr.169a.1\u20132 with discussion above 19n.52; Hdt. 7.104.4. Stier (1927\u20138) 250\u20132 saw a reaction to sophistic exegesis of the Pindar passage in the fourth-century figuring of law as legitimate king; for a more detailed exegesis of the influence of the passage, see Gigante (1956), especially in this context 253\u201367 on Plato, and NB also Svenbro (1993) 123\u201344 (stimulating if a shade fanciful).\n\n191 _Plt_. 303b: ideal constitution is to be distinguished 'like a god from men'; _Lg_. 965c and perhaps 630e1 (so the scholiast _ad loc_. and Stephanus); submission to laws as to gods: _Lg_. 762e cf. 715c4 with England (1921); in _Ep. 8_ he observes that the only moderate servitude is to the gods 'and law is a god for self-controlled men' (354e). Aristotle likewise reports the anti-monarchic argument that the rule of law is the rule of God and reason ( _nous_ ) alone ( _Pol_. 1287a28\u201330).\n\n192Lycurgus: _Phdr_.258c, _Lg._ 691e (and cf. X. _Resp.Lac_.15.9 on his funeral honours for Spartan kings); Nocturnal Council: _Lg._ 966d, 969b cf.945c; divine honours for Guardians: _R._ 540bc; _s\u00f4t\u00earas te kai epikourous_ : 463b with Adam 1902; for the title _S\u00f4t\u00ear_ , see above 22n.88. On heroization see further above 13\u201314.\n\n193 _FGrH_ 124 F31, alluding to Hom. _Il_. 13.27\u201330 (the scholia in fact cite Callisthenes on 13.29); however, while obeisance would be appropriate to a god, it does not feature in the epic and more likely refers to Alexander's increasing claim to be lord of Persia (so Bosworth 1980 on Arr. _An_. 1.26.2). See also the careful discussion of Pearson (1960) 36\u20138, suggesting that Callisthenes was preparing his ancient readers for more explicit evidence of divinity at Siwah. The episode in Pamphylia gave rise to the later conceit that rulers had a quasi-divine power to control the weather: Hardie (1986) 206\u20137; it may be significant that this idea also featured in Achaemenid royal ideology: Briant (1996) 251\u20132.\n\n# Epilogue\n\nThe transition to the Hellenistic world marks a fundamental transformation in the political landscape, a shift to an environment dominated by monarchy which was to persist into the early modern period. As a result, political theory loses the plurality and dialectic between constitutional options which have characterized it hitherto and becomes almost exclusively concerned with the ideology of kingship. Both the radical change in the historical context and the fact that the ensuing period has been well studied make this a natural point at which to conclude this study.1 Yet because political thought from this point onward concentrated so much on the person of the king, and because image and imagery therefore came to play a more prominent role, much of the groundwork for the kingship theory of the Hellenistic and later periods had already been done and the foundations, including its characteristic imagery, were already in place.2\n\nThe characteristic representations of the leader, now specifically concentrated on the figure of the monarch, were to remain in use for two millennia and more, and across a remarkable diversity of geographical, historical and cultural situations. If it is not surprising that Louis XIV, whose propaganda deliberately drew on classical models, should have been depicted in paintings as a helmsman,3 it is remarkable that Joseph Mobutu, President of almost land-locked Zaire, should have chosen to borrow from Mao the title of The Helmsman. It would seem that by now the helmsman has become an abstracted ideal to which a ruler will aspire, whatever their situation in reality. The other models in the Greek toolkit, too, have retained their currency and lent themselves to adaptation to changing circumstances: thus the father-figure has in recent American politics bifurcated, according to the speaker's ideological slant, into the 'strict father' and the 'nurturant parent'.4 More subtly, Yulia Tymoshenko, then prime minister of Ukraine, reflected the changing role of women in politics when she laid claim to the role of parent as leader for the mother, while simultaneously evoking the more traditional analogy between domestic and political administration which goes back to Lysistrata: 'You know how, when a family breaks up, in most instances the child stays with the mother? She is the more reliable caretaker. It is the same with a country. I simply think that we are more reliable...'.5 More conventional \u2013 in a characteristic way \u2013 was the evocation of military and maritime imagery directed at Eduard Shevardnadze in the crisis of the Soviet Union: 'Mr Shevardnadze should stay at his post and not be a \"deserter\". [Another speaker claimed that he] was someone \"who recognized Gorbachev's ship is sinking\"'.6 Whether traditional or adapted, such examples exemplify the deep-seated and perennial appeal of the images of community and leadership first formulated for us by the Greeks: whatever changes we may see in the conduct of politics in the modern world, the father and the watchdog, the helmsman and the doctor are likely to be with us for generations to come.\n\n## Notes\n\n1Scholarship in the field goes back at least to Goodenough (1928); more recently, see Walbank (1984) and Hahm (2000), both with extensive further bibliography.\n\n2Walbank (1984) 75\u201384 traces the antecedents of monarchic ideology.\n\n3Burke (1992) 62\u20133.\n\n4Lakoff (2002) chs 5\u20136. For Mobutu as (disputed) father see above 40n.36. 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Oxford: Clarendon Press.\n\n# Index of Authors and Images\n\nAuthors only cited once or twice are omitted here unless a passage is discussed in the text, but can be located through the Index locorum; for convenience pseudo-Demosthenes is incorporated with Demosthenes, [Arist.] under Aristotle and _P.V._ under Aeschylus.\n\nAeschines\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons\n\ncommerce\n\ndemocracy, imagery from \u2013\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\nhousehold ,\n\nlaw as agent\n\nmaritime ,\n\nmedical ,\n\nmilitary xi, \u2013\n\nprotection\n\nsport\n\nwage labour ,\n\nAeschylus\n\narchitecture\n\nbees\n\nbirds of prey\n\nDemos as _polissouchos_ (guardian) 16n. 23\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\ngods as kings \u2013\n\nkings as gods\n\nlion\n\nmaritime \u2013,\n\nmedical ,\n\nmilitary 139n. 127\n\nshepherd , \u2013\n\nsport , 173n. 47\n\ntaming of animals\n\nwater, law as pure\n\nAesop\n\nanimals\n\nmedical \u2013\n\nAlcaeus\n\narchitecture ,\n\nboard games\n\nelements \u2013\n\nfox\n\ngods as kings 18n. 37\n\nmaritime \u2013, , \u2013\n\nmyth as example\n\npredator, tyrant as\n\nproverbs 104n. 91\n\nAlcidamas\n\ngods as kings ,\n\nAlcmaeon of Croton\n\nmedical , , ,\n\nAlexis\n\nDemocracy, imagery from 194n. 180\n\nAnacreon\n\ngods as kings , 16n. 23\n\nshepherd (divine)\n\nAnaxagoras\n\ngods as kings \u2013, 20n. 36\n\nAnaximander\n\ngods as kings\n\nAndocides\n\ndemocracy, imagery from\n\nfreedom and slavery \u2013\n\nprotection\n\nAnonymus Iamblichi\n\ngods as kings\n\ntyrant as trustee ,\n\nAntimachus\n\ngods as kings 18n. 39\n\nAntiphanes god as helmsman 174n. 50\n\ngods as kings\n\nwriting tablet 179n. 81\n\nAntiphon\n\ntaming of animals\n\nlaw as agent 145n. 156\n\nAntisthenes\n\nmaritime 180n. 89\n\nmilitary 192n. 163\n\nArchelaus\n\ngods as kings\n\nArchilochus\n\nmaritime \u2013, ,\n\nAristophanes\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons\n\nbees 137n. 106\n\nchariot of state\n\ncoinage\n\nelements ,\n\n_eranos_\n\nhousehold \u2013,\n\nlion\n\nlover of the demos\n\nmaritime ,\n\npoliticians as gods ,\n\nshepherd 50n. 17\n\nsport \u2013\n\n_stasis_\n\ntyrant city\n\nwatchdog \u2013\n\nwool-working\n\nAristophon\n\ngods as kings\n\nAristotle\n\nanimals\n\nart\n\ncoinage\n\ncrop destruction\n\nelements\n\nfather , , 179n. 86\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\ngods as kings\n\nhousehold , , , , ,\n\nking as living law ,\n\nlaw as agent\n\nas divine\n\nas master\n\nmaritime\n\nmedical 79n. 28, 81n. 49, , 173n. 44\n\nmilitary\n\nmixture 189n. 149\n\nmusic\n\nprotection\n\nrule of reason\n\nshepherd\n\nsport\n\nAttic skolia\n\nkings as gods\n\nBacchylides\n\ngods as kings , , 18n. 38\n\nComedy, anonymous\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons\n\ngods as kings\n\ntaming of animals \u2013\n\nCratinus\n\nfire 138n. 118\n\npoliticians as gods ,\n\nDelphic oracle\n\nboulder\n\nhelmsman ,\n\nkings as gods \u2013\n\nlion\n\nmedical\n\nDemades\n\narchitecture\n\ndemocracy, imagery from\n\nlaw as tyrant\n\nmaritime ,\n\nmedical ,\n\nDemocritus\n\nbodily microcosm\n\nfreedom and slavery 183n. 112\n\ngods as kings\n\nDemosthenes\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons\n\narchitecture\n\ncarpet-making\n\ncoinage\n\ncommerce\n\ndemocracy, imagery from \u2013\n\nelements ,\n\n_eranos_\n\nfreedom and slavery \u2013\n\ngods as kings 18n. 39\n\nhousehold \u2013, \u2013, ,\n\nlaw as agent\n\nlover of the demos\n\nmaritime ,\n\nmedical , \u2013, ,\n\nmilitary xi, \u2013\n\nprotection\n\nreligion 24n. 101\n\nrule of reason\n\nsport\n\ntaming of animals\n\ntheatre 189n. 147\n\nviticulture\n\nwage labour ,\n\nwatchdog\n\nDinarchus\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons\n\narchitecture\n\ncommerce\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\nhousehold 37n. 14\n\nlaw as agent\n\nlover of the demos\n\nmedical ,\n\nprotection\n\nsport\n\nDiogenes\n\ngods as kings\n\nEmpedocles\n\ngods as kings \u2013, , 20n. 63,\n\nEpimenides\n\ngods as kings \u2013,\n\nEupolis\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons 180n. 91\n\nclothing 141n. 129\n\npoliticians as gods ,\n\nsport\n\nEuripides\n\ncrop destruction\n\nelements ,\n\nfreedom and slavery \u2013\n\ngods as kings \u2013, 19n. 49\n\nhousehold\n\nkings as gods\n\nmaritime \u2013\n\nmaster and slave , 128n.16\n\nmedical\n\nmilitary 139n. 127\n\nshepherd\n\nGorgias\n\ngods as kings \u2013\n\nkings as gods\n\nlegislators as craftsmen 135n. 93\n\nprotection\n\nHeraclitus\n\ngods as kings \u2013\n\nlaw as city wall\n\nHermippus\n\npoliticians as gods\n\nHerodotus\n\nbull \u2013\n\ncrop destruction 101n. 62,\n\nelements , 100n. 49,\n\nfather\n\ngods as kings ,\n\nhousehold , 37n. 15,\n\nkings as gods \u2013\n\nlion \u2013,\n\nmaritime ,\n\nmaster and slave \u2013\n\nmedical\n\nsport\n\nHesiod\n\ngods as kings \u2013\n\nhawk and nightingale\n\nkings as gods\n\npredator, king as\n\nshepherd\n\nHippocratic Corpus\n\nmaster and slave 128n. 16\n\n'powers' in body , , ,\n\nHipponax\n\ngods as kings\n\nHomer\n\narchitecture\n\ngods as kings \u2013,\n\nking as father , \u2013\n\nkings as gods\n\npredator, king as\n\nshepherd \u2013, \u2013\n\nHomeric hymns\n\ngods as kings \u2013\n\nkings as gods\n\nHypereides\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons\n\ncommerce\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\nhousehold ,\n\nmedical ,\n\nIambic, anonymous\n\nelements\n\nIon of Chios\n\ngods as kings\n\nIsaeus\n\nimagery from democracy\n\nIsocrates\n\nbad living as treason or stasis 42n. 61, 175n. 55\n\nelements ,\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\ngods as kings \u2013, 19n. 49, , 174n. 49\n\nhousehold \u2013, \u2013, ,\n\nkings as gods\n\nlover of the demos\n\nmaritime (of soul) 174n. 50\n\nmedical\n\nmilitary \u2013\n\nprotection\n\nrule of reason\n\nsport\n\nLycophron\n\nlaw as guarantor 37n. 14\n\nLycurgus\n\narchitecture\n\ndemocracy, imagery from\n\n_eranos_\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\nhousehold \u2013\n\nmilitary\n\nLyric, anonymous\n\ngods as kings 18n. 40\n\nHybrias the Cretan as master , 98n. 37\n\nLysias\n\ndemocracy, imagery from\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\ngods as kings\n\nhousehold\n\nmilitary\n\nOrphic poems\n\ngods as kings ,\n\nPherecydes\n\ngods as kings\n\nPhilemon\n\nfreedom and slavery 185n. 119\n\nPindar\n\narchitecture , ,\n\nbirds of prey\n\nelements 138n. 116\n\nfather ,\n\ngods as kings , \u2013, 16n. 23, ,\n\nhousehold ,\n\nlight 100n. 49,\n\nmaritime\n\nmedical ,\n\nmilitary 139n. 127\n\nshepherd ,\n\ntree\n\nPlato\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons\n\narchitecture\n\nart\n\nbees , 176n. 59\n\nchariot of state\n\nfather\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\ngods as kings \u2013\n\nhorticulture\n\nhousehold , , \u2013, , \u2013\n\nking as living law\n\nkings as gods\n\nlaw as master\n\nas god\n\nas king\n\nlover of the demos\n\nmaritime , \u2013,\n\nmedical \u2013, , 81n. 50, \u2013\n\nmilitary\n\nmusic\n\nmythological\n\nrule of reason \u2013\n\nshepherd \u2013, , ,\n\ntrainer , \u2013\n\ntyranny of demos\n\nwatchdog ,\n\nwool-working\n\nPlato Comicus\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons\n\nmedical 181n. 97\n\npoliticians as gods ,\n\nsport\n\nPratinas\n\ngods as kings\n\nPythagorean School\n\ngods as kings\n\nScylax\n\nkings as gods\n\nSimonides\n\ngods as kings , 18n. 39\n\nlight\n\nteacher\n\nSolon\n\nanimals \u2013\n\nboundary stone ( _horos_ )\n\nchariot of state\n\ncream\n\nelements ,\n\ngods as kings 18n. 37\n\nhunting\n\nmaster and slave\n\nmedical \u2013, ,\n\nshield\n\nSophocles\n\narchitecture 145n. 155\n\nchariot of state ,\n\nelements\n\nfather \u2013, 41n. 43,\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\ngods as kings \u2013\n\nhunting\n\nkings as gods\n\nmaritime \u2013,\n\nmilitary 139n. 127\n\nsport\n\ntaming of animals\n\nteacher\n\nStesichorus\n\nanimal fable\n\ngods as kings 18n. 37\n\nStesimbrotus\n\ngods as kings ,\n\nTelecleides\n\npoliticians as gods\n\nTheognis\n\narchitecture\n\ngods as kings , 18n. 37\n\nkings as gods\n\nmaritime , \u2013\n\nmedical \u2013, ,\n\npredator, tyrant as\n\ntaming of animals\n\nThucydides\n\n_eranos_\n\nfreedom and slavery ,\n\nlover of the demos \u2013\n\nmedical , ,\n\nmen identified with city\n\nsport\n\ntyrant city \u2013\n\n_see also prostat\u00eas_\n\nTragedy, anonymous\n\narchitecture 145n. 155\n\ngods as kings\n\nTyrtaios\n\ntaming of animals\n\nXenophanes\n\ngods as kings \u2013\n\nXenophon\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons\n\nbees \u2013\n\nfather ,\n\nfreedom and slavery\n\ngods as citizens 19n. 50\n\nhousehold \u2013, , ,\n\nkings as gods\n\nlaw as master\n\nmaritime ,\n\nmedical ,\n\nrule of reason\n\nruler as law ,\n\nshepherd , \u2013,\n\nsport\n\ntyranny of demos \n\n# Index locorum\n\nThis index is selective and restricted to passages of political (or, occasionally, other) imagery and does not include passages cited to establish historical or literary context. Passages cited in or alluded to in the main text are cited by the text page(s) but will generally be found in the corresponding footnotes. Authors are 'amalgamated' for convenience as in the index of authors and images.\n\nAelian\n\n_VH_ 2.20 ,\n\n13.38 191n. 155\n\nAeschines\n\n1.4,c\n\n1.7 \u2013,\n\n1.14\n\n1.51\u20132\n\n1.64\n\n1.72\n\n1.135\n\n1.153\n\n1.154, \u2013\n\n1.187 \u2013\n\n2.20,\n\n2.79\n\n2.146\n\n2.176 140n. 127,\n\n2.177 80n. 37, 181n. 95\n\n2.253 130n. 36\n\n3.3 ,\n\n3.7 ,\n\n3.13, \u2013 , 36n. 8,\n\n3.35 192n. 164\n\n3.37\n\n3.66\n\n3.75\n\n3.84\n\n3.86 ,\n\n3.91, \u2013\n\n3.132\n\n3.158 ,\n\n3.159\n\n3.166\n\n3.179\u201380\n\n3.182\n\n3.197\u20138, \u2013\n\n3.200\n\n3.202\n\n3.205\u20136\n\n3.207 192n. 165, 193n. 174\n\n3.208 \u2013, 193n. 173\n\n3.218\n\n3.220\n\n3.225 \u2013\n\n3.226\n\n3.233\u20134 185n. 121\n\n3.236\n\n3.250\n\n3.251 ,\n\n3.253 192n. 165\n\nAeschylus\n\n_Ag_.\n\n49\n\n50\n\n113\u201315\n\n171\n\n181\u201396\n\n182\u20133\n\n200 139n. 127\n\n256 145n. 155\n\n410 139n. 127\n\n483 141n. 127\n\n509\n\n587 127n. 7\n\n594\n\n650\u20131\n\n666 127n. 7\n\n717\u201336\n\n795\n\n848\u201350 ,\n\n899\n\n966\u201372 xxn. 30,\n\n1617\u201318 ,\n\n1639\u201342\n\n_Cho_. 357\u20139, 405\n\n630 141n. 127\n\n809, 863, 1046\n\n_Eum_. 64n. 23\n\n127\u20138\n\n399 139n. 127\n\n456, 566, 569, 668, 683, 762 140n. 127\n\n765 64n. 23\n\n775, 883 16n. 23, 142n. 136\n\n889 140n. 127\n\n694\u20135, 701, 706\n\n911\u201312\n\n948\n\n1010 16n. 23, 142n. 136\n\n_Pers_. 74\u20135\n\n80\n\n126\u20139\n\n157\n\n215 ,\n\n241\u20132 , \u2013, 140n. 127\n\n634, 642\u20133, 651, 655\n\n656 ,\n\n664, 671 ,\n\n711, 856\n\n859\u201360 145n. 155\n\n_P.V._ 50 , 129n. 29\n\n122\n\n149\u201350 ,\n\n, 186f., 198f.\n\n208\n\n221\n\n224\u20135 ,\n\n228\u201331, 310, 324, 389\n\n405 141n. 127\n\n515\n\n671\u20132\n\n756\u20137, 761, 767, 908\u201310, 912\n\n918\u201321\n\n927, 930\n\n_Sept_. \u2013, \u2013, \u2013, 652 ,\n\n_Supp_. 140n. 127\n\n345 64n. 29,\n\n373\n\n524, 595f. 6\n\n905 139\u201340n. 127\n\nFr. 47a.2 140n. 127\n\n132c.8\n\n281a.24 140n. 127\n\n451q.8\n\nAesop\n\n130 Perry \u2013\n\n269a Perry\n\nAglaosthenes ( _FGrH_ 499)\n\nF2 18n. 39,\n\nAlcaeus\n\nFr.6 ,\n\n69.6, 70.6\u20137\n\n73 xvii\u2013xviiin. 7, 97n. 26\n\n74 \u2013\n\n112.10\n\n129.23\u20134\n\n208 \u2013,\n\n296.3 18n. 37\n\n306 (i) col. II a xvii\u2013xviiin. 7, 97n. 26\n\n308b.3\u20134, 387 18n. 37\n\n344 104n. 91\n\n351\n\n426\n\nS262 \u2013\n\nAlcidamas\n\nFr.17B\u2013S ,\n\nAlcmaeon\n\nB4 , , ,\n\nAlexis\n\nFr.264 194n. 180\n\nAnacreon\n\nfr. 346 (2) xviin. 7\n\n348 16n. 23,\n\n360 99n. 41\n\n396, 398, 403 xviin. 7\n\n417 99n. 41\n\n449 102n. 77\n\n505d\n\nAnaxagoras\n\nA48\n\nA55 20n. 63\n\nB12 \u2013\n\nAnaxandrides\n\nFr.4 64n. 31\n\nAnaximander\n\nA15 64n. 31\n\nB1\n\nAndocides\n\n1.9 145n. 156\n\n2.27\n\n3.29 182n. 102\n\n4.7\n\n4.12 190n. 154\n\n4.16\n\nAndrotion ( _FGrH_ 324)\n\nF72\n\nAnonymus Iamblichi\n\n6.1 , 195n. 187\n\n7.13\u201314 ,\n\nAntimachus\n\nFr.3 18n. 39,\n\nAntiphanes\n\nFr.19.4\n\n42 174n. 50\n\n194 179n. 81\n\nAntiphon\n\n1.13 , 174n. 50\n\n3.1.1\n\nB70DK\n\nAntisthenes\n\nFr.15.8 168n. 14\n\n, , 192n. 163\n\n100\n\n185\u20136 168n. 14\n\nArchilochus\n\nFr.23.20 102n. 77\n\n105\u20136 ,\n\nAristodicus ( _FGrH_ 36)\n\nF1 18n. 39,\n\nAristogeiton\n\nFr.5B\u2013S\n\nAristophanes\n\n_Ach_. \u2013\n\n385 xixn. 17\n\n530\u20131\n\n565 xixn. 17\n\n598\n\n704 xixn. 17,\n\n710\n\n_Av_. 977\u20139 136n. 99\n\n1753 19n. 49\n\n_Eccl_. 176 140n. 127, 190n. 154\n\n\u2013, 455\u20136 ,\n\n466\n\n600 ,\n\n_Eq_. _passim_ , ,\n\n41 145n. 160\n\n47\u20138 137n. 103\n\n60\n\n75 134n. 82\n\n212 ,\n\n213\u20136 132n. 68\n\n256 50n. 17\n\n264\n\n326 50n. 23\n\n388\n\n426 ,\n\n461\u20133 134n. 82\n\n491\u20132\n\n511 ,\n\n589\u201390\n\n716\u20138\n\n732\u20134\n\n841\u20132\n\n974 137n. 106\n\n859 132n. 68\n\n862\u20133 134n. 82\n\n887\n\n908\n\n947\u20138, 949 ,\n\n956 136n. 97\n\n1011\u201312 136n. 99\n\n1017\u201319, 1023\u20134 \u2013\n\n1025\u20136, 1031\u20134\n\n1037\u201343\n\n1038\n\n1051\u20133\n\n1086\u20137 136n. 99\n\n1098 ,\n\n1099 134n. 82\n\n1109\n\n1111\u201314\n\n1128 140n. 127\n\n1151\u20131226 ,\n\n1163\n\n1259 ,\n\n1330, 1333\n\n1340\u20134\n\n1353 \u2013\n\n_Lys_. 170 ,\n\n493\u20135 ,\n\n567\u201386 , ,\n\n648\u201355 177n. 71\n\n1155 128n. 24\n\n_Nub_. 591 136n. 97\n\n1203\n\n_Pax_ 313\u20135, 641\n\n684 140n. 127\n\n686 , 136n. 102\n\n752, 754\u20139 , \u2013\n\n_Pl_. 920 140n. 127, 190n. 154\n\n_Ran._ 359\u201360\n\n361 ,\n\n689\u201390\n\n704 ,\n\n708\n\n718\u201337\n\n1085\n\n1431\n\n_Vesp_. 29 ,\n\n,\n\n35 136n. 97\n\n419 140n. 127\n\n596\u20137\n\n650\u20131 77n. 7,\n\n704\u20135\n\n712 , 132n. 68\n\n891\u2013930, 971\u20132 \u2013\n\n1030\u20136 ,\n\nFr.241 136n. 99\n\n305\n\n409\n\n699 , 132n. 68\n\nAristophon\n\nFr.11\n\nAristotle\n\n_APo_. 76a16\u201318\n\n_Ath.Pol_. 3.6, 4.4 191n. 158\n\n6.4 ,\n\n8.5 191n. 159\n\n13.3 ,\n\n14.3\n\n24.2\n\n25.2 191n. 158\n\n26.1\n\n28.5\n\n41.2\n\n_De An._ 410b12\u201314, 429a18\u201320\n\n_EE_ 1219b26\u201320a2\n\n1241b27\u201330\n\n1242a1\u201313\n\n1242a32\u20135 179n. 86\n\n1242b27\u201331\n\n1246b8\u201312, 1249b7\u201313\n\n_EN_ 1113a6\u20137\n\n1128a32 196n. 189\n\n1129b14\u201324 194n. 185\n\n1132a21\u20132\n\n1138b21\u20133\n\n1143b33\u20135, 1145a6\u20139\n\n1145a28\u20139\n\n1151b15\u201316, 1152a20\u20134 175n. 55\n\n1160b22\u201361b10 , 170n. 24\n\n1161a12\u201315 , 170n. 27\n\n1166b19 175n. 55\n\n1180b4\u20137 179n. 86\n\n_HA_ 488a10\u201313, 628a33\u20134 186n. 129\n\n_MA_ 701b25, , 702a37 175n. 56\n\n703a37\u2013b1\n\n_MM_ 1177a13\u201316, 1198b9\u201320\n\n1203b8\u20139 175n. 55\n\n_Metaph_. 1076a3\u20134 , 174n. 51\n\n_Oec_. 1353b17\u201318\n\n_Part.An._ 670a26 77n. 11, 175n. 56\n\n_Pol_. 1252a7\u201316 ,\n\n1252b19\u201327 170n. 24\n\n1253b18\u201320\n\n1254b5\u20137\n\n1255a7\u20139 195n. 184\n\n1255b16\u201320\n\n1258b31\u20133\n\n1259a37\u2013b17 17n. 26, ,\n\n1265b33\u20135, 1266a4 189n. 149\n\n1270a6\u20137 186n. 128\n\n1270b24\u20135 173n. 47\n\n1270b34\u20135 41n. 48, 191n. 155\n\n1271b21\u20132,\n\n1273b11\u201312\n\n1273b18\u201324 77n. 7, 79n. 28,\n\n1273b32\u20133\n\n1273b35\u201341 189n. 149\n\n1274a17\u201318\n\n1274a25\u20137\n\n1274b8,\n\n1277a23\u20135 184n. 117\n\n1277b29\u201330\n\n1278b30\u201379a2\n\n1278b40\u201379a21 171n. 34\n\n1280b6\u201312 194n. 176\n\n1280b10\u201311 37n. 14\n\n1281b35\u20138 189n. 149\n\n1284a\n\n1284a3\u201315 , 196n. 189\n\n1284a15\u201317, a26\u2013b3\n\n1284b17\u201322 77n. 7, 79n. 28,\n\n1284b25\u201334\n\n1285b29\u201333 170n. 24\n\n1286a9\u201314 173n. 44\n\n1286a29\u201330 189n. 149\n\n1286a31\u20133\n\n1287a10\u201316 81n. 49, 187n. 137\n\n1287a18 191n. 155\n\n1287a20\u20132 ,\n\n1287a28\u201330 , 196n. 191\n\n1287a32\u2013b3 173n. 44\n\n1287b25\u20136 194n. 185\n\n1287b29\u201331 22n. 89, 77n. 10\n\n1288a3 196n. 189\n\n1290a19\u201329\n\n1292a9 195n. 184\n\n1295a40\u20131 176n. 57\n\n1295b19\u201322, 1297a2\n\n1297a5\u20136 195n. 184\n\n1301b16\u201317\n\n1302b20 79n. 28\n\n1302b33\u20131303a2\n\n1304a20\u20131\n\n1305a32 79n. 28\n\n1308a24\u201330 191n. 158\n\n1308b17 188n. 145\n\n1308b26 79n. 28\n\n1309a28 195n. 184\n\n1309b21\u201331\n\n1310a35\n\n1310b40\u201311a1 136n. 102\n\n1311a17\n\n1311a19\u201320\n\n1311a20\u20132, 1313a40\u20131\n\n1313b7\u20139, 1314a7\u20139, \u2013\n\n1314b6\u20137, \u2013\n\n1314b17 136n. 102\n\n1314b37\u20138\n\n1315a21 ,\n\n1315a40\u2013b2\n\n1315b15\u201316\n\n1317b10\u201313\n\n1320b33\u201321a1 171n. 35\n\n1321a16 79n. 28\n\n1324a35\u2013b3\n\n1324b29\u201333 171n. 34\n\n1326a29\u201330 191n. 155\n\n1332b38\u201341 177n. 71\n\n1336b28f. 189n. 147\n\n_Rh_. 1360a23\u20137\n\n1375b3\u20136\n\n1375b20\u20135 173n. 44\n\n1376b7\u201311 194n. 176\n\n1376b19\u201320 173\u20134n. 47\n\n1393b4\u20138\n\n1393b8\u201322\n\n1393b22\u20134a1\n\n1396a17\u201319\n\n1399b11\u201313 182n. 102\n\n1406a17\u201323 ,\n\n1406b27\u20139\n\n1410a17\u201320 178n. 73\n\n1410a34\u20136\n\n_Top_. 129a10\u201316\n\n140a7\u20138 187n. 137, 194n. 182\n\n141a20\u20131 187n. 137\n\nFr.548R\n\n658R 182n. 102\n\nArrian\n\n_An._ 4.9.7\n\nBacchylides\n\n5.19\u201320, 18n. 38\n\n9.45\n\n9.100 18n. 39\n\n13.185\n\n19.21 18n. 40\n\nCallimachus\n\n_Jov_. 66, _Aet_. Fr.178.23Pf. 186\u20137n. 133\n\nCallisthenes ( _FGrH_ 124)\n\nF31\n\nCom. Adesp.\n\nFr.209\n\n288\n\n310\n\n700 \u2013\n\n701, 704\n\n881, 883,1062\n\n1094.15\u201317 135n. 93, 194n. 176\n\nCratinus\n\nFr.61.3\n\n73 ,\n\n95 138n. 118\n\n118, ,\n\n214 50n. 23\n\n258\u20139 ,\n\nCritias\n\nA13DK 144n. 153\n\n_TrGF_ 43 F19.6\u20137\n\nCtesias ( _FGrH_ 688)\n\nF9.8, \u2013\n\nDemades\n\nFr.13, 17 De Falco ,\n\n24 180n. 93\n\n25\n\n26 180n. 93\n\n35\n\n36.9\n\n42\u20133 ,\n\n64 ,\n\nDemocrates\n\nFr.1 B\u2013S ,\n\nDemocritus\n\nB34\n\nB37, , , 174\u20135n. 53\n\nB214\n\nB223 174\u20135n. 53\n\nB251 183n. 112\n\nB288 174\u20135n. 53\n\nDemosthenes\n\n1.4\n\n1.23 , 183n. 109\n\n1.28\n\n2.8\n\n2.10\n\n2.14 , , ,\n\n2.21 , \u2013\n\n2.29 \u2013\n\n2.30 37n. 18, 184n. 116\n\n3.22 177n. 70\n\n3.24 \u2013\n\n3.30\u20131 ,\n\n3.31 , 137n. 104, , , 181n. 96\n\n3.33\n\n3.36\n\n5.12 178n. 73\n\n6.25\n\n7.7 ,\n\n7.17\n\n7.32\n\n8.36 181n. 95\n\n8.46, \u2013\n\n8.61\n\n8.62\n\n8.69\n\n8.71\n\n8.74\n\n9.9\n\n9.12 ,\n\n9.14\n\n9.22, ,\n\n9.35 181n. 96\n\n9.38\u201340\n\n9.39\n\n9.43 36n. 8, \u2013\n\n9.50 ,\n\n9.53 36n. 8\n\n9.54 ,\n\n9.56 36n. 8,\n\n9.59\n\n9.60\n\n9.66\n\n9.69 65n. 35,\n\n9.70, 10.4\n\n10.6 181n. 96\n\n10.9\n\n10.19 ,\n\n10.25\n\n10.40\u20131 , 179n. 86\n\n10.59\n\n10.61\u20132\n\n10.63\n\n10.64, 11.4\n\n11.6\n\n11.14 \u2013, \u2013\n\n11.18\n\n13.19 24n. 101\n\n13.20 \u2013\n\n13.31 ,\n\n13.34\n\n14.31\u20132 \u2013\n\n14.35\n\n15.3\n\n15.15, \u2013 \u2013\n\n15.23,\n\n15.30\u20131 181n. 101\n\n15.32 ,\n\n15.32\u20133\n\n17.8\n\n17.11\u201312\n\n17.13\n\n17.17 36n. 8\n\n17.25\n\n18.21 ,\n\n18.23,\n\n18.31\n\n18.32\n\n18.33 ,\n\n18.38,\n\n18.46\u20137 , ,\n\n18.49, \u2013\n\n18.62\n\n18.65, ,\n\n18.131\n\n18.138 , ,\n\n18.149 , ,\n\n18.159 181n. 96\n\n18.170\n\n18.173\n\n18.177\n\n18.189\n\n18.192\n\n18.194 ,\n\n18.196\n\n18.198 181n. 96\n\n18.203\n\n18.205 ,\n\n18.206\n\n18.208\n\n18.221\n\n18.229\n\n18.235 ,\n\n18.236\n\n18.243\n\n18.245\n\n18.247 , 191n. 159\n\n18.281 65n. 35,\n\n18.284\n\n18.286 181n. 96\n\n18.292\n\n18.295\u20136\n\n18.296 , , 177n. 70\n\n18.298 178n. 73\n\n18.299\n\n18.304\n\n18.305 , 183n. 109\n\n18.307\n\n18.311 ,\n\n18.320\n\n18.322\n\n18.324 ,\n\n19.9\n\n19.13,\n\n19.28\n\n19.29 ,\n\n19.30\n\n19.68 ,\n\n19.69 36n. 8,\n\n19.81\n\n19.84\n\n19.85 36n. 8\n\n19.90\n\n19.99 37n. 14\n\n19.102, ,\n\n19.112\n\n19.115\n\n19.116,\n\n19.122,\n\n19.136\n\n19.141\u20132,\n\n19.156,\n\n19.178, , \u2013\n\n19.216\n\n19.224 , 181n. 96\n\n19.226 181n. 96\n\n19.229\n\n19.236\n\n19.250 ,\n\n19.253\n\n19.259 80n. 37, 181n. 95\n\n19.259\u201361\n\n19.262 80n. 37\n\n19.286\n\n19.289 , 181n. 95\n\n19.299 36n. 8\n\n19.300\n\n19.302\n\n19.314\n\n19.316 ,\n\n19.329\n\n19.331\n\n19.334, 343\n\n20.15\u201316, ,\n\n20.107 173n. 47\n\n20.107\u20138\n\n20.167\n\n21.29\n\n21.101 177n. 71\n\n21.120\n\n21.177 \u2013\n\n21.184\u20135 177n. 71\n\n21.223\u20135\n\n22.54f. ,\n\n22.61,\n\n23.201\n\n23.209\u201310\n\n24.14\n\n24.14\u20135\n\n24.67 ,\n\n24.75\n\n24.124 ,\n\n24.143 ,\n\n24.154 193n. 175\n\n24.156\n\n24.200\n\n24.210\n\n24.212\u20134\n\n25.4\n\n25.6\n\n25.8\n\n25.11 \u2013, 194n. 185\n\n25.16 , 194n. 176\n\n25.20,\n\n25.21\u20132 177n. 71\n\n25.31\n\n25.37 ,\n\n25.38\n\n25.40\n\n25.46\n\n25.48 193n. 175\n\n25.91\n\n25.95 , , 193n. 173\n\n26.3 , 180n. 88\n\n26.5\n\n26.22 ,\n\n26.23 \u2013\n\n26.26\n\n26.27\n\n35.40 18n. 39,\n\n42.25, 196n. 188\n\n47.42, 36n. 8\n\n50.2 ,\n\n51.7\n\n51.22 ,\n\n58.30 \u2013\n\n58.34\n\n58.44\n\n58.45\n\n58.46\n\n58.49\n\n58.61 37n. 18\n\n59.115\n\n60.4\n\n61.37\u20138\n\n61.48\n\n_Pro_. 32.4\n\n34.2 189n. 147\n\n53.3 \u2013\n\n53.4\n\n55.2 186n. 128\n\n55.3 24n. 101,\n\n_Ep_. 1.8 65n. 35,\n\n2.11 , 192n. 164\n\n3.2, , ,\n\n3.45 41n. 45\n\n6.1 36n. 8\n\nFr.11.2 ,\n\n13. 16 65n. 35,\n\n13.23 , 175n. 57\n\nDinarchus\n\n1.10\n\n1.15 ,\n\n1.19\n\n1.20, ,\n\n1.38\n\n1.44\n\n1.64\n\n1.81 37n. 14\n\n1.86 194n. 185\n\n1.88\n\n1.110 ,\n\n2.1\n\n2.10\n\n3.12 ,\n\n3.16\n\n3.22 \u2013\n\nfr.I.2 Conomis\n\n9.3\n\nDiodorus Siculus\n\n8 fr.24\n\n14.8 183n. 110\n\n16.91.2\u20133 101n. 58\n\n19.25.5\u20137 193n. 172\n\n20.78 183n. 110\n\nDiogenes\n\nB5 9, 64n. 31\n\n_Dissoi Logoi_\n\n7 168n. 12\n\nEmpedocles\n\nB17, ,\n\nB115\n\nB128.2\u20133\n\nD135 20n. 63\n\nEpic fragments\n\nAsius fr.1.3 49n. 5\n\n_Iliupersis_ fr.4.2D\/6.2B 49n. 5\n\nPanyassis fr.6cD\/25B 16n. 19\n\n_Phoronis_ fr.4.1\u20132, 16n. 19\n\nEpimenides\n\nB23\u20134\n\nFr.10 (Fowler) \u2013\n\nEupolis\n\nFr.102.1\u20133\n\n104 22n. 85, 141n. 129\n\n220 137n. 103, 180n. 91\n\n267, 294\n\n316.1 134n. 82\n\n384.6\n\n438 23n. 98\n\nEuripides\n\n_Alc_. , , , ,\n\n743 19n. 49\n\n_Andr_. 471\u20135, 479\u201382 131n. 53\n\n_Ba_. 200, 800 xixn. 17\n\n803\n\n_El_. 22 140n. 127\n\n386\u20137\n\n_Hcld_. 140n. 127\n\n670 139n. 127\n\n964 140n. 127\n\n_Hec._ 9 141n. 127\n\n533, 606\u20138 138n. 117\n\n816\n\n_Hel_. 276\n\n878\u20139\n\n1428\n\n_HF_\n\n\u2013, , 258, 270\n\n272\u20133\n\n274\n\n542\u20133\n\n1317\u201318, 1344\n\n_Hipp_. 538\n\n_I.A._ , 373 140n. 127\n\n699 139n. 127\n\n1400\u20131\n\n_Ion_ 416 140n. 127\n\n595 ,\n\n_Med_. 140n. 127\n\n_Or_. 698\u2013701 ,\n\n772 140n. 127\n\n_Pho_. 74\u20135 ,\n\n430 xviiin. 13\n\n486 xxn. 30, 36n. 4\n\n506, 520 \u2013\n\n535\u201350\n\n1226 140n. 127\n\n1244 139n. 127\n\n1245 xviiin. 13, 140n. 127\n\n_Rh_. 29 140n. 127\n\n410\u201311\n\n479 140n. 127\n\n_Supp_. 118 xviiin. 13\n\n191\u20132\n\n243 140n. 127\n\n312\u20133 145n. 156\n\n448\u20139\n\n473\u20134, 507\u20139, 879\u201380 ,\n\n_Tro_. 31 139n. 127\n\n1169\n\nfr.21 ,\n\n136\n\n194 140n. 127\n\n200\n\n295 140\u20131n. 127\n\n703.1 xviiin. 13\n\n719\n\n744\n\n774 65n. 32, 140n. 127\n\n912\n\nGorgias\n\nA19 135n. 93\n\nB5a\n\nB11.3,\n\nB11.8\n\nB11a.30\n\nHeniochus\n\nFr.5 144n. 153\n\nHeraclitus\n\nB41 64n. 31\n\nB44\n\nB52 xixn. 27,\n\nB53 \u2013\n\nB64 64n. 31\n\nB94,\n\nHermippus\n\nFr.47\n\nHerodorus ( _FGrH_ 31)\n\nF30 174n. 49\n\nHerodotus\n\n1.6.3\n\n1.8.3, 11.4\n\n1.27.1\n\n1.59.1\u20132 100n. 49\n\n1.59.3 140n. 127\n\n1.60.1\n\n1.62.1\n\n1.62.4 101n. 64\n\n1.64.1\n\n1.65.4\n\n1.87.3 ,\n\n1.90.2\n\n1.91.1,\n\n1.94.7, 95.2\n\n1.99.2, 100.2\n\n1.111.2, 112.3\n\n1.120.5, 126.3, 126.5, 126.6\n\n1.127.1 , 140n. 127\n\n1.129.3\u20134\n\n1.130.1\n\n1.141.1\u20132 101n. 64\n\n1.155.1\u20132 ,\n\n1.164.2, 169.1\u20132, 170.2, 174.1\n\n1.204\n\n1.210.2\n\n2.80.2\n\n2.115.6 ,\n\n2.123.1\n\n2.144.2\n\n2.147.2\n\n2.172 21n. 78\n\n2.172.5\n\n3.14.9, 19.1\n\n3.20.2\n\n3.21.2\n\n3.32.3 , 128n. 21\n\n3.34.2, 35.4\n\n3.36.2 140n. 127\n\n3.62.3\n\n3.65.7\n\n3.76.2 ,\n\n3.81.2 ,\n\n3.82.3 xviiin. 13\n\n3.82.4 140n. 127\n\n3.82.5\n\n3.83.2\u20133 ,\n\n3.88.1\n\n3.89.3 , \u2013\n\n3.127.1 ,\n\n3.134.2 140n. 127\n\n3.137.2, 140.5\n\n3.142.3, , 143.2\n\n4.20.1\n\n4.79.5 140n. 127\n\n4.91.2 ,\n\n4.93, 118.4\n\n4.118.5\n\n4.126, 127.4, 128.1, 136.4, 137.1, 139.2,\n\n4.149.1 137n. 105\n\n4.163.3\n\n5.2.2\n\n5.18.3\n\n5.23.2 140n. 127\n\n5.28 , ,\n\n5.29 ,\n\n5.31.4, 46.2\n\n5.49.2\u20133\n\n5.55\n\n5.56.1 \u2013\n\n5.62.1, , 63.1, 64.2, 65.5, , 91.1,\n\n5.92\u03b2.2\u20133 \u2013\n\n5.92\u03b62\u2013h1 101n. 62, , 143n. 142\n\n5.105.2\n\n5.109.2\u20133,\n\n6.5.1\n\n6.9.3\n\n6.11.2, 12.3\n\n6.22.1\n\n6.25.2\n\n6.32, 43.1, 44.1, 45.1\n\n6.71 139n. 121\n\n6.74.1 140n. 127\n\n6.100.2\n\n6.106.2\n\n6.109.3 \u2013\n\n6.109.5 , , 80n. 37,\n\n6.109.6 \u2013\n\n6.123.2\n\n6.131.2\n\n7.1.3, 5.1\n\n7.5.2 , ,\n\n7.8b.3\n\n7.8g ,\n\n7.9.1\n\n7.9.2, 11.4\n\n7.16a.1 99n. 46\n\n7.35.2\n\n7.38.1\u20132\n\n7.39.1, 51.1\n\n7.56.2\n\n7.96.2, 102.1\n\n7.104.4 ,\n\n7.108.1, 111.1\n\n7.136.1\n\n7.139.5\n\n7.140.2\n\n7.147.3\n\n7.148.3\n\n7.154.2\n\n7.157.2 80n. 37, ,\n\n7.168.1, 178.2\n\n7.180\n\n7.187.2 ,\n\n7.194.2\n\n7.203.2\n\n7.204\n\n7.220.4\n\n7.235.2, 8.22.1\n\n8.68a1, b1\n\n8.68g ,\n\n8.88.2, 100.2\n\n8.100.3, , 101.3\n\n8.102.2 \u2013\n\n8.102.3 \u2013\n\n8.116.1\n\n8.118.3\n\n8.132.1, 140a.1\n\n8.140b.2 ,\n\n8.142.3 \u2013\n\n8.144.4\n\n9.27.2\n\n9.41.3 140n. 127\n\n9.45.2\u20133, 48.2, 60.1, 90.2\n\n9.107.1\n\n9.111.3,\n\n9.116.3 , ,\n\n9.122.4\n\nHesiod\n\n_Op_. 39\n\n111, 173a 15n. 12\n\n202\u201312\n\n263\u20134\n\n668 15n. 7\n\n_Th_. 15n. 7\n\n81f. 11\n\n403 15n. 7\n\n462, 476, 486 15n. 12\n\n491, 493, 506 15n. 7\n\n837\n\n850 16n. 20\n\n883, 886, 897 15n. 7\n\n1000 49n. 5\n\n_Sc_. 41 49n. 5\n\n56 15n. 7, 16n. 20\n\n328 15n. 7\n\nFr.5 15n. 7, 16n. 20\n\n10a47 49n. 5\n\n10(d).9 16n. 19\n\n40.1 49n. 5\n\n308 15n. 7\n\nHippias of Erythrai ( _FGrH_ 421)\n\nF1 193n. 170\n\nHippocrates\n\n_A_ \u00eb _r_ 12 ,\n\n16.4\u20135, , 23.5\u20138\n\n_Flat_.3, , 20n. 68, 131n. 60,\n\n_Nat.Hom_. 4.2 ,\n\n_Vict_. 10.3 65n. 31, 131n. 60, 174n. 50\n\n_VM_ 9.4 171n. 31\n\n16.1, ,\n\n17.2, 19.4\u20135, 20.4, , 22.1, 24.1\n\nHipponax\n\nFr.3 18n. 40\n\n38 18n. 38\n\nHomer\n\n_Il._ 1.231\n\n1.396\u2013406\n\n1.502 15n. 7\n\n1.518\u201323\n\n2.204\n\n2.474f. 43\n\n2.669 15n. 7\n\n3.196\u20138\n\n3.230\u20131\n\n3.276, 320 16n. 23\n\n4.61 15n. 7\n\n5.78\n\n7.202 16n. 23\n\n8.5\u201327\n\n9.97, , 297, 302, 603, 10.33, 11.58\n\n11.751 16n. 20\n\n11.761\n\n12.242 15n. 7\n\n12.312\n\n13.28\n\n13.491\u20135\n\n14.72\u20133, \u2013\n\n14.233, 259\n\n15.187\u201392, \u2013\n\n16.234 16n. 23\n\n16.440\u20133\n\n16.549\n\n16.605\n\n18.366 15n. 7\n\n20.61 16n. 20\n\n22.178\u201381\n\n22.394, 434\u20135, 24.258\n\n24.308 16n. 23\n\n24.770\n\n_Od_. 1.64\u201379\n\n2.47,\n\n4.386\n\n5.7\u201320\n\n5.12\n\n7.71\u20132, , 8.169f. 11\n\n8.332, 347\u201356\n\n8.467\n\n9.106, \u2013, 273\u201380\n\n9.552 15n. 7\n\n11.484\n\n11.556\n\n13.25 15n. 7\n\n15.181, 520\n\n16.260\u20135\n\n20.112 15n. 7\n\n23.121\n\n24.473 15n. 7\n\nHomeric hymns\n\n_hAp._\n\n151\n\n_hDem_. , , , 347, 357 16n. 20\n\n358 15n. 7\n\n365\n\n376 16n. 20\n\n_hMerc._ 2 16n. 23\n\n259\n\n264, 312, 324, 364 17n. 25\n\n367 15n. 7, 16n. 20\n\n370\u20133 17n. 25\n\n_hVen._ 292 16n. 23\n\nHyperides\n\n2 frr.1,\n\n2 fr.10 , \u2013\n\n3.30 194n. 176\n\n5.12 \u2013\n\n5.15\n\n5.25 ,\n\n5.30 ,\n\n6.20, \u2013, ,\n\nFr.27\n\n80 \u2013\n\n204 193n. 175\n\n_Against Diondas_ 36n. 8, ,\n\nIamb. Adesp.\n\n29D ,\n\nIbycus\n\nFr.287 99n. 41, 101n. 64\n\nIon of Chios\n\nFr.26.12W\n\nFr.27.1W 19n. 56, 22n. 88, 39n. 31\n\n_PMG_ 744.5\n\nIsaeus\n\n1.15 192n. 164\n\nFr.30 Thalheim\n\nIsocrates\n\n1.21\n\n1.37 36n. 8\n\n2.5\u20136\n\n2.11,\n\n2.14\u201315\n\n2.15 169n. 22\n\n2.15\u201316 36n. 8\n\n2.19 , , ,\n\n2.21 , , , 192n. 162\n\n2.23\n\n2.29\n\n2.32,\n\n2.51 ,\n\n3.9 , 174n. 49\n\n3.22 36n. 8, 178n. 73\n\n3.26 , 24n. 103,\n\n4.25\u201331\n\n4.76 , ,\n\n4.80\n\n4.90\n\n4.104\n\n4.105 184n. 115, 194n. 181\n\n4.127 \u2013\n\n4.150, 5.139\n\n6.44\u20135 183n. 110\n\n6.93\n\n6.108\n\n7.14 ,\n\n7.25\u20136 , 36n. 8, , 177n. 68\n\n7.40, 194n. 176\n\n7.65,\n\n8.53 , 190n. 154, 194n. 181\n\n8.89\u2013115,\n\n8.127 36n. 8\n\n8.142\u20134\n\n9.15 19n. 49, 174n. 49\n\n9.44\n\n9.45\n\n9.46 36n. 8\n\n9.56,\n\n10.34\n\n10.35 183n. 111\n\n10.37 192n. 162\n\n12.56 36n. 8\n\n12.99\n\n12.124\u20135 \u2013\n\n12.138 ,\n\n12.141 \u2013\n\n12.146 36n. 9, 177n. 68\n\n12.147\n\n12.165\n\n15.64\n\n15.72\n\n15.103, , , 36n. 8\n\n15.136\n\n15.172 ,\n\n15.180\n\n15.257 , 174n. 49\n\n15.305 42n. 61\n\n16.25, , 20.10\n\n_Ep_. 3.5\n\nFr. 31 175n. 55\n\n37 = Apophth. d3 174n. 50\n\n40\n\nLycurgus\n\n1.20\n\n1.47\n\n1.47\u20138 \u2013\n\n1.50\n\n1.53 \u2013\n\n1.60,\n\n1.79 194n. 182\n\n1.104,\n\n1.143 177n. 71\n\n1.149\n\nFr.12.1\n\nLyric adespota\n\n_PMG Adesp_. 867\n\n869 104n. 91\n\n894\n\n909.8\u201310 , 98n. 37\n\n925 (e).11, 960, S415.4 18n. 40\n\nLysias\n\n1.26 145n. 156,\n\n1.34\u20135 145n. 156\n\n2.17 40n. 42\n\n2.18 183n. 111\n\n2.19 ,\n\n2.56\n\n2.57 190n. 154\n\n2.58\u201360\n\n2.59 184n. 115\n\n2.61\u20132, , 12.35, , , , , ,\n\n13.7 140n. 127, 190n. 154\n\n13.17\n\n13.91\n\n14.34, 18.5, ,\n\n21.19\n\n25.9 190n. 154\n\n25.28, 27.3\n\n28.13\n\n31.26 ,\n\n31.28\n\n31.31\u20132\n\n32.22 192n. 164\n\n33.6\n\n34.2 183n. 111\n\nMenander\n\nFr.247 40n. 42\n\n372 64n. 31, 174n. 50\n\n_Mon._ 145, 511 40n. 42\n\nFr.1100K 174n. 50\n\nOrphic tablets\n\nA1\u20132 (Zuntz)\n\nParmenides\n\nB12 64n. 31\n\nPherecydes\n\nF78 Schibli\n\nPhilemon\n\nFr.31 185n. 119\n\nPhilistus ( _FGrH_ 556)\n\nF59\/T4 183n. 110\n\nPhrynichus Com.\n\nFr.21.1\u20132\n\nPindar\n\n_O_. 1.113\u201314 xviiin. 13\n\n2.6 89,\n\n2.9\u201310 103n. 84\n\n2.58\u20139 18n. 39\n\n2.76\n\n2.81\u20132\n\n5.31 140n. 127\n\n6.60 ,\n\n7.34 18n. 37\n\n7.64f\n\n8.30\n\n9.57 18n. 38\n\n10.13 16n. 23\n\n11.17 140n. 127\n\n12.3\n\n13.24 18n. 38\n\n_P_. 1.3 19n. 57\n\n1.6 18n. 39\n\n1.39\n\n1.86 , , 140n. 127\n\n1.88 ,\n\n1.91\u20132\n\n2.46 140n. 127\n\n2.87 138n. 116, 140n. 127\n\n3.27\n\n3.71\n\n3.94\n\n4.181\n\n4.263\u20139\n\n4.270 130n. 43\n\n4.271\u20132 , ,\n\n4.274 ,\n\n5.55\u20137 103n. 84\n\n5.62 ,\n\n5.111\u201312\n\n5.122\u20133\n\n9.7, , \u2013, \u2013\n\n9.107, 10.8 140n. 127\n\n10.72 ,\n\n11.50 140n. 127\n\n_N_. 1.39 18n. 40\n\n1.51 140n. 127\n\n3.10 18n. 38\n\n4.67, 5.35 18n. 37\n\n7.1\n\n7.82 18n. 37\n\n8.11 140n. 127\n\n10.16 18n. 37\n\n10.25 140n. 127\n\n11.2 18n. 40\n\n11.4\n\n_I_. 2.17 100n. 49,\n\n5.53 18n. 38\n\n8.20 18n. 37\n\n8.21\u20132 ,\n\n8.29f., \u2013,\n\nFr.33\n\n36 18n. 38\n\n40\n\n52k.44 140n. 127\n\n52v.3,11,19 18n. 40\n\n70b.7 18n. 39\n\n76.2\n\n105 ,\n\n169a1\u20132 ,\n\n214\n\nPlato\n\n_Alc I_ 119b\n\n120ab\n\n122b\n\n130a\u2013c\n\n131a\n\n132a 178n. 76\n\n132b , 173n. 45\n\n134e\u20135a 171n. 33\n\n_Apol_. 28d\u20139a\n\n30a ,\n\n30e\n\n_Chrm_. 173a, de 175n. 54\n\n_Clit_. 407e\n\n408ab 172n. 38\n\n_Cra_. 396a\n\n405cd\n\n412d, 413b\n\n_Cri_. 47b\n\n50d\u20131c, 51e ,\n\n54b\n\n_Criti_. 109c , 152\n\n121b\n\n_Ep_. _7_ 325e 186n. 126\n\n326a 172n. 37\n\n330c\u201331a , 172n. 37\n\n331cd 41n. 46\n\n334c, 337a, cd\n\n_Ep 8_ 354b 180\u20131n. 95\n\n354bc\n\n354cd 184n. 117\n\n354de\n\n354e\n\n355e\n\n_Epin._ 980de, 983d\n\n_Euthd_. 277d xixn. 17\n\n291cd 172n. 36\n\n_Euthphr_. 2c ,\n\n2d\u20133a\n\n_Grg_. 456b\n\n456c\u20137b 181n. 99\n\n463b\u20136a , ,\n\n464bc ,\n\n466bc\n\n477e\u20139e\n\n481d\u20132a\n\n484a 185n. 122\n\n491de\n\n492ab 185n. 122\n\n494e\n\n500b, e\u2013501a\n\n502e\n\n503a\n\n504a\n\n510d 185n. 122\n\n511b\u201312b 172n. 36\n\n513a 185n. 122\n\n513a\u2013c\n\n513d\n\n516ab\n\n516e\n\n517ab\n\n517b\u20138a\n\n517c\u20139a\n\n517e\n\n518e\u201319b ,\n\n519bc 190n. 154\n\n520e\n\n521a\u20132a\n\n521ab ,\n\n521e\u20132a ,\n\n_Lg_. 626e 184n. 118\n\n627b 185n. 122\n\n627b\u20138a 179n. 85\n\n628cd ,\n\n630a 80n. 37\n\n630b 181n. 95\n\n630e\n\n632c 194n. 178\n\n671bc 188n. 139\n\n680e\n\n684c ,\n\n689ab 177n. 67\n\n689cd\n\n690a ,\n\n691a , 180\u20131n. 95\n\n691e , , , 180\u20131n. 95, 189n. 149\n\n692a , 180\u20131n. 95, 186n. 127, 189n. 149\n\n693b 189n. 149\n\n694a\u20135b ,\n\n697c, 698a 182n. 103\n\n698bc, 699c\n\n699e 182n. 103\n\n700a\n\n701bc ,\n\n701e 182n. 103\n\n709b ,\n\n712e\u20133a\n\n713d 51n. 27\n\n714a , 171n. 29\n\n715cd\n\n719e\u201320e ,\n\n720c\n\n722d\u20133b 188n. 144\n\n722e\n\n722e\u20133a\n\n726\n\n726\u20137a\n\n728c 172n. 38\n\n734e 188n. 144\n\n734e\u20135a\n\n735b\u20136c , , 144\u20135n. 154, 170\u20131n. 29, 172n. 38\n\n736e\n\n737a 192n. 168\n\n744d ,\n\n754d 194n. 178\n\n757a 182n. 103\n\n758ab 171\u20132n. 35\n\n758cd 180n. 95\n\n762e , 185n. 119\n\n769a\u2013c\n\n772e 188n. 144\n\n773cd 189n. 149\n\n774a 188n. 144\n\n790b\n\n793c\n\n799e, 854ac 188n. 144\n\n854e 172n. 38\n\n856b\n\n857c\u2013e 173n. 43\n\n859a , 173n. 43\n\n862bc 172n. 38\n\n863d 184n. 118\n\n863e 184n. 117\n\n863e\u20134a 177n. 67\n\n870de 188n. 144\n\n875cd\n\n880ab, 887a 188n. 144\n\n890a 185n. 119\n\n896b, de, 897c\n\n904a 174n. 51\n\n905e , , 190n. 154, 192n. 163\n\n905e\u20136a , , 171\u20132n. 35\n\n906e ,\n\n907d 188n. 144\n\n916a\n\n916d 188n. 144\n\n917c 191n. 155\n\n920a 194n. 178\n\n921c 192n. 168\n\n923c, 925e, 932a 188n. 144\n\n934c\n\n942e ,\n\n945c , , , 192n. 168\n\n961c , 192n. 168\n\n961d\n\n964b\u2013d 194n. 178\n\n964d\u20135b ,\n\n965b 194n. 178\n\n965c\n\n966b 194n. 178\n\n966d ,\n\n967d\n\n969b ,\n\n969c 194n. 178\n\n_Lach_. 197e 190n. 154\n\n_Men._ 73a, 91a\n\n99d\n\n_Min._ 321bc 171n. 29\n\n_Mx_. 237e 40n. 42\n\n238c 175\u20136n. 57\n\n238e\n\n238e\u20139a ,\n\n239d\u201340a\n\n242a\u2013c\n\n243e ,\n\n246b 191n. 155\n\n_Phd_. b\n\n79e\u201380a\n\n80a\n\n93cf.\n\n94b\n\n94de\n\n_Phdr_. 238b, e 184n. 117\n\n241a 190n. 154\n\n246e\n\n256b 184n. 118\n\n258c\n\n258e\n\n266c\n\n_Phlb_. 28d, 35d, 64b\n\n_Plt_. 258e\u20139c ,\n\n261b\u2013e\n\n261cd 188n. 139\n\n263e\u20134a, 265b\u20136c, 266d\u20138c\n\n266e\n\n272e, 273cd\n\n274e\u20136e\n\n279cd, 280c\u2013e, 288b\n\n291ab 193n. 169\n\n291e\u20132a 185n. 122\n\n293d ,\n\n294bc 195n. 187\n\n295b\u2013e\n\n295d\u2013300a\n\n295e 171n. 29\n\n296e\u20137a ,\n\n297e 167\u20138n. 6\n\n297e\u20139d \u2013\n\n298a\u20139d , 171n. 33\n\n300c\n\n301de\n\n301e\u20132a\n\n303b\n\n304c\u20135e\n\n305c\n\n305e\u20136a\n\n307d ,\n\n308a\n\n308c\u201311c\n\n_Prot_. 313d\n\n318e\u20139a\n\n322d, 325a 180n. 95\n\n326cd 135n. 93\n\n337d\n\n_R_. 329cd\n\n340de\n\n341c\u20132e\n\n343ab ,\n\n344b\n\n345cd ,\n\n352a 176n. 62\n\n368c\u20139a\n\n372e , 180\u20131n. 95\n\n374b\u2013e 194n. 178\n\n375a\u20136c \u2013\n\n389b\u2013d ,\n\n389de\n\n412c\u20133c 414b, d 194n. 178\n\n414e 179n. 85\n\n415e\u20136e \u2013,\n\n416b, 417b\n\n421a 194n. 178\n\n422d \u2013\n\n425e\u20136c , 172n. 37\n\n426c , 172n. 37, 178n. 78\n\n426e\n\n430e\n\n430e\u20131b 184n. 118\n\n431e\u20132a\n\n434ab 194n. 178\n\n434d\u2013444e\n\n440b 176n. 62\n\n440cd \u2013,\n\n440e 176n. 62\n\n441e\n\n442cd , 176n. 62\n\n443c\u2013e\n\n443d 184n. 118\n\n444b 176n. 62\n\n451cd \u2013,\n\n451d 194n. 178\n\n463ab , 194n. 178\n\n463b ,\n\n464c 194n. 178\n\n466a 170n. 29\n\n470d 179n. 85\n\n484cd\n\n488a\u20139a ,\n\n489bc , \u2013, 172n. 37\n\n493a\u2013c\n\n496c 180\u20131n. 95\n\n496d\n\n500d\u20131c\n\n501a\u2013c\n\n503b, 504c, 506a 194n. 178\n\n509d\n\n520a 192n. 168\n\n521b 184n. 117\n\n531d\u20132a, 532d 188n. 144\n\n537a, 539b 170n. 29\n\n540bc ,\n\n544c , 180n. 95\n\n544cd, 545bc\n\n547c\n\n548b , 179n. 82, 191n. 155\n\n550ab\n\n551c 171n. 33\n\n551d 176n. 62\n\n552c 176n. 59, 180n. 95\n\n552e\n\n553cd , ,\n\n554b\u2013d 187n. 133\n\n555d, 556a\n\n556e , 176n. 62, 180n. 95\n\n557c 190n. 153\n\n559cd\n\n559d 176n. 61\n\n559d\u201360d\n\n560b 176n. 59\n\n561ab\n\n562cd\n\n562d 190n. 154\n\n563d\n\n563e , 180n. 95\n\n564b , , 180n. 95\n\n564bc , 172n. 38, 187n. 134\n\n564d 190n. 154\n\n564d\u20135c\n\n565a 190n. 154\n\n565c\u2013e , 176n. 63, 190n. 154\n\n565e ,\n\n566d 159\n\n566cd 190n. 154\n\n567de 187n. 133\n\n568e\u20139c , 179n. 82\n\n569a\n\n572e\u20133b , , 174n. 49, 187n. 133\n\n573bc 184n. 117\n\n573d ,\n\n573e, 574d , 187n. 133\n\n575a\n\n575a\u2013d\n\n575d, 576a, 577c, 577d, 578d\u20139e\n\n579c 176n. 65\n\n579e 180n. 95\n\n580c 184n. 118\n\n586e 176n. 62\n\n590cd\n\n590d , 174n. 50\n\n590e\u20131a 176n. 65\n\n591d\n\n591e 174n. 50\n\n592b\n\n600d\n\n601de 188n. 146\n\n603d 176n. 62\n\n605b, 606d, 608b 176n. 65\n\n617bc\n\n_Smp_. 183b, 184c 178n. 78\n\n187a ,\n\n196c\n\n197b, e ,\n\n_Soph_. 228a , 180n. 95\n\n_Tht_. 153a\n\n167bc 193n. 175\n\n174de , 170n. 25\n\n_Ti_. 17d 194n. 178\n\n34bc\n\n34c\n\n37a\n\n42de ,\n\n44d ,\n\n45a\n\n47d\n\n48a\n\n69c\u201370b ,\n\n82a 180n. 95\n\n85e\u20136a 79n. 23, 180n. 95\n\n88e 192n. 163\n\n90a 175n. 56\n\n90d\n\nPlato Comicus\n\nFr.65.3,\n\n201\n\n202 ,\n\n207\n\n236 137n. 103\n\nPlutarch\n\n_Alex_. 52.2\u20134 ,\n\n_Dem_. 13.1\n\n23.5 180n. 91\n\n_Dion_ 46.1, _Pelop_. 12.4 22n. 88\n\n_Per_. 8.5 137n. 109\n\n12.2 , 133n. 75\n\n_Sol_. 14 , 98n. 29\n\n14.8\n\n29.5\n\nPolyaenus\n\n3.9.22\n\nPratinas\n\nFr.708.9\n\nPseudepicharmeia\n\nFr.240.3KA\n\nPythagorean school\n\nDK58 B37, D2\n\nPytheas\n\nFr.3B\u2013S\n\nScylax ( _FGrH_ 709)\n\nF5\n\nSimonides\n\n76D = ep.1 Page\n\nFr.90W\n\n614\n\nSolon\n\nfr.4.17 ,\n\n5\n\n6.1\u20132\n\n9 ,\n\n11.5\u20136\n\n12 ,\n\n31.1 18n. 37\n\n33a , 103n. 82\n\n36.7\u20138\n\n36.20\u20132\n\n36.26\u20137 \u2013\n\n37\n\nSophocles\n\n_Aj_. 35\n\n669f. \u2013\n\n675\u20136\n\n1253\u20134\n\n_Ant_. \u2013\n\n290\u20132, 477\u20138\n\n608\n\n738 23n. 91\n\n994 ,\n\n_El_. 749 140n. 127\n\n1462\n\n_O.C._ 884 139n. 127\n\n1267, 1382\n\n_O.T._ , , \u2013\n\n14\n\n22\u20134\n\n31\u20133,\n\n58 , \u2013\n\n103\u20134\n\n142 , \u2013\n\n216f.\n\n380 135n. 93\n\n535, 540\u20132\n\n695\n\n879\u201381\n\n903\u20135 ,\n\n922\u20133 64n. 26,\n\n1200\u20131, 1418 145n. 155\n\n_Phil_. 138 135n. 93\n\n385\u20138\n\n989\n\n_Tr_. 127\u20138\n\n217\n\n795 140n. 127\n\nFr.85\n\n133.6 129n. 33\n\n524 ,\n\n683 ,\n\n873\n\n941.15 19n. 58\n\nStesichorus\n\nS14.1\u20132 18n. 37\n\nStesimbrotus ( _FGrH_ 107)\n\nF17\n\nTelecleides\n\nFr.18\n\nTheognis\n\n39\u201340 ,\n\n233\u20134\n\n257\u201360 99n. 41\n\n285 18n. 37\n\n338\u201340\n\n373\u20136 18nn. 37\u20139\n\n457\u201360 xviin. 7\n\n667\u201382 ,\n\n743 18n. 37\n\n803 18n. 38\n\n847\u201350\n\n855\u20136\n\n949\u201350 101n. 64\n\n952 99n. 41\n\n1023\u20134\n\n1081\u20132 103n. 83\n\n1133\u20134 ,\n\n1181\n\n1249\u201352, 1267\u201370 99n. 41\n\n1273\u20134 xviin. 7\n\n1357\u20138 99n. 41\n\n1361\u20132, 1375\u20136 xviin. 7\n\nTheophrastus\n\n_Char_. 26.3\n\n29.5 180n. 91\n\nTheopompus ( _FGrH_ 115)\n\nF121, 190n. 154\n\nThucydides\n\n1.8.3, 98.4, 122.3, 124.3\n\n2.43.1 \u2013, 177n. 71\n\n2.63.2\n\n2.65.5, , 3.11.7 140n. 127\n\n3.37.2\n\n3.70.3, 75.2, 82.1, , 4.64.4, 66.3 140n. 127\n\n6.14 ,\n\n6.18.6\u20137 , ,\n\n6.28.2, 35.2 140n. 127\n\n6.38.3\n\n6.77.1\n\n6.85.1\n\n6.89.4, 140n. 127\n\n7.77.7\n\n8.17.2 140n. 127\n\n8.64.5 78n. 16, 135n. 88\n\n8.65.2, 81.1, 89.4, 90.1 140n. 127\n\n8.97.2 , \u2013\n\nTimotheus\n\n_Pers_. \u2013,\n\n206\u20137 139n. 121\n\n_TrGF Adespota_\n\nFr.129\n\n348g\n\n506\n\n570\n\n646.12 145n. 155\n\n655.19\u201320 19n. 49\n\n656.7 185n. 122\n\n668.5 139n. 127\n\nTyrtaios\n\n6.1\n\nXenophanes\n\nA32 98n. 37,\n\nB23, \u2013\n\nXenophon\n\n_Ages_. 1.38 ,\n\n7.2 ,\n\n7.3 ,\n\n_An._ 1.7.3, 9.29, 2.3.17\n\n2.5.23 182n. 104\n\n2.5.38\n\n2.6.12 173n. 46\n\n3.1.12, 2.13, 4.1.35\u20136\n\n5.8.18 , ,\n\n5.8.18\u201320 168n. 6\n\n5.8.20 171n. 35\n\n5.8.24 193n. 170\n\n6.6.12, 7.1.30 190n. 154\n\n7.4.24, 7.29\n\n7.6.38 ,\n\n_Cyr_. 1.1.1\u20134 ,\n\n1.1.5 171n. 31\n\n1.3.18\n\n1.6.21 171n. 31\n\n5.1.24\n\n5.3.6, 5.9\n\n5.5.28\u201330 ,\n\n7.1.12 177n. 71\n\n8.1.1 ,\n\n8.1.22 ,\n\n8.1.43\n\n8.1.44, 2.9 ,\n\n8.2.14 ,\n\n8.6.13\n\n8.7.13 192n. 162\n\n8.8.1 , , 171n. 31\n\n_HG_ 1.7.2 190n. 154\n\n2.2.23, 3.24\n\n2.3.31 , 180n. 89\n\n2.3.48 38n. 22, , , 178n. 73\n\n2.3.51 190n. 154\n\n2.4.17,\n\n2.4.41\n\n3.1.3 , 190n. 154\n\n3.1.16,\n\n3.2.28 \u2013\n\n3.3.3\n\n3.5.10 190n. 154\n\n3.5.12\u201313\n\n3.5.14 190n. 154\n\n4.1.35\u20136\n\n4.4.6 184n. 115, 185n. 122\n\n4.8.2\n\n4.8.28, 5.1.36 190n. 154\n\n5.4.1\u20132, , 184n. 115\n\n6.1.2\n\n6.3.6 19n. 49\n\n6.3.8 184n. 115\n\n7.1.44\n\n7.3.7 184n. 115\n\n7.3.8, 7.5.1, 3\n\n7.4.33 190n. 154\n\n_Hiero_ 6.10 194n. 177\n\n6.15\u20136 ,\n\n11.11 169\u201370n. 23\n\n11.14 ,\n\n_Lac_. 8.4 , 173n. 47, 196n. 189\n\n10.3 173n. 47\n\n15.9\n\n_Mem_. 1.1.7\n\n1.2.9\n\n1.2.24\n\n1.2.32,\n\n1.2.32\u20138\n\n1.2.40\u20136 ,\n\n1.2.56\n\n2.1.9 ,\n\n2.1.10\u201312 38n. 26,\n\n2.3.16 183\u20134n. 115\n\n2.3.18\n\n2.3.49 184n. 115\n\n2.6.13 178n. 78\n\n2.8.4 38n. 26, , 190n. 154\n\n3.2.1 , 170n. 27\n\n3.4.7\u201312\n\n3.5.13 184n. 115\n\n3.5.18\n\n3.6.2 190n. 154\n\n3.7 \u2013\n\n3.9.10\u201311 171n. 31\n\n3.9.11 169n. 18\n\n4.1.2\n\n4.2.5 171n. 31\n\n4.2.11 ,\n\n4.5.2\u20135 184n. 118\n\n_Oec_. 7.17, \u2013, \u2013 186n. 133\n\n8.3,\n\n9.14\u201315, 13.5, 21.2, ,\n\n_Smp_. 4.32 38n. 26,\n\n4.45 ,\n\n8.42 38n. 23\n\n# General Index\n\nFor individual authors _see_ the Index of authors and images.\n\nAgesilaus ,\n\nAlcibiades , \u2013, , , 141n. 129, , 178n. 76\n\nAleuadae of Thessaly ,\n\nAlexander III , , , , 182n. 102\n\nallegory ,\n\nArchelaus, king of Macedon\n\nArgos\n\nAspasia ,\n\nAthena \u2013, , ,\n\nautochthony , , \u2013\n\nbalance, harmony, mixture, ideas of \u2013, \u2013, , , , , \u2013\n\nbiblical imagery \u2013, , \u2013, \u2013, ,\n\nBlair, Tony xix n. 19, 67n. 56\n\nbodily microcosm , , , ,\n\nCambyses ,\n\nChina, medical imagery 77n. 2\n\nCicero , , 65n. 38, 77n. 5, 79n. 26, 176n. 62\n\nCleon xiii, , \u2013, \u2013, , 132n. 68, 134n. 82, 137n. 106, 138n. 118,\n\nClinton, Bill xix n. 19, 67n. 56\n\ncommunity, definition , \u2013, ,\n\nCorinth \u2013, , 184n. 115, 185n. 122\n\ncorruption \u2013, , , ,\n\ncosmos, political order xv, \u2013, ,\n\nliving organism\n\nCritias , 180n. 89\n\nCroesus , ,\n\nCypselus \u2013\n\nCyrus , \u2013, , 128n. 18\n\nDarius , , \u2013, 128n. 18\n\ndemocracy\n\nAthenian, ideology xiv, , , \u2013, 66n. 48, , \u2013, \u2013, \u2013, 142n. 141, 145n. 160, , , , , \u2013\n\nchanges in fourth century , , ,\n\nopposition to _see_ \u00e9lites\n\nDionysius I , 183n. 110\n\ndivine honours, conferred on men \u2013, \u2013\n\n\u00e9lites\n\nanti-democratic imagery of , , \u2013, \u2013, , \u2013, 190n. 153\n\nideology , , \u2013, , \u2013, 141n. 131\n\noligarchy , , , , 135n. 85, 141n. 131, 142n. 141,\n\n_epitropos_ ,\n\nequality \u2013, 20n. 74\n\nproportional ,\n\nEvagoras, king of Cypriot Salamis 126n. 4,\n\nfable xv, 78n. 15, , , , , 103n. 84,\n\ngods\n\ndivine succession\n\nas household ,\n\npolitical institutions \u2013,\n\npossible images for\n\nsociety \u2013, 15n. 4\n\n_timai_ ,\n\n_see also paredros_\n\ngrammatical variation 133n. 74, 134n. 83, 192n. 163\n\nGreek political imagery\n\nabsent images xiii\u2013xiv, , , , , \u2013\n\nfunctioning xii\u2013xv\n\ninverse images xv, , , _see also_ bodily microcosm; political analogy\n\nworking definition xiii\u2013xiv\n\n_see also_ entries for individual fields of image\n\nHades , \u2013\n\nHera \u2013, ,\n\nHieron, tyrant of Syracuse , , , \u2013\n\nhorses in Greek \u00e9lite culture \u2013,\n\nimagery, fields of\n\nanimals, abusive comparisons , \u2013\n\narchitecture , , , , ,\n\ncity identified with men , ,\n\nart\n\nbees 137n. 106, \u2013\n\nbirds of prey , , ,\n\nboard games 20n. 69,\n\nboulder\n\nboundary-stone ( _horos_ )\n\nbull \u2013\n\nchariot of state , \u2013, , ,\n\nclothing 141n. 129 _see also_ wool-working\n\ncoinage ,\n\ncream\n\ncrop destruction\n\ndemocracy, imagery from \u2013\n\nelements , , , ,\n\n_eranos_\n\nfamily, state as \u2013, \u2013, , , \u2013\n\nmother or nurse, land as \u2013, ,\n\nruler as father \u2013, \u2013, \u2013, , ,\n\nfood, feeding and starvation , , , , ,\n\ngods as kings \u2013\n\nhousehold, state as \u2013, , \u2013, , \u2013\n\npossession of ruler , , ,\n\nservant, politician as , \u2013, , \u2013\n\nsee also _epitropos, tamias_\n\nhunting ,\n\nkings as gods \u2013, \u2013\n\nlight xviii n. 13, , , 100n. 49, , 129n. 28\n\nlion , \u2013,\n\nlover of the demos , \u2013, \u2013\n\nmaritime xii, xviii n. 13, \u2013, , , ,\n\nhelmsman \u2013, , , \u2013, , ,\n\ndivine ,\n\nship of state a merchantman\n\nspatial articulation\n\nmaster and slave , \u2013, , ,\n\nfreedom and slavery \u2013, \u2013, \u2013\n\nmedical\n\nbody politic \u2013, , , ,\n\ndoctor \u2013, \u2013, , , \u2013, , \u2013\n\nhead , ,\n\nhealth, loyalty to Greece, , 135n. 88,\n\ntreatment , , , , ,\n\n_see also_ purging\n\nmilitary , , \u201341n. 127, \u2013,\n\nsee also _prostat\u00eas_\n\nmusic\n\npredator, monarch as\n\nprostitution , 38n. 23,\n\nprotection ( _phulax_ ) , , \u2013\n\nshepherd \u2013, 50n. 17, \u2013, \u2013, , \u2013\n\nshield\n\nsoul of city, constitution as\n\nspatial xviii n. 13\n\nsport xiv, \u2013, ,\n\ntaming of animals \u2013, , , , \u2013, ,\n\nyoke , , 129n. 32, 186n. 128\n\nteacher , , 168n. 6, 173n. 46\n\nlaw as outline letters\/ruler 135n. 93\n\ntree\n\nwatchdog , \u2013, , \u2013\n\nwolf \u2013\n\nwool-working ,\n\n_isonomia_ \u2013, ,\n\nJason, tyrant of Pherae 184n. 117\n\nlaw\n\nagent or ruler , , , , \u2013\n\ncontract 194n. 176\n\nservice to\n\n_nomos_ , 19n. 52, 171n. 29, 188n. 144\n\n_nomos empsuchos_ ,\n\nLong, Gov. Huey 143n. 147\n\nLycurgus , , 172n. 37\n\nLysander\n\nMandela, Nelson 198n. 4\n\nMao Zedong ,\n\nMegara\n\nmetaphor\n\nconceptual xiii, xvii\u2013xix\n\ndead xiii\u2013xiv\n\nGreek ideas of xiv\u2013xv\n\nliterary xii\u2013xiii\n\nrevived \u2013\n\nand 'semantic stretch' xiv\u2013xv, 76n. 1\n\nMitterand, Fran\u00e7ois\n\nMobutu, Joseph 40n.36,\n\nmonarchy \u2013, , , , , \u2013, , \u2013, \u2013, \u2013, , , 135n. 85, , \u2013, , \u2013,\n\nideal monarch , , ,\n\nmagic of kingship 21n. 78, 22n. 90,\n\n_see also_ tyranny\n\nNear East, political imagery xi, , \u2013, \u2013, \u2013, , , , 100n. 58, 102n. 75, \u2013, , 138nn. 115,\n\nNicias , , \u2013\n\nOligarchy, _see_ \u00e9lites\n\nOrwell, George xviii n. 10\n\npandering \u2013, , ,\n\n_paredros_ , divinity as , , 174n. 49\n\npaternalism, avoided\n\nPericles xviii n.14, , 23n. 93, \u2013, \u2013, , ,\n\nPersia \u2013, , , , , , \u2013, , \u2013, , , 139n. 121, , , \u2013, ,\n\nideology , , 77n. 10, , \u2013, , , , 196n. 193\n\npersonification(s) \u2013, , , , 133n. 75, 145n. 156, \u2013\n\nPhilip II , , , \u2013,\n\nplague narratives ,\n\npolitical analogy in Plato \u2013,\n\nPoseidon \u2013,\n\nPresocratic philosophers \u2013, , , , , 175n. 53\n\n_proskun\u00easis_ \u2013\n\n_prostat\u00eas_ , 190n. 154\n\nProtagoras xix n. 17, , 135n. 93, 168nn. 8\u20139\n\nproverbs 36n. 4, 104n. 91\n\npunishment ,\n\npurging , , 170n. 29, 188n. 141, 190n. 151\n\nreason, rule of \u2013, \u2013\n\nRome, imagery 39n. 31, 40n. 36, 41n. 45, 51n. 34, 67n. 54, , 79n. 26, 80n. 38, 96n. 19, 143n. 142, 170n. 29 _see also_ Cicero\n\n'Saviour' ( _S\u00f4t\u00ear_ ) ,\n\nSeleucids, anchor emblem 65n. 32\n\nShevardnadze, Eduard\n\nSicily 133n. 79, 138n. 111\n\nSocrates, Socratic tradition xiii, \u2013, , , \u2013, , 181n. 97\n\nSparta , , , , , , , , 139n. 121, , , 172n. 37, 173n. 47, 181n. 95, 189n. 149, 190nn. 154\u20135, 192n. 165\n\n_stasis_ (civil strife) , , , , , , \u2013, , ,\n\n_sunkrasis_ _see_ balance\n\n_tamias_ (steward), _tamieuein_ \u2013, ,\n\n_techn\u00ea_ (craft), images from , 135n. 93, , \u2013,\n\nThatcher, Margaret xi\u2013xii, xvii\n\nThebes\n\nThemistocles\n\nTheramenes 38n. 22, , 64n. 24, , 178n. 73, 180n. 89, 184n. 115\n\n_therapeia_ ('care') , ,\n\nTheron (tyrant of Acragas) , 100n. 49\n\nTymoshenko, Yulia\n\ntyranny, tyrant , , , \u2013, , \u2013, , , \u2013, , , , , , 192n. 165, 193n. 175\n\nof the demos , \u2013\n\nof Four Hundred at Athens\n\nimperial 185n. 120\n\nof Thirty at Athens , , , , ,\n\ntyrant city (Athens) \u2013\n\nVikings, lack of maritime imagery 62n. 1\n\nwage labour , ,\n\nwomen, basis of imagery , , , 169n. 18,\n\nXenophon\n\nironic interpretation of xvi, 169n. 23\n\nXerxes , \u2013\n\nZaleukos of Locri (lawgiver)\n\nZeus \u2013, , , 137n. 110, 174n. 49\n\nopposition to \u2013\n\nstable cosmic rule of \u2013\n\nas tyrant \u2013, \n","meta":{"redpajama_set_name":"RedPajamaBook"}} +{"text":"\n## Jerry Spinelli\n\n## Smiles to Go\n\nTo my schoolmates \nNorristown High School \nClass of '59\n\n## Contents\n\nUnsmashable\n\nSeptember 2\n\nAcknowledgments\n\nAbout the Author\n\nOther Books by Jerry Spinelli\n\nCredits\n\nCopyright\n\nAbout the Publisher\n\n## UNSMASHABLE\n\nWhen I was five or six a high-school kid lived next door. His name was Jim. He was a science nut. He won the county science fair two years in a row and went on to MIT. I think he works for NASA now.\n\nJim was always tinkering in his basement. I was welcome, encouraged even, to join him whenever I liked. I would sit on a high stool for hours and just watch him. I think he enjoyed having a dedicated audience of one.\n\nJim built his own shortwave radio that we both listened to. He practically swooned when he heard scratchy voices from the South Pacific, but I was too young to be amazed. He always had a jawbreaker in his mouth, and when he wasn't clacking it against his teeth he kept up a constant mutter about everything he did, as if he were a play-by-play announcer describing a game. \"And now Jim is soldering the wire to the whatsits....\"\n\nMore than anything I looked forward to Jim saying, \"Whoa!\" That's what he said when something surprised or astounded him. It didn't happen often, maybe only one or two \"Whoas!\" a week on average. When I heard one I would jump down from my stool and nose right in and say, \"What, Jim?\" And he would explain it to me, and though I couldn't really understand, still I would feel something, a cool fizzing behind my ears, because I was feeding off his astonishment.\n\nThen one day I had the real thing, an amazement of my own. That day was a little strange to begin with, because when I came down to the basement, Jim wasn't tinkering\u2014he was reading. Watching a person read isn't the most fascinating thing in the world, even if he has a jawbreaker clacking around in his mouth, and after a minute of that I was ready to leave when Jim barked out a \"Whoa!\" I jumped down and said my usual, \"What, Jim?\" but he only warded me off with his hand and kept on reading. Every minute or so another \"Whoa!\" came out, each one louder than the last. Then came three in a row: \"Whoa! Whoa! WWWHOA!\"\n\n\"Jim! What!\" I screeched and snatched the book away.\n\nHe looked at me as if he didn't know me. Young as I was, I understood that he was still back in the book, immersed in his amazement.\n\nFinally he said it, one word: \"Protons.\" I had heard people say \"amen\" in that tone of voice.\n\n\"What are protons?\" I said.\n\nHe took the book from my hands. His eyes returned to the present. He began talking, explaining. He talked about atoms first, the tiny building blocks of everything, smaller than molecules, smaller than specks. \"So small,\" he said, \"millions can fit in a flea's eye.\" That got my attention.\n\nOne of the most amazing things about atoms, he said, is that, tiny as they are, they are mostly empty space. That made no sense to me. Empty space was nothing. How could a \"something\" be nothing? He knocked on his stool seat. \"Empty space.\" I knocked the stool seat. Empty space? Then why did it stop my hand?\n\nHe said atoms are kind of like miniature solar systems. Instead of planets circling the sun, electrons circle a nugget of protons. Then he zeroed in on protons. Atoms may be mostly space, he said, but a proton is nothing but a proton. Small as an atom is, a proton is millions of times smaller. \"You could squint till your eyeballs pop out and you'll never see one,\" he said, daring me to try.\n\n\"And you know what the coolest thing about protons is?\" he said.\n\n\"What?\" I said.\n\nHe clacked his jawbreaker for a while, building the suspense. \"You can't do anything to them,\" he said. \"You can't break them. You can't burn them. You can't blow them up. Atoms you can smash, but you can't smash a proton.\"\n\n\"Not even with a steamroller?\" I said.\n\n\"Not even with a thousand steamrollers.\"\n\nAnd then he hammered home his point. He took out the jawbreaker and put it on the floor. He took a hammer and smashed it to smithereens. He didn't stop there. He kept smashing until there was nothing but white powder. When he stopped, he grinned at me. \"Go ahead, stomp on it.\" I brought the heel of my shoe down on the tiny pile of powder. \"Oh, come on, don't be such a wuss,\" he said. \"Stomp good.\" I did. I jumped up and down until there was nothing on the floor but a pale mist of dust. He got down on his hands and knees and blew it away.\n\nI cheered. \"We did it!\"\n\nHe stood. \"What did we do?\" he said.\n\n\"We smashed the jawbreaker. We made it disappear.\"\n\n\"We sure did,\" he said. \"But what about the protons that made up the jawbreaker? Where are they?\"\n\nI looked around. \"Gone?\"\n\nHe shook his head with a sly smile. \"Nope,\" he said. \"The jawbreaker is gone, but not its protons. They're still\"\u2014he waved his hand about the basement\u2014\"here. They'll always be here. They're unsmashable. Once a proton, always a proton. Protons are forever.\"\n\nThe next words just popped from my mouth, no real thought behind them: \"Jawbreakers are lucky.\"\n\nHe poked me. \"Hey, so are you. You're made of protons, too.\"\n\nI stared at him. \"I am?\"\n\n\"Sure,\" he said. \"Zillions of them. The protons in you are the same as the protons in that jawbreaker. And in that stool. And in a banana. And a sock monkey. And a glass of water. And a star. Everything\"\u2014he threw out his arms\u2014\"everything is made of protons!\"\n\nI was getting woozy with information overload. Me and sock monkeys made of the same stuff? It was too much to digest. So I retreated to the one conclusion I had managed to extract from all this. \"So...Jim...like, I'm unsmashable?\"\n\nHe mussed my hair. \"Yeah,\" he said, \"I guess you could sort of put it that way.\" He laughed and waved the hammer in my face. \"But don't go trying this on your toe.\"\n\nPD1\n\nRiley picked his nose.\n\n10:15.\n\nStrawberries.\n\nThe proton is dead.\n\nThese things will go together forever.\n\nMy dad remembers exactly what he was doing the moment he heard that Elvis died. For my mother, it was Princess Di. It will be that way with me and the proton.\n\nI was at the kitchen counter this morning cutting strawberries in half, dropping the pieces into my bowl of bite-size Mini-Wheats. My little sister, Tabby, came into the kitchen saying, \"Riley picked his nose...Riley picked his nose....\" She's learning to read, and whenever she sees a few words that strike her fancy she keeps repeating them with a snooty I-can-read smirk.\n\nSo Tabby said, \"Riley picked his nose,\" and the knife sliced open the smell of strawberries and the phone on the wall rang. Tabby got to it first. She always does. \"Barney's Saloon.\" That's how she answers the phone these days. She listened for a moment and said into the mouthpiece: \"Phooey!\" This is what she says whenever a caller asks for anyone but her. She jabbed the phone in my face. \"For yyew.\"\n\nIt was Mi-Su's voice. Excited. \"Ninety-eight point five FM! Quick!\"\n\nClick.\n\nI ran for the radio, snapped it on...FM...98.5. Saturday morning news-of-the-week roundup. Man's voice:\n\n\"...years of waiting. Finally it happened. The telltale flash that signaled the death of the proton, the moment when it ceased to be. Scientists around the world are speculating on the significance...\"\n\nI couldn't believe it. A proton was dead! Caught in the act of dying. One moment it was there, then it wasn't.\n\nI looked at the clock. 10:15. Saturday. September 26. And, for me, the start of a new calendar: PD1 (The Day I Heard of the Proton's Death).\n\nTabby was standing on a chair at the counter. She was slicing a sweet potato.\n\n\"Don't,\" I told her. She stuck out her tongue at me.\n\nThe phone rang. This time I got it.\n\n\"Hear it?\" Mi-Su.\n\n\"Yeah.\"\n\n\"So what do you think?\" Her voice was bouncy.\n\nTabby was dropping two slices of sweet potato into the toaster. \"Don't!\" I said.\n\n\"Don't what?\" said Mi-Su.\n\n\"I'm talking to Tabby. I can't believe it.\"\n\n\"Why not?\"\n\n\"All those years, nothing happened. Now...\"\n\n\"Proton de-cay-ay.\" She sang it.\n\n\"Why are you so happy?\"\n\n\"I'm excited, that's all. It's news. A discovery. Nothing will ever be the same.\"\n\n\"That's good?\" I said.\n\n\"Who knows? It just is. Proton decay. It's a fact of life.\"\n\nThe toaster popped. Tabby pulled out the two slices of sweet potato toast and laid them in a cereal bowl. She climbed up onto the counter, both feet, stood there daring me to do something about it. She got the peanut butter, scooped out a glob with her finger and spread it over the slices. She got the brown sugar. She grabbed a chunk, crumbled it over the peanut butter. She stood on the edge of the counter. She gave me her snooty smirk, spoke.\n\n\"Riley\u2014\"\n\n\"Don't,\" I said.\n\n\"Picked\u2014\"\n\n\"Don't.\"\n\n\"His\u2014\"\n\n\"I'm telling you!\"\n\n\"Nose!\"\n\nShe jumped from the counter to the floor. Dishes rattled. She grabbed her potato toast and raced upstairs to her Saturday morning cartoons.\n\n\"Will? You there?\"\n\n\"Yeah.\"\n\n\"What was that noise?\"\n\n\"My sister. Jumping down from the kitchen counter.\"\n\n\"She's too much.\"\n\n\"She just did nineteen things she's not supposed to do.\"\n\n\"To bug you, that's why.\"\n\n\"That's what my mother says.\"\n\n\"You're lucky. I wish I had a little sister.\"\n\n\"Take this one.\"\n\nShe laughed. \"We playing tonight?\"\n\n\"I guess.\"\n\n\"My house, right?\"\n\n\"Yeah.\"\n\n\"So you bring.\"\n\nWe play Monopoly on Saturday nights. One person hosts the game, the other brings the pizza. Three mediums. BT comes, but he doesn't buy, he just plays. He's always broke.\n\n\"The usual?\" I said.\n\n\"Extra pepperoni,\" she said. \"And don't let your stinky pizza get anywhere near me. Last time, some of your anchovy fumes crawled over my cheese. I could taste them.\"\n\n\"I can taste the fumes from your pepperoni breath. Excuse me\u2014extra pepperoni breath.\"\n\nShe always gets extra pepperoni. I always get anchovies and extra sauce. We always fight about it.\n\n\"You're a sicko,\" she said. \"Why can't you just get pepperoni or extra cheese like the rest of the world? Nobody gets extra sauce.\"\n\n\"I do.\"\n\n\"Because you're not normal. Bye.\"\n\n\"Wait!\"\n\n\"What?\"\n\n\"I just heard the tail end of it on the radio,\" I said. \"Where did it happen?\"\n\n\"Yellowknife. They charge me for your extras, you know.\"\n\n\"Sue me. Bye.\"\n\n\"Bye.\"\n\nAs soon as I hung up, the phone rang again.\n\nShe was giggling. \"Sue me. That's my name backwards. Bye.\" Click.\n\nI went back to my strawberries. When I had them all in halves, I started cutting them into quarters. I looked at my reflection in the toaster. I looked pinched. Loopy.\n\nA fact of life.\n\nI poured Mini-Wheats into the bowl. Added the strawberries. Got a spoon. Sat at the table. Poured milk. Not too much. I don't like soggy cereal....\n\nThe clock said 10:28.\n\nThirteen minutes and counting.\n\nNothing will ever be the same.\n\nI stared into the strawberries. Except for the cartoon noise upstairs, the house was silent. Dad was golfing. Mom was at the Arts Center, taking watercolor lessons.\n\nNow pounding from upstairs. Tabby was hammering something. She has her own plastic tools, but she uses most of them to eat with. For serious vandalism she prefers my father's real tools, which she's been forbidden to touch since she nailed his slipper to the floor. She steals them when it's just the two of us in the house. She knows she can hammer away and I won't stop her as long as she's not in my room.\n\nMy spoon broke through strawberries, sank into cereal.\n\nThe proton was dead.\n\nRiley picked his nose.\n\nColossal tanks holding thousands of gallons of water sit at the bottom of salt mines and coal mines around the world. Japan. South Africa. Europe. Canada. Supersensitive instruments monitor the water. Trillions of molecules of water\u2014every one watched 24\/7\/365. For years. Decades.\n\nThe instruments have been waiting for a flash. The tiniest, most invisible of all flashes. A flash that would mean that a proton\u2014one of the gazillion protons making up the trillions of water molecules\u2014had suddenly winked out of existence. The flash would prove proton decay really happens. The flash would mean that the matter of the proton\u2014the solid stuff\u2014had turned into the energy of the flash (E=mc2). Totally. Nothing left behind. No ash. No smoke. No smell. Nada. One moment it's there, the next moment\u2014pffft\u2014gone.\n\nWhat would it mean? Only this: Nothing lasts. Nothing. Because everything that exists is made of protons.\n\nDecades went by. No flashes. Untold gazillions of protons under watch, and not a single flash. It looked like the universe would last forever.\n\nAnd then it happened. It happened in the tank two miles below the earth in Yellowknife, Northwest Territories, Canada, Middle of Nowhere. It happened in the thirty-third year of watching. Eight days ago, says the Centauri Dreams website. Friday night. At precisely 9:47:55 eastern standard time. They saw it. They recorded it. A flash.\n\nThe money was stacked. The cards were stacked. We were both on our second slice. Waiting for BT. Anthony Bontempo.\n\n\"Pizza's getting cold,\" I said. \"Let's just start. Teach him a lesson for once.\" I rolled the dice.\n\nMi-Su snatched them up. \"No! He'll be here.\"\n\n\"He knows we start at seven. Let's show him we can play without him. Then maybe he'll learn to be on time.\"\n\nShe gave me rolling eyes. \"Yeah, right. He's BT, remember?\"\n\nShe was right. BT will be late for his own funeral.\n\nCommotion upstairs. Mi-Su's parents squealing: \"BT!\" The dog squealing. The dog doesn't squeal like that when I come over.\n\nBT clumped down the stairs. \"Gimme four hotels on Park Place!\" He rolled his skateboard into the corner. It bumped into mine. BT snatched one of Mi-Su's slices. Mi-Su screamed, threw a pillow at him.\n\n\"Clowns,\" I said. \"I'm going first.\" We sprawled over the floor. I rolled the dice.\n\nBT's first roll was a three. Baltic Avenue. He bought it for $60. He fished in his pile for the money. Mi-Su and I keep our money in stacks of ones, fives, etc. BT always buys the first thing he lands on. And I always have to say something.\n\n\"Dumb.\"\n\nHe said what he always says: \"I'm wheelin' and dealin'.\"\n\n\"If I land there,\" I told him, \"all you'll get out of me is four dollars rent. The most you'll ever get with a hotel there is four hundred and fifty.\"\n\n\"Wheelin' and dealin',\" he said. He went to the fridge for a soda.\n\nAfter three times around the board, BT had bought everything he landed on: Baltic, Mediterranean, Vermont, Electric Company, Tennessee, Kentucky, Water Works, Marvin Gardens, Short Line, Boardwalk. Of course he was broke now, but he didn't care. \"Wheelin' and dealin'!\" Monopoly money or real money\u2014heck, life itself\u2014it all comes down to one word for BT: spend. I don't think he can even spell the word \"save.\"\n\nBT's strategy (I'm being funny using that word in the same sentence as BT) for Monopoly has two parts:\n\n 1. Buy everything you land on until you run out of money.\n 2. Love the railroads.\n\nHe actually believes that if he can ever land on all four railroads and buy them, that's the day he'll win.\n\nBusted, BT was ripe for a buyout. I couldn't stand seeing Boardwalk, the most valuable property of all, in his hands. I offered him what he paid for it\u2014$400. He took it. Mi-Su shrieked in pain.\n\nPretty soon I landed on Park Place, too, so I could build on the blue. Mi-Su got the green. As usual, it came down to me and her.\n\n\"Hear the news?\" I said to BT.\n\nHe looked at me, shocked. \"I didn't know anybody knew,\" he said.\n\nI looked at Mi-Su, back at BT. \"What are you talking about?\"\n\n\"I went down Dead Man's Hill.\"\n\n\"Wow!\" gushed Mi-Su. \"When?\"\n\n\"Last night.\"\n\n\"Skateboard?\"\n\nBT took a swig of soda. \"All the way.\"\n\n\"And you're alive?\"\n\nHe pinched himself. \"I ain't dead.\"\n\n\"I'm talking about the proton,\" I said.\n\nBT frowned. \"What proton?\"\n\n\"The one that died. It finally happened. Now there's proof.\"\n\n\"Yeah?\" He tried to steal one of Mi-Su's pepperonis. She grabbed his wrist and bit his hand till he let go.\n\n\"You want to hear about it?\" I said.\n\n\"Sure,\" he said. He snarled at Mi-Su.\n\n\"Carnivore.\"\n\nI told him what happened at Yellowknife. As I was talking, he rolled the dice. He landed on Community Chest. He picked up the top card. He looked at it. A huge grin crossed his face.\n\n\"Are you listening?\" I said.\n\nNow his face was smug. Proud. Superior. He read from the card: \"Collect fifty dollars from every player.\"\n\nMi-Su tossed him a fifty.\n\n\"Do you know what this means?\" I said.\n\n\"Yeah\"\u2014he waggled his fingers in my face\u2014\"fifty big ones, chump.\"\n\n\"It means matter is mortal. Everything is going to go. Disappear. Vanish. Rock. Water. The planets. The stars. Everything.\"\n\nHe blinked. \"Pepperonis, too?\"\n\nMi-Su howled.\n\n\"Cretin,\" I said.\n\n\"So, when's all this going to happen?\"\n\n\"Way in the future,\" I said. \"Billions of years.\"\n\nHe looked at me, the smirk gone. \"Billions of years?\"\n\n\"Trillions, actually.\"\n\nHe cocked his head, stared at me, honestly puzzled. He turned to Mi-Su. She nodded. He swung back to me. The smirk returned. The waggling fingers were back in my face. \"Fifty.\"\n\nI crumpled up a fifty and threw it at him.\n\n\"He doesn't care about anything,\" I said to Mi-Su.\n\nMi-Su grinned. \"He's a mess.\"\n\nWe do this, talk about BT as if he's not there.\n\n\"That's the word. He's the most messy, disorganized person I know. He has no\u2014\"\n\n\"\u2014discipline.\" Mi-Su rolled the dice. She landed on green. Pacific Avenue. \"I'm building.\"\n\n\"Right. Discipline. Absolutely none. He just flops and slops through life.\"\n\nMi-Su laughed. \"A floppy slopper!\"\n\nBT laughed. \"A sloppy flopper!\"\n\nSometimes he joins in, talking about himself as if he's not there.\n\nMi-Su built four houses on Pacific Avenue.\n\n\"He has no sense of time,\" I said. \"He does everything zippo\u2014like that\"\u2014I snapped my fingers\u2014\"spur of the moment. No thought. Spends money the instant he gets it.\"\n\n\"He doesn't need pockets.\"\n\n\"He doesn't think. He just does.\" I rolled the dice.\n\n\"A nonthinking doer.\"\n\nI landed on Park Place. \"He spends all his money buying cheap stuff that he can never win with.\"\n\n\"Railroads!\"\n\n\"Exactly.\"\n\n\"He's disgraceful.\"\n\n\"Perverted,\" said BT.\n\n\"But he thinks he can do it.\" I built a hotel on Park Place. \"And look what he's using. The thimble. He's a boy.\"\n\n\"Don't be sexist.\"\n\nUnlike the rest of the world, BT doesn't have a favorite Monopoly token. (I always use the top hat; Mi-Su always uses the dog.) He never chooses his token. He just blindly snatches one up.\n\n\"I'm just trying to set him straight,\" I said.\n\n\"Be a good role model.\"\n\nMi-Su pointed at me. \"He skateboarded down Dead Man's Hill.\"\n\n\"So he says.\"\n\nBT rolled the dice.\n\nMi-Su looked at me, wide-eyed. \"You don't believe him?\"\n\nNo one has ever skateboarded down Dead Man's Hill. It comes down off Heather Lane. It's unpaved, stony, rutted, twisting and so steep that when you stand at the top, the faraway bottom almost meets the tip of your board.\n\nBT landed on Park Place.\n\n\"He'd be dead,\" I said. \"Rent fifteen hundred.\"\n\n\"I believe him,\" said Mi-Su.\n\nDeep down, I believed him, too, but I didn't want to. I waggled my fingers in his face.\n\n\"Fifteen hundred.\"\n\nIt was comical, BT picking through his couple of tens and twenties, as if fifteen hundred dollars was going to appear out of nowhere.\n\nMi-Su sent a whisper: \"Mortgage.\"\n\nBT threw a finger in the air. \"I'll mortgage!\" He mortgaged all his properties (except of course Short Line Railroad). \"Wheelin' and dealin'.\"\n\nHe dumped all his money in front of me. I counted it. \"You're six hundred and eighty short.\"\n\n\"I did something else, too,\" he said.\n\nWide-eyed, Mi-Su, who always bites:\n\n\"What?\"\n\nBT shook his head. \"Not telling.\"\n\nI waggled. \"Six hundred and eighty, please.\"\n\n\"BT\u2014what?\" Mi-Su whined. \"Tell me.\"\n\nBT shook his head no.\n\n\"Tell me and I'll give you a loan.\" She counted it out. \"Six hundred and eighty.\"\n\n\"Oh, no,\" I said. I waved the rule book at her. I read: \"'Money can be loaned to a player only by the Bank.'\"\n\nMi-Su snooted. \"It's my money. I can do whatever I want.\" She waved the money under BT's nose. \"Tell.\"\n\nBT snatched the money, leaned across the board and whispered in her ear. Her eyes bulged. She squealed, \"Really?\"\n\nHe put on a fake shy face, closed his eyes, nodded. He plunked the money down in front of me. \"Rent paid.\"\n\nNot that it did him much good. Twice more around the board and he landed on Boardwalk, where I also had a hotel. Rent $2,000. He was dead. \"I lose,\" he said brightly. He tossed his thimble in the box and headed for the dartboard.\n\nThere's no satisfaction in beating BT, because he doesn't even care if he loses. He cheats you that way.\n\nAs usual, Mi-Su and I went on with the game, but something was different. The squares on the board seemed to float under my little silver top hat. BT had done Dead Man's Hill, and Mi-Su knew something I didn't, and the proton was dead.\n\nPD3\n\nMonday morning.\n\nThe principal finished talking over the PA, and the student announcer for the day took over. She talked about how to nominate people for Wildcat and Wildkitten of the Month, then she said, \"And on Friday night, Anthony Bontempo, Homeroom two thirteen, became the first person ever to skateboard down Dead Man's Hill!\"\n\nCheers erupted from forty homerooms.\n\nMorning announcements ended with no mention of the proton.\n\nIn the hallways the mobs heading for classes were buzzing:\n\n\"BT!\"\n\n\"He's crazy!\"\n\n\"Insane!\"\n\n\"I knew he'd be the one!\"\n\nFunny thing, nobody questioned whether it was true or not. Nobody said maybe BT made the whole thing up. Everybody knows BT doesn't lie. If you don't care about consequences, about anything, you don't have to lie. And it's not like he did Dead Man's Hill for the glory. If that were true, he would have had witnesses. He just did it for the same reason he does everything else\u2014he felt like it.\n\nThird period. Physics. Mr. Sigfried.\n\nFinally, somebody to share the proton news with.\n\nThe teacher leaned back against the desk, arms folded. \"OK, people\u2014there was big news over the weekend. Something happened that will cause textbooks to be rewritten. Who would like to tell us what I'm referring to?\"\n\nMy hand was already up when Jamie Westphal blurted, \"Anthony Bontempo skateboarded down Dead Man's Hill!\"\n\nHoots, whistles, cheers, standing ovation\u2014and BT wasn't even in the class. Even Mr. Sigfried gave him a little pitty clap. Then he called on me.\n\nI waited for total silence and said, \"Proton decay. It's confirmed.\"\n\nHe snapped a finger at me. \"Give that man a prize. And what exactly does that mean, Mr. Tuppence? Proton decay.\"\n\n\"It means nothing in the universe will last.\"\n\nHe went into mock shock. \"Nothing?\"\n\n\"Nothing.\"\n\n\"How so, Mr. Tuppence?\"\n\n\"Because everything is made of protons. And now we know that even protons don't last forever. Therefore everything will disappear.\"\n\n\"The planets, too? They're going to disappear?\"\n\n\"Yep.\"\n\n\"The stars?\"\n\n\"Yep.\"\n\n\"My aunt Tilly's teapot?\"\n\n\"Yep.\" I was enjoying this.\n\nHe gazed out the window. \"And when is this great disappearing going to happen, Mr. Tuppence?\"\n\n\"Long time from now.\"\n\n\"Long time? Like a year from now?\"\n\nI snickered. \"Way longer.\"\n\nJamie Westphal piped up, \"So, how long?\"\n\nMr. Sigfried gave me a palms-up stop sign.\n\n\"Let me answer that one, Mr. Tuppence. It's kinda fun.\" He turned to the blackboard and chalked a 1 in the upper-left corner and began writing zeroes and commas across the whole board. And across the board again. And again. He must have gone on for a full five minutes before he plunked the chalk down, stepped aside and gestured at the board covered with the most colossal number any of us had ever seen. \"That\"\u2014he grinned\u2014\"many years.\"\n\n\"Zowie!\" somebody said.\n\nSomebody whistled.\n\nSomebody farted.\n\nThe class cracked up. Mr. Sigfried wagged his head and began erasing the board. \"OK, people,\" he said, \"back to earth. Today we consider\"\u2014He lettered the rest on the dusty blackboard:\n\nTHE WONDERS OF WATER\n\nAfter school I drubbed Mi-Su in chess club and headed home on Black Viper, my skateboard. Bones Swiss bearings gave the wheels a buttery whir beneath my feet.\n\nI was still a block from my house when I heard Tabby screaming, \"Will, look at me!\"\n\nBT has been teaching Tabby to skateboard lately. She was wobbling down the driveway. She fell off before she reached the sidewalk. She jumped up, lugged the board back to the garage and wobbled down again. She threw out her arms\u2014\"Look!\"\u2014and toppled off again.\n\n\"No showboating,\" said BT.\n\n\"Will,\" said Tabby, \"can I use Black Viper?\"\n\n\"No,\" I told her.\n\n\"Pleeeeze!\" She carefully laid a sneaker toe on Black Viper.\n\nI kicked her foot away. I stepped off. I picked up the board. She was looking straight up at me. Her eyes seemed to take up half her face. I hated BT for getting her started on this. I said, \"Don't ever\u2014ever\u2014touch this skateboard. Ever. Or you will die.\"\n\nThe eyes blinked. She wanted to cry but she wouldn't let herself. For once in her life she was going to obey me.\n\nI shot BT a glare and headed for the front door.\n\nTabby piped behind me: \"BT went down Dead Man's Hill!\"\n\n\"Big deal,\" I said, and went inside.\n\nPD7\n\nThere I was but I didn't know why.\n\nI had told my parents I had to go to school early to help a teacher. Sunrise was the only time of day I could be sure no other kids would be around. They've been going up there all week\u2014pilgrims on skateboards\u2014just to be near the place, to stand where he stood, to look over the edge of Dead Man's Hill, to feel the tingle on the backs of their necks, to try to picture themselves doing it, to laugh and back off.\n\nSo far no one else has done it. Sooner or later somebody will. It won't be me.\n\nThe town lay below me. Roofs. Trees. Streets. Sticking up like a periscope: the clock tower on the corner of the Brimley Building. I could see the round face of the clock, but not the time.\n\nThe rising sun was straight ahead. I could look directly at it because it was bloody orange and just over the horizon and smoky with clouds. When I looked at the sun, my eyes were crossing 93 million miles of space. But my feet wouldn't cross another inch.\n\nI had one foot on Black Viper, one foot on the earth. There was already too much space under the tip of the board. The angle of the drop was astounding. I felt as if I was looking down over the roof edge of a skyscraper. I didn't see how his wheels could have stayed on the ground all the way down. At some point he must have been flying. And then there were the stones and shin-deep ruts.\n\nI thought: This is impossible. He lied.\n\nI knew I was wrong.\n\nWhy was I doing this? I knew I wouldn't go down. I was scared stiff just standing there. I already knew I was a coward. Did I need to prove it? Remind myself? Ninety-three million miles of space in front of me, and every inch of it seemed packed with the things I was afraid of: high places, cramped places, dark places, thousand-leggers, speed, flying, death, change, time, pain, failure, criticism, roller coasters, train tracks, being wrong, being smelly, being late, being stupid, being rejected, black mambos, leeches, hantavirus, losing, deep water, uncertainty, being buried alive, being caught being afraid, myself...\n\nI could see my epitaph:\n\nHERE LIES WILLIAM JAY TUPPENCE HE WAS AFRAID\n\nOf course, that wouldn't really happen, because no one knows this about me, not even my parents. What everyone sees is a pretty normal-looking kid, 5 feet 9 \u00bd inches, brown hair, brown eyes, ears a little big, a little stuck out but not enough to mock. Likes science, especially astronomy. Best friends: Anthony Bontempo (aka BT) and Mi-Su Kelly. Runs cross-country. Chess Club. Good at it. Won a trophy. Calls his skateboard Black Viper. Rides it to school. A little shy, on the quiet side, but friendly enough. Not the life of the party, but not a hermit either. Somewhere in the middle. Sensible.\n\nIf I'm famous for anything, I guess that's it. I'm sensible. Other kids ask my advice about stuff. To me common sense is just that: common. But some kids seem to think it's this rare gift. They seem to see me as a substitute adult. A homeroom kid wrote in my eighth-grade yearbook: \"Thank you for your wisdom & wise ways.\" Doug Lawson, a cross-country running mate, calls me \"Old Man.\"\n\nThat's the macro view. Down here on quantum level, where I live by myself, my fears quiver like leaping electrons. I send my questions up to the surface, but they fizzle long before they reach the top. Why can't I be like other kids? Why can't I believe I'm indestructible? Why can't I believe I'll live forever? Why do I stare at the sky at night?\n\nSuddenly the sun was blinding. I panicked. Had I gone too far? The clock tower wobbled. I kicked Black Viper back. I stepped away from the terrifying drop. I climbed on my board and pushed off, back to where I belonged, my wheels whirring over the asphalt.\n\nPD8\n\nSaturday morning. Downtown. Hicks' Sporting Goods.\n\nMr. Hicks handed me the trophy. This was my father's idea. When I won the chess tournament last spring, my father looked at the inscription\u2014\n\nHOPE COUNTY CHESS CHAMPION AGES 13\u201315\n\n\u2014and said, \"They should have put your name on it.\"\n\n\"How could they?\" I said. \"They didn't know I was going to win.\"\n\n\"I knew,\" he said.\n\nSo typical. My father has so much confidence in me, it's scary. They say that when I was a baby, one year old, he tossed me into the deep end of the Crescent Club pool (my mother screaming), and I swam.\n\nIt's been kind of like that ever since. He knows what I can do before I know. In fifth grade he told me I would be the school spelling champion, and I was. He said I would learn to ride a bicycle in one hour. I did. I wish I could be as fearless for myself as he is for me.\n\n\"Here ya go,\" said Mr. Hicks.\n\nI looked at the inscription, added at the bottom of the black mirror plate:\n\nWILL TUPPENCE\n\n\"Congratulations,\" he said. \"I never got the hang of chess myself.\" He chuckled. \"Checkers for me.\" He was still holding it.\n\nThe trophy was beautiful. It was topped by a pewter King Arthur\u2013looking figure standing on a board of little black-and-white squares. The five-inch base was blue marbled stone and held the inscription plate. I already had a space for it on the bookcase in my room.\n\nFinally he let go. \"It's figuring out all those moves ahead of time,\" he said. \"I don't know how you do it. I hear the real experts\u2014\"\n\n\"Grand masters.\"\n\n\"Yeah, the grand masters, they know what they're gonna do\u2014what, three moves ahead?\"\n\n\"Try ten,\" I said.\n\nHis eyes boggled. He whistled.\n\n\"Well, thanks again,\" I said.\n\nI headed home on foot. I wasn't taking a chance on crashing Black Viper with priceless freight on board. I walked past the old Brimley Building clock tower. It said 11:45. My watch said 11:55. The clock tower is famous for being right. I reset my watch. Hopefully, in a couple of months, I won't have this problem. I've told my parents I want a radio-controlled Exacta watch for Christmas. I showed them the ad in Discover. Every night it receives a signal from the National Institute of Standards and Technology Atomic Clock in Fort Collins, Colorado. The Atomic Clock is accurate to within ten billionths of a second(0.000000001 sec).\n\nFor some reason I looked back at the clock tower. It's one of those old-fashioned clocks, with Roman numerals instead of Arabic numbers. Suddenly on the right shoulder of the ten(X), I saw a tiny flash, like a glint from the sun. But when I looked up at the sky, it was gray, nothing but clouds.\n\nTonight Monopoly will be at my house. Mi-Su will bring the pizza, anchovies and extra sauce for me, extra pepperoni for her. And a small regular for Tabby. I'll tell her not to do that, that Tabby is just a little kid, that she already thinks she's a grown-up and treating her like one of us will just make her worse. She'll ignore me and give my sister the pizza. BT will be late. Tabby will race upstairs, go crazy over him. He'll breeze down to the basement den and call ahead: \"Gimme four hotels on Park Place!\" He'll buy everything he lands on. He'll chuckle when he gets a railroad.\n\nTabby will cheer him on. Within an hour he'll be wiped out. Tabby will attack him. They'll wrestle. She'll bring him a book, probably an adult murder mystery. He'll spend the rest of the night reading it to her. He'll leave out the bad words.\n\nPD16\n\nSunday morning. Church. Boring, as usual. But as my father says, it's money in the bank. It's the ticket. The bridge. It's how to get from Here to There. From Here to Forever.\n\nThere's always a pencil in the pew. Stubby, yellow, like the ones they give you at miniature golf to keep score with. As the service dragged on, I checked off the items in the program: Call to Worship, Hymn of Praise, Prayer of Adoration, Prayer of Confession, Assurance of Pardon, etc., etc. Then came the dreaded sermon\u2014talk about Forever! This was the third Sunday since the proton died in Yellowknife, and Rev. Mauger hadn't said a word about it. Neither has anyone else. The world doesn't seem to care about the end of itself.\n\nThe reverend's lullaby droned on. I decided to amuse myself by writing down Mr. Sigfried's number. Across the top of the church program, down the right-hand side, across the bottom and halfway up the left side:\n\nI stared at the number. It made no sense. It's beyond gazillions. There's not even a name for it. It's the number of years from now when everything will be gone. If I could live that long, I would see Rev. Mauger's pulpit evaporate, proton by proton.\n\nThe number was making me woozy. So I did what I sometimes do when I feel lost in time and space\u2014I began writing down my famous (to me) twelve-step plan:\n\n 1. born\n 2. grow up\n 3. school\n 4. college (Naval Academy)\n 5. career (astronomer)\n 6. wife (blonde, named Emily, Jennifer or Ann)\n 7. kids (2)\n 8. house (four bathrooms)\n 9. car (mint condition, black 1985 Jaguar XJS\/12)\n 10. retire (win senior chess tournaments)\n 11. death\n 12. Heaven (angel) (Forever)\n\nExcept now, considering the news from Yellowknife, there's a parade of question marks after number 12. Like, are angels made of protons? Is Heaven? If so, does this mean they won't last forever?\n\nAnd what exactly is Heaven anyway? A thing? A place? I don't think so. I mean, if I could look at a map of creation, there wouldn't be a sign saying, \"Heaven\u2014This Way.\" My opinion? Heaven is a dimension, like time. Like up and down.\n\nI think.\n\nAs for angels, what are they made of? Smoke? Vapor? Holograms? No. Angels are spirits, and a spirit\u2014by definition\u2014is non-stuff.\n\nI think.\n\nI hope.\n\nI turned the church program over and stared again at the unbelievable number. And risked the biggest question of all: When all this time, all these numbers go by, when the last iota of stuff in the universe\u2014the last proton\u2014finally winks out, will Forever still be? Does Forever continue on beyond the last zero? My answer (my prayer?): of course it does, because Forever means endless.\n\nSo...\n\nIf Heaven and angels are non-stuff...\n\nIf the stuff-me becomes after death a non-stuff angel-me...\n\nIf Heaven and angels exist in a timeless medium we call Forever (\"Hey, nobody here but us angels!\")...\n\nThen...guess what?...\n\nThere will be no end of me!\n\nWill Tuppence Forever!\n\nIf.\n\nSuddenly we were on our feet singing the last hymn. On the drive home I discovered the little yellow pencil was still in my hand.\n\nPD19\n\nEnglish. The only class I share with BT. Mrs. Hartenstine, the teacher, is old-fashioned. She believes in memorizing. She says, \"Memorized passages should be a part of every person's wardrobe, like shirts and shoes.\"\n\nToday we recited the poems she assigned us to learn. My poem was \"The End of the World\" by Archibald MacLeish. Mi-Su did \"I'm Nobody! Who Are You?\" by Emily Dickinson.\n\nWhen Mrs. Hartenstine said, \"Mr. Bontempo,\" BT didn't move. He had his nose in a paperback. His long sandy hair fell like a curtain over his face. Mi-Su, sitting next to him, poked him with her fingertip. He toppled over and onto the floor. Everyone howled, but that wasn't the funniest thing. Once he was on the floor he kept reading for another ten seconds until he closed the book, looked up half-bewildered and said, \"Huh?\" More howls.\n\n\"Mr. Bontempo, front and center, please,\" said Mrs. Hartenstine.\n\nSo up he goes\u2014the slowest walker you've ever seen\u2014and you could tell he wasn't prepared. Not that that was a surprise; it would have been a shock if he were prepared. So he stood there, his paperback in his hand, cheap sneakers, hair flopping, giving us a loopy grin, like, OK, here I am, now what?\n\n\"We're waiting, Mr. Bontempo.\"\n\nBT turned to the teacher. \"Me, too.\" Not belligerent, just...BT.\n\nMore howls. It's not always easy to tell if BT is trying to be funny or not. Strangely, Mrs. Hartenstine has always cut him a lot of slack.\n\n\"Your poem,\" she said. \"Time to recite.\"\n\nBT pointed a finger in the air. \"Ah!\" He looked around the room, out the windows, back to the teacher. \"And, uh, which poem was that again?\"\n\nMrs. Hartenstine smiled. \"'Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening.' Does the name Robert Frost ring a bell?\"\n\nShe smiled. Kids laughed. I think they were not just laughing at the scene in front of us. They were also laughing at the craziness of the situation, that the teacher actually expected Anthony Bontempo to be prepared.\n\nBT looked out at us, like a character in a movie sometimes looks right at the camera and into the audience. It was comical. Obviously he hadn't given it a moment's thought. You poor slob, I was thinking, when are you going to get it? How long do you think you'll survive in the real world?\n\n\"You mean the one that starts, 'Whose woods are these I think I know...'?\"\n\nStone silence.\n\nMrs. Hartenstine almost sang, \"That's the one.\"\n\nHe folded his arms over his chest, holding the paperback with the cover facing out. It was Crime and Punishment. It was thick. Obese. I've never known a kid so totally unafraid of thick books. He closed his eyes and he recited Frost's poem. He said it in a monotone. He didn't try to make it interesting. He droned it out fast in half a minute and headed back to his seat, eyes and open mouths following him.\n\nSomething was wrong. I'm no poetry expert, but I knew something was wrong.\n\nI think the teacher knew it, too. She called to him. \"Mr. Bontempo?\"\n\nHe looked up. He was already back into the paperback. \"Yeah?\" he said.\n\nMrs. Hartenstine blinked a few times. She seemed about to speak but she didn't. She merely smiled. \"Never mind.\" She made a mark in her black book. \"Next\u2014Miss Bayshore.\"\n\nI grabbed my textbook, flipped to Frost, found \"Stopping by Woods.\" I read it through. The last line comes twice:\n\nAnd miles to go before I sleep,\n\nAnd miles to go before I sleep.\n\nBut that's not what BT had said. As Rachel Bayshore went on reciting her poem, it was BT's words I heard:\n\n\"And smiles to go before I weep,\n\nAnd smiles to go before I weep.\"\n\nPD27\n\nI saw it as soon as I entered my room after school. My chess trophy stands on top of my bookcase by the door. And it was backward. The pewter king piece was facing the wall. Somebody had turned it around. Hilarious. I turned it back.\n\nI didn't yell and scream and run after her. I used to, but it didn't do any good. I calmly walked down the hall to her room. Ozzie, her stuffed octopus, was on the bed. She was under the bed. The bottoms of her socks were showing. I just walked away, ignoring her. She hates to be ignored.\n\nBut during dinner I couldn't help myself. I glared across the table. \"Don't do it again,\" I said. Calm. Cool. Not the least bit nasty.\n\nShe was building a snowman with her mashed potatoes. She was shaping it with a screwdriver. (Explanation: When Tabby first tried eating with one of my father's screwdrivers, my mother put a quick stop to it. But then my father got her her own set of plastic tools, and here's the deal: she's allowed to eat with them as long as she never uses them for anything else. So if you open our utensil drawer in the kitchen, you'll see a yellow plastic screwdriver, a pair of red pliers and a little blue saw along with the forks and spoons. And she's not allowed to eat with tools if we're having company. This excludes BT and Aunt Nancy, who are not considered outsiders.) So...she was working her mashed potatoes and pretending she didn't hear me.\n\n\"What did she do now?\" said my mother.\n\n\"She messed with my trophy.\"\n\n\"Tabby? Did you?\"\n\nShe looked up, like she didn't know what was going on. She's the world's worst actress.\n\n\"Huh?\" she said.\n\n\"Did you\u2014\" My mother looked at me.\n\n\"What exactly did she do?\"\n\n\"Turned it around.\"\n\nTabby quick clamped her lips shut, but not before she giggle-snorted into her potato snowman.\n\n\"See?\" I said.\n\n\"Did you turn his trophy around?\"\n\n\"No,\" she said. She would say no if I had her on film. Unlike her hero, BT, she lies.\n\n\"Confess, pest,\" I said.\n\n\"Don't call her that,\" said my mother.\n\nTabby snarled, stabbing her screwdriver at me. \"Yeah. Don't call me that.\"\n\nThere was a faint noise at the front door. We all turned to see a scrap of paper slipping onto the threshold. It was Korbet Finn, our next-door neighbor. Korbet is five. He's in love with Tabby. About once a week he delivers a love note to her this way.\n\nTabby ran for the note. She always hopes it will be from somebody else, anybody else, but it never is. She glanced at it, crumpled it, threw it to the floor, yanked open the door and yelled toward next door: \"In yer dreams, lugnut!\"\n\nMy father laughed. My mother looked at him. \"Where does she get these words?\"\n\n\"BT reads to her,\" I said. \"Adult books.\"\n\nTabby slammed the door shut, kicked the note-ball into the dining room and stomped back to the table.\n\nWe needed to get back to the subject. \"Just don't go near my trophy,\" I said.\n\nNow Tabby was eating string beans with her red pliers. Humming. Tuning me out.\n\nI looked at my father for support.\n\nHe took a sip of coffee. \"Leave Will's trophy alone, Tabby,\" he said. Reasonable. Gentle. Nonthreatening.\n\nTabby crushed a string bean with her pliers, then smashed the snowman. \"I didn't do it!\"\n\n\"Fine,\" said my father, calm, soft-spoken, forking into his meat loaf. \"Just don't not-do it again.\"\n\nTabby exploded. \"I didn't do it! I'm innocent!\"\n\nI snickered. \"Yeah, right.\"\n\nTabby picked up a string bean and flung it in my face. \"I hate you!\" she screamed, and ran from the table, my mother snapping, \"Tabby!\" me hooting.\n\n\"Enough,\" said my mother.\n\nMy father said, \"She's in rare form tonight.\"\n\nAfter a while my mother said, \"Here's my question. How could two such different children have come from the same parents?\"\n\nSometimes I wonder that myself. I wonder why they had us so far apart. When I first heard that I was going to have a little brother or sister, I wished for a brother. When they told me it would be a sister, I thought, OK, I can deal with that. I pictured myself giving her rides on my shoulders, teaching her to ride a bike.\n\nNever happened.\n\nAunt Nancy says Tabby is just doing her job. That's what little sisters do: they pester. She says someday Tabby and I will be best friends. I say don't hold your breath.\n\nI'm not saying I hate her. I don't. (Even though I do feel that way sometimes.) It's just that all we have are differences (age, gender, personality, etc.), nothing in common. Maybe when we're both adults we will get along. But for now, we lead mostly separate lives. If she didn't go out of her way to bug me, I'd hardly know she was around.\n\nNo one answered my mother's question. We ate in silence. Somehow the room seemed to be slowly revolving around the crumpled note-ball on the floor. In a dark crevice of a crumple I thought I saw a tiny sparkle.\n\nPD29\n\nTabby made her daily phone call to Aunt Nancy. \"I'm going to a star party!\"\n\nI still couldn't believe it. My parents were going to a play at Hedgerow. They had assumed I'd be playing Monopoly tonight. They assumed whether we played at Mi-Su's house or mine, I would babysit my sister. \"No way,\" I said. \"We're going to a star party at French Creek. Mi-Su's mother's driving us.\"\n\n\"Fine,\" she said, \"Tabby goes with you.\"\n\n\"No way,\" I said.\n\n\"Tabby goes with you,\" she said.\n\nTabby gushed to Aunt Nancy, \"I'm making a star shirt!\"\n\nShe did. She got glitter and stars and pasted them all over a T-shirt. She thought it was a party party.\n\nShe called Aunt Nancy again. \"It's for big people! There's gonna be appetizers! And kissing games! I'm gonna have coffee!\"\n\nThe tires crunched on the gravelly road.\n\n\"How do I know where it is?\" said Mrs. Kelly. \"It's so dark.\"\n\n\"Look for the red lights,\" said Mi-Su.\n\n\"Where's BT?\" said Mrs. Kelly.\n\n\"He doesn't care about stars,\" I said.\n\nUp ahead\u2014spots of red.\n\n\"Lights out,\" said Mi-Su.\n\nThe headlights went out.\n\nOnly the red spots were visible now. Some moving, some still.\n\nThe car pulled onto the grass, stopped. Three of us got out.\n\n\"Back at eleven,\" said Mrs. Kelly. \"Watch Tabby.\" The car pulled away.\n\nTabby blurted, \"Where's the party?\"\n\nI pointed to the sky. \"Up there.\"\n\nTabby looked. \"I don't see nothin'.\"\n\nOn the way Mi-Su tried to tell her that a star party is where people bring their telescopes to look at the night sky, but Tabby wasn't buying it. \"Where's the pizza?\" she whined.\n\n\"It's up there,\" I said. \"Next to the Big Dipper. The constellation Pepperoni Pizza. The Greeks named it.\"\n\nMi-Su smacked my arm. \"Stop it.\" She lifted Tabby to her shoulders and we headed for the party.\n\nWe could now make out shadowy figures behind the red spots, which were actually flashlights capped with red plastic. The Delaware Valley Astronomical Society has its star parties at French Creek because the light pollution is low there. This would be the last one until spring.\n\nWe wandered into the dark forest of telescopes. I'm always amazed at the size of the scopes.\n\nMi-Su and I split up. I told Tabby to go with Mi-Su, but she refused. She followed me. Not because she would rather be with me, but because she knew I didn't want her to.\n\nShadows drifted. Dull red circles bobbed and hovered. Whispers, but mostly silence, as if we were afraid to disturb the night. This was a place for stars, not people. A show. No button to click, no ticket to buy. Lean in to an eyepiece. Or just look up. The sky! It's been there all along! Someone pointed the light at himself: red floating face. Soft skitter of footsteps, excited whispers:\n\n\"What? What?\"\n\n\"Saturn! Rings!\"\n\n\"Where?\"\n\n\"Over here! Come on!\"\n\nI was pumped. Mi-Su and I both want to be astronomers someday. I went from scope to scope, sampling, asking them what they've got.\n\n\"Moon. Great view of Sea of Tranquility.\"\n\n\"Mars.\"\n\n\"Jupiter. Four moons.\"\n\nReminded me of a summer fair: \"Hey, right here, get yer moon! Yer stars! Three planets fer a dollah!\"\n\nTabby tagging along, her finger hooked in my back belt loop, pestering every time I bent to an eyepiece: \"Let me see!\" If I didn't let her, she'd get loud. Sometimes I had to lift her, hold her while she squinted and whined, \"I don't see nothin'!\"\n\nI'm not much interested in moons\u2014ours, Jupiter's, whoever's. Going to Mars doesn't excite me. In fact, I'm pretty lukewarm about the whole solar system. For me, the farther away, the better. Stars. Galaxies. Quasars. That's what makes me tingle.\n\nOne monster scope had a line. I asked the man-shadow at the end, \"What?\"\n\n\"Mars,\" he said. \"You can see the polar cap.\"\n\nI moved on.\n\nTabby yanked my belt loop. \"I want to see Mars!\"\n\nI swung around, whipping her off her feet with her finger caught in the loop. She wailed, \"Owww!\"\n\n\"Don't be an infant,\" I snapped.\n\nShe roared: \"I'm not an infant!\"\n\nThe stars flinched. Shadows stopped. Gasps. Shushes.\n\nI shook her. Her knobby shoulders were like golf balls. \"Keep your voice down! Whisper!\"\n\nShe whispered, \"Ow. You hurt my finger.\"\n\nTo look at me, she had to tilt her head back as if she were looking at the sky. Sometimes I forget how tall I am to her. I saw moon gleam in both eyes. \"You screamed like a baby. You want to be with grown-ups, act like one.\"\n\nI continued my telescope hopping. I viewed a couple of nice star clusters. Most of all I wanted to see a galaxy, and finally it happened. There was a line of five people at a large scope. The lady at the end didn't even wait for me to ask. \"Spiral galaxy!\" she gushed.\n\nThe line went slowly. Tabby paraded up and down. \"Want to see my star shirt?\" She held back her arms and puffed out her chest. The paste-on paper stars glimmered in the moonlight. The gazers cooed and patted her on the head and asked dumb questions.\n\nAt last I reached the eyepiece. I couldn't see the target at first. Bright images swam by like fish. Then things steadied, and there it was. I could see the oval shape, the spiraling arms. It was the thrill of seeing it for real, the difference between seeing a fox in a zoo or a fox walking across a snow-covered field. But it was even more than that. It was the distance. The galaxy I was looking at, if it was anything like the Milky Way, contained at least a hundred billion (100,000,000,000) stars. \"How far?\" I said to the scope owner. \"About two thousand.\" He meant two thousand light-years. Light travels 186,000 miles per second. In the time it takes me to say \"per second,\" light zips around the world more than seven times. So figure out how far light travels in a year (which has almost six trillion seconds), then multiply that by 2,000 for the distance to this spiral galaxy. How can something that big be so far away that it looks smaller than my little fingernail?\n\nPretty soon I knew all the scopes that were viewing galaxies, and so I just galaxy hopped. I was in heaven. I bumped into Mi-Su. \"Ships passing in the night,\" she said. I said to Tabby, \"Why don't you go with Mi-Su now?\" \"No,\" she said, only to bug me. I knew what I was going to say next time: \"Stay with me. Don't go with Mi-Su.\" And she would go.\n\nBut we never got to next time. Somewhere along the line I realized I was no longer feeling the finger tug in my belt loop. I turned. She was gone. She's off with Mi-Su, I told myself and went on scoping.\n\nBut I couldn't concentrate, couldn't enjoy myself. What if she wasn't with Mi-Su? What if she was doing something stupid and getting herself hurt or whatever? I was the one who would get blamed. I was staring through an eyepiece at the Beehive Cluster, but all I could see was my sister wandering off among the dark shadows of strangers just to tick me off. I snapped back from the scope and stomped off. I stopped. I looked over the dark field, the starry horizon, the silent, moving shadows, the jutting shapes of the scopes, the dull red floating spots. I didn't know where to begin. I looked at my backlit watch: 10:30. Mrs. Kelly would be there soon, and I was missing wonders because I had to round up a stupid sister. I knew that one good call would do it. Just stand right there and rear back and bellow her name. But I couldn't. It would be like screaming in church.\n\nI wandered, looking, listening. She's a chatterbox. Chances were I'd hear her before I saw her. But it was something else I heard. Two shadows and a bobbing red spot brushing past me, man and woman voices whispering excitedly. One word separated itself from the others: \"Horsehead.\" I stopped in my tracks. I went after them. I'm not usually bold with people, but I just barged in: \"Did you say Horsehead?\"\n\n\"Yes,\" said the man. \"It's unbelievable. I can't believe we saw it.\"\n\n\"Incredible,\" said the woman. \"And I don't know a star from a moon.\" She giggled. \"He can die happy now.\"\n\nI was breathing fast. \"Where?\"\n\nThe man pointed the flashlight, but of course the beam just puddled behind the red cap. \"That way. Straight ahead. On the right. You'll see it. Big as a bathtub. On a trailer. Meade LX200.\" He wagged his head. They walked on.\n\nI turned, walked. The Horsehead Nebula. It's, like, the Holy Grail. Mi-Su and I have been wanting to see it for years. I have a poster of it on my bedroom wall. We'd never seen it for real. It's a huge cloud of cold hydrogen gas and dust, way bigger than the solar system. It's visible because of starlit gases behind it, and it has the shape of a horse's head.\n\nI didn't know what to do. Sister? Horsehead? Sister? Horsehead? My stomach felt like it was coming loose. And suddenly there it was, the monster scope, big as a bathtub, on a trailer behind an SUV\u2014and the longest line I'd seen all night. Everybody wanted to see the Horsehead. It would take a half hour just to get to the head of the line, a half hour I'd gladly have spent, except for a missing sister....\n\nI wanted to cry, scream. I stomped off, spit hissing into the night: \"Tabby! Tabby!\"\n\nAt last I heard her voice, chattering away. I found her. She was with someone wearing an Indiana Jones hat. An old lady. \"Well, hello there,\" she said. \"You must be the big brother Tabby's been talking about.\" She held something out to me. \"Like a snort of hot chocolate from my thermos here? We have an extra cup.\"\n\n\"No, thank you,\" I said. I was so mad I could hardly speak.\n\nThe old lady chuckled. \"Your little sister had been hoping for coffee.\"\n\n\"She thinks she's twenty-one,\" I said.\n\nTabby piped: \"Will, she has seven cats!\"\n\n\"That's nice,\" I said. \"Thanks for looking after her.\" I took the cup from Tabby's hand and gave it to the old lady. \"We have to go now. Somebody's picking us up.\" I grabbed her hand and pulled her away.\n\nShe had to run to keep up. She squealed, \"Where are we going?\"\n\n\"To find Mi-Su.\"\n\nShe yanked on my arm. \"I know where Mi-Su is!\"\n\nShe wasn't lying. \"Where?\"\n\nShe wrapped her hand around my finger and pulled. \"Follow me.\"\n\nShe wound among the dark shapes as if it were our own neighborhood. She led me out of the thicket of scopes and on toward a moonlit crest\u2014and there she was.\n\nNo.\n\nThere they were.\n\nIt seemed to be one shape, one silhouette on the hill, but I knew it was two, and I knew who they were. Mi-Su and BT.\n\nTabby tugged. \"Will, are they kissing?\"\n\nI turned away. Tabby yammered beside me, but I wasn't hearing, wasn't thinking, wasn't feeling. I don't remember the next few minutes. I only know that I was back among the dark shapes and glowing red spots. I checked my watch. It was time. We walked out to the gravel road. Mrs. Kelly's car was purring, parking lights on.\n\nMi-Su and BT were already in the car, Mi-Su in front, BT in the backseat. Tabby jumped in, climbed onto BT's lap, put his baseball cap on her head. I got in.\n\nMi-Su said from the front seat. \"BT is crazy. He skateboarded all the way out here.\"\n\n\"I thought you didn't like star parties,\" I said.\n\n\"I was bored,\" he said. \"It was a good night for a ride.\"\n\nI waited a few seconds, then said it: \"Somebody was showing the Horsehead.\"\n\nMi-Su screeched. \"The Horsehead Nebula?\" She whipped around to look at me. \"You saw it?\"\n\n\"No. There was a long line.\"\n\n\"Why didn't you come find me?\"\n\n\"We did!\" piped Tabby. \"But you were busy kissing BT!\"\n\nThe purr of the engine poured into the silence. Mi-Su shot a glance at her mother. \"I was not.\"\n\n\"Yes, you were! You were! Wasn't she, Will? We saw you, on the hill!\" Tabby was bouncing up and down on BT's lap.\n\nMore awkward silence.\n\nMrs. Kelly said, \"Sounds like I better cover my ears.\"\n\nMore awkward silence.\n\nWe were leaving French Creek State Park, passing dark fields on the way to town. I saw tiny flashes beyond the fences, tiny sparks in the dark. It was late October. Wasn't it too late for fireflies?\n\nPD30\n\nI was in my room when my cell phone rang. She was calling about algebra homework. We talked about that and then she said, \"You're acting funny.\"\n\n\"I am?\"\n\n\"Yeah.\"\n\n\"So, why aren't you laughing?\"\n\n\"You know what I mean. Strange. Different.\"\n\n\"I seem the same to me.\"\n\nSilence. And from downstairs, the smell of my mother's famous Granny Smith apple pie.\n\nFinally she said, \"Is last night bothering you?\"\n\n\"Why should it bother me?\" I said.\n\n\"You tell me.\"\n\n\"Yeah, I guess it bothers me.\"\n\n\"I knew it.\"\n\n\"It bothers me that because of my sister I missed seeing the Horsehead. Who knows when I'll ever get another chance.\"\n\nShe laughed. \"I knew it! I knew it! You're freaked out.\"\n\n\"Did I say that?\"\n\n\"It's not about your sister or the Horsehead. It's about me and BT, that's what. We freaked you out.\"\n\nThe word \"we\" hit me like a dart. Tabby strolled by, stopped at my doorway, put on her snooty face, said, \"Bob, you smell bad,\" moved on.\n\n\"What was there to get freaked out about?\"\n\nWait\u2014don't answer that.\n\nToo late.\n\n\"Oh, just him and me kissing, that's all.\"\n\n\"Wow, that's what you were doing? And here I thought you were watching the stars.\"\n\nShe laughed. \"Good one, Will. No, as a matter of fact, we were kissing under the stars. As you well know.\"\n\n\"Actually, I was busy watching the stars. That's what they're for, I thought.\"\n\nShe paused. \"Yeah. Sometimes. But sometimes they're for kissing under, too.\"\n\n\"Really? So that's what all those people were doing to their telescopes. Kissing them.\"\n\nTabby stopped in the doorway again, the faintest grin on her face. She stepped into my room, turned to the bookcase\u2014the chess trophy\u2014reached out with one pointed finger and tippy-touched the head of the king piece, grinning at me. I leaped from the bed. \"Get out!\" She screamed, ran.\n\n\"Good grief,\" said Mi-Su. \"What's going on over there? Let me guess. Your adorable little sister.\"\n\n\"Bingo.\"\n\n\"So...as I was saying, stars are for kissing under.\"\n\n\"If you say so.\"\n\n\"I do say so. And here's where you're all wrong\u2014it wasn't about me and BT.\"\n\n\"Did I say it was?\"\n\nShe ignored me. \"It was about me and BT and all the rest of it. The place. The night. The stars. Good grief, how could you not kiss somebody on a night like that?\"\n\n\"If you're with Tabitha Tuppence.\"\n\nShe howled. \"Touch\u00e9. But really, it was the time and place more than the person. It just happened. He was there, I was there, that's all. I don't even remember...who...\"\n\n\"\u2014made the move?\"\n\n\"Yeah. Who knows? Who cares? It was just, like, it's a crime to waste this moment. This moon. I would have kissed anybody.\"\n\n\"Glad I wasn't there.\"\n\nShouldn't have said that. I knew what was coming...\n\n\"Are you, Will?\"\n\nSaved by a clack! in the basement...\n\n\"Gotta go.\" I hung up. I raced down two flights of stairs, through the kitchen cloud of Granny Smith apple pie. Black Viper was in the middle of the basement floor, not where it was supposed to be.\n\nThe phone rang. It was still in my hand.\n\n\"What happened?\"\n\n\"My sister was on my skateboard in the basement. She ran when she heard me coming.\"\n\nThe basement door was open.\n\n\"Crisis over now?\"\n\nI picked up Black Viper. \"I guess.\"\n\nShe didn't speak again until I was back in my room. \"Will?\"\n\n\"Yeah?\"\n\n\"I never told you\u2014that was sweet of you to come looking for me to see the Horsehead.\"\n\n\"No big deal. I just thought you wanted to see it.\"\n\n\"I did. I do. When's the next star party?\"\n\n\"Spring.\"\n\n\"Spring. Long time to wait.\"\n\n\"The sky's not going anywhere.\"\n\nI got the feeling she wanted to say something, but there was only silence. Then: \"Well, see ya.\"\n\n\"See ya.\"\n\nI hung up.\n\nLike a song on replay, the conversation kept running over and over in my head. It occurred to me that it's not true that the Horsehead isn't going anywhere. Actually, it's flying away at thousands of miles a second. Everything is. The Brimley clock. Mi-Su's smile. My mother's Granny Smith apple pie. We live in a silent explosion. Everything is flying away from everything else...flying away...flying away...\n\nPD32\n\nIt's been over a month since BT became the first human to skateboard down Dead Man's Hill. No one else has tried it.\n\nIt's been three days since the star party. Since the silhouette on the hill. Was that a first for him also? Or has it been happening all along right under my nose? Exactly how much don't I know? Are others kissing her, too?\n\nPD35\n\nI ride Black Viper but I go nowhere. No matter what day it is, no matter what time, no matter where I am\u2014I'm always at the star party, staring at the silhouette on the crest of the hill, wishing that one dark shape would split in two. But it never does.\n\nPD44\n\nTwo Saturday nights have passed since the star party. We still play Monopoly as if two of the three of us have never kissed and a proton never died. BT comes late and buys everything he lands on and runs out of money. Mi-Su gives him loans and still he loses. We eat pizza and roll the dice and move the tokens around the board.\n\nI keep looking for clues of something between them but I don't see any. Do they secretly meet? Since that one phone call, Mi-Su has clammed up. Is she afraid of hurting my feelings? Does she think I like her that way?\n\nDo I?\n\nI don't know.\n\nI don't know.\n\nI don't know.\n\nPD49\n\nThe wheels of Black Viper crinkle over the autumn leaves.\n\nPD55\n\nI'm regressing. On Saturday mornings I go to the basement and do what I did when I was little: I watch Yosemite Sam and Daffy Duck cartoons. Tabby has discovered this, and so she joins me every Saturday morning. Here's how it goes. As I watch the cartoons I hear a sound behind me: plink...plink...plink. I know what it is. Jelly beans. Tabby is dropping them into the wastebasket, slowly, deliberately, so I'll hear. And not just any jelly beans. Black ones. Why? Because the only jelly beans I eat are the black ones, which I love. And so whenever she comes into some jelly beans, she heads for the wastebasket nearest to me and begins dropping the black ones: plink...plink...plink. Of course she's hoping that I'll turn and scream at her or something, but I don't. I just sit there and boil to myself, and when the last cartoon ends she runs up the stairs. The fact that she gives up her own Saturday morning cartoon-watching tells you all you need to know about how much she loves to torment me.\n\nPD71\n\nTop-floor dormer. Looking out the window. It was snowing. Well, just flurries actually. Thin dry flakes that weren't really falling but just sort of drifting by mistake into this Saturday in early December.\n\nOur house has four floors, five if you count the basement. It looks pretty modern inside, but outside it's a big brick boxy thing with a porch that starts in front and goes around the side. It was built in 1913. The fourth floor is this one big dormer. It's cold in winter, hot in summer. It's my favorite part of the house. I come up here to be alone, to look out the window, to think. I call it dormer-dreaming.\n\nWe use the dormer as an attic. Out-of-season clothes. Junk. Christmas gifts are already piling up in the corner. I wonder if one of them is my atomic watch. I don't feel any temptation to sneak a peek. My parents love that about me. They know they could put a Christmas present on my pillow in July and I wouldn't open it until December 25. They could put that on my tombstone too:\n\nHE COULD WAIT\n\nMy sister is another story. She has no more discipline than a shark smelling blood. That's why everybody's gifts are kept up here except hers. Nobody but my mother knows where they are. Tabby has already started pestering about them. She still believes in Santa Claus, of course, but she thinks, because she's so special, he dumps her stuff off at the house a month early.\n\nThere are other gifts up here, too, and that's a whole other story. They're mostly in silvery wrapping with silver ribbons. They're in a neat stack on a card table against the far wall, fifteen of them by actual count. They've been up here for eighteen years, since before I was born. Before that they were at Aunt Nancy's house. In the family, they're known as the wedding gifts.\n\nMy great-grandparents\u2014Andrew and Margaret Tuppence\u2014were missionaries. As the story goes, they met at seminary and fell in love. They got ordained and married on the same day. The next day they had to catch a boat to Africa, so there wasn't even time for a reception. But that didn't stop people from bringing gifts to the wedding. According to family legend, Margaret looked at the pile of gifts and laughed and said, \"If I get any happier, I'll burst. We'll open them when we get back.\" She told her mother to take the gifts home with her, and off they went to Tanganyika, now known as Tanzania. Margaret and Andrew. This was in 1930.\n\nEveryone expected them back in five years, ten at the most, but it just never worked out that way. Margaret and Andrew had two children over there, both boys, and they set up churches and medical clinics (Margaret was a medical doctor, too) and the years went by.\n\nIn 1943 Andrew died of black fever. Margaret stayed on with the boys. They finally came home in 1951. Margaret's mother, who was an old lady by then, still had the wedding gifts, but Margaret said she didn't want to open them without Andrew. \"We'll open them together in Heaven someday,\" she said.\n\nWell, Margaret's mother died, and then Margaret, and one of the boys became my grandfather and so forth, and the wedding gifts wound up at Aunt Nancy's and finally at our big old house, there on the card table against the wall in the dormer. For eighteen years they've been sitting there. They always look new because my mother keeps dusting them. She says they're history. They've become a sort of shrine, I guess. Some days in late afternoon the sun slants through the dormer window and nips a ribbon and it glistens like a tiny star.\n\nBelow the dormer window my sister was holding out her tongue and dripping Hershey's chocolate syrup onto it from a squeeze bottle. She turned her face to the sky. With the snowflakes falling on her chocolate-coated, stuck-out tongue, she figured she was getting an ice cream sundae.\n\nAnd I wondered, as I often do when I'm in the dormer: Why hasn't my out-of-control sister ever torn open the wedding gifts?\n\nI can see a lot from up there. I have my own telescope on a tripod. I slid it over to zero in on the clock on the tower of the Brimley Building. It was now an hour slow. I've noticed it seems slower every time I look. I'm surprised they're not doing something about it. I was about to focus in on Mi-Su's roof when I realized the snow was no longer thin flurries but fat, falling flakes. Beautiful.\n\nAll of a sudden I felt like I wanted to cry, which was really strange because I'm not the crying kind. Why did I feel so sad? The flakes were landing on the dry brown grass and Tabby now had a maraschino cherry on her tongue and her eyes were squeezed shut with her tongue out to the sky and she didn't know that Korbet Finn was sneaking up behind her. I felt bad for Korbet because he loves her and he didn't know he was about to make a colossal mistake and he didn't know that all the way from the maraschino cherry to the farthest quasar protons were dying, the snow was falling and protons were dying across the universe and tears were streaming down my face and Korbet Finn was scooping snow from the dry grass and sneaking up on Tabby and I had to turn away and go downstairs because I didn't want to see.\n\nPD77\n\nWe went to BT's house after school. It's a two-story dark green clapboard. The trim is supposed to be white, but the paint is mostly peeled off. The chimney is tilted as if it lost a battle with the wind.\n\nBut it's the inside that really gets your attention. When you open his front door you don't see a living room\u2014you see a dump. Magazines stacked to the ceiling. Books, cereal boxes, cans, jars, soda bottles, bottle caps, clothes hangers, rubber bands, string, paper clips, candy wrappers, toothpaste tubes, spent balloons, old telephones, toasters, electrical cords and plugs, catalogs, movie tickets, telephone pole political posters, tin cans, sneakers, combs, jelly jars. Everywhere. Dining room table. Stairway. Bedrooms. Bathroom. It's like the whole house is an attic.\n\nIt's all Mr. Bontempo's idea. He's going to have a museum, he says. About twenty years from now, he figures, all this common stuff will start looking old and interesting. He says people will flock to his Museum of Yesterday, happy to pay admission so they can see what toilet paper wrappers used to look like. This is why there's a sign over the front door:\n\nWHATEVER COMES HERE, STAYS HERE\n\nAs BT and I walked through pillars of stacked magazines, I heard snoring. A man was lying on the sofa. It wasn't BT's father.\n\n\"Who's that?\" I whispered as we went up the stairs.\n\n\"Tom.\"\n\n\"Tom who?\"\n\n\"I don't know.\"\n\n\"What's he doing here?\"\n\n\"Sleeping.\"\n\nI knew better than to ask more. Jelly jars, homeless people\u2014Mr. Bontempo welcomes them all equally. Tom will probably hang around for a couple of days and next time I show up, he'll be gone. I've seen it happen before.\n\nThere are piles in BT's room, too, but of only one thing: books. They're crammed into a bookcase and stacked in piles alongside it, in front of it, in the corners of the room, on the windowsills. All paperbacks. He gets them for quarters and dimes at thrift shops and yard sales, for nothing on trash pickup days at curbsides. They're ratty, stained, many with no covers. He's a pack rat in training.\n\nThe rest of the room is pretty boring. No posters on the walls. No TV. No CD player. No computer. No dartboard. No trophies.\n\nNo pictures.\n\nI thought I might see a picture of Mi-Su. I tried not to look obvious as I scanned the room for any sign of her.\n\nNothing.\n\nScreams in the hallway. A flash of jeans and sneakers past the doorway. BT's little twin sisters. They're like chipmunks\u2014darting, flitting. I never see anything but scraps of them. I don't think I'd recognize them by face in a police lineup.\n\nBT went off to take a pee. I sneaked peeks under the bed, in the closet, in his dresser drawers. No sign of Mi-Su.\n\nWe talked for a while in his room. Tossed a tennis ball back and forth. I wanted to ask him questions, about the star party night, but he never gave me an opening, he never mentioned the night. Or her.\n\nAnd then his father arrived. We could hear him pull up outside in a noiseball of squeals and chugs and a long, fading death rattle. He drives a truck. A big one, with slatted sides, like they haul mulch with. Somebody just gave it to him because it was junk and everybody knows Mr. B is The Human Dump. And a \"piston magician,\" as he calls himself. So he fixed it up and now the truck is his ride.\n\nHe came up the stairs calling, \"I smell kids!\" I thought of my father. Silent car. Silent entrance. I usually don't know he's home from work until I hear Tabby running and shrieking.\n\nFirst through the doorway was a long-handled contraption that reminded me of a floor polisher, then came the brim of his cowboy hat, then his beaming smile. \"My new toy,\" he said.\n\nIt was a metal detector. He's had them before. \"New model?\" I said.\n\n\"The newest. Pro Series VLF Discriminator. Eight-inch coil. We're hitting the beach this summer. Hundred dollars a day. Minimum.\"\n\nHe took a nickel from his pocket and tossed it under the bed. He put on earphones. He flipped a switch, the meter on the handle lit up. He swept the platterlike head of the detector under the bed. After a few seconds the needle on the meter leaped to the other side. I could hear a faint hum. He yipped: \"Gotcha!\"\n\nSo we went out to hunt treasure (Tom still snoring on the sofa). We piled into the truck and went bouncing through town on the way to Smedley Park. Mr. B kept up a constant chatter. I often wonder what it would be like to grow up as Mr. B's kid. (Amazingly, Mrs. B seems pretty regular. She runs the cafeteria at the hospital.) Mr. B doesn't work\u2014I mean, regular nine-to-five work. His one steady job is\u2014tah-dah!\u2014newspaper boy. Every morning at five o'clock he zips around in his truck flipping papers onto driveways. After that, he could be doing anything: hauling furniture, painting houses, handymanning, fixing cars, planning his museum. It's not like he's never busy. It's just that from day to day\u2014or, really, minute to minute\u2014you never know what he's going to be busy at. Because even when he's working\u2014fixing a car, painting a house\u2014all he has to hear is \"Daddy, come play!\" and he's gone. He always has time.\n\nHERE LIES \nMARIO BONTEMPO \n...FOR THE MOMENT\n\nIt's easy to see why BT blows through life like a candy wrapper in a hurricane. That's why, as much as I love Mr. B, I'm afraid that when I look at him I'm seeing a preview of who BT will become.\n\nWhen we got to Smedley Park, Mr. B said, \"Okay, Anthony, you want first crack at the Discriminator?\"\n\n\"Sure,\" said BT.\n\nMr. B handed him the detector. \"Go for it. Try the monkey bars. Upside-down kids. Falling money. Me and Will are gonna scout around a little.\"\n\nBT nodded and put on the earphones and headed off, natural as you please. He never seems to be embarrassed about his father or his dumpy house or his ratty, off-the-junkpile skateboard.\n\nWe rode off. I figured by \"scout around\" Mr. B meant we would check out some curbside trash, looking for things for his museum. But we didn't. He pulled into a 7-Eleven parking lot and cut the motor. He took off his cowboy hat and laid it carefully on the dash. He turned to me and said, \"So. Will. What's bothering you?\"\n\nI just sat there, stunned. All I could say was \"Huh?\"\n\nHe grinned. \"Don't huh me. You've been the Very Big Think lately. It shows.\"\n\nThat's what he calls me sometimes: the Big Think. Because I always have this serious look on my face. It's not true, but that's what he says.\n\nMaybe it was the way he leaned back against the cab door. Maybe it was the way he smiled and held out his hand, inviting, and said, \"So...?\" Maybe it was knowing how safe Mr. B is to talk to. Maybe it was knowing that of the two things on my mind lately, the one I couldn't possibly talk to him about was Mi-Su.\n\nWhatever, suddenly the words were tumbling out of my mouth: \"I see tiny flashes.\" I knew how crazy it sounded, but he looked as if he heard people say it every day. I told him about Yellowknife and the proton that died. \"It was seventy-seven days ago. I can't help keeping track.\"\n\nI blathered on and on. I said things to him that I hadn't even said to myself. I asked him if he realized what it meant, the proton vanishing. Did he realize nothing would last, that sooner or later every last speck and smidgeon of matter would disappear?\n\nHe steepled his fingers under his chin. He nodded. \"Interesting.\"\n\n\"See, here it is,\" I said. \"I know I'm not going to live forever. I know that. I'm not stupid.\"\n\nHe nodded. \"So?\"\n\nI chuckled. \"So, I'm in the grave. Here lies Will Tuppence.\"\n\n\"And a fine lad he was.\"\n\n\"Yeah.\" Chuckle. \"But here's the thing. Even though I'm dead, it's still me in there, in the coffin. It's still my stuff, Will Tuppence stuff. Will Tuppence's bones and calcium and molecules and atoms and protons.\"\n\nHe blinked, grinned, gave me a pistol finger-point. \"For a while.\"\n\nSometimes I think he's read every book stacked in his house. \"Yeah! Right! Okay! You're ahead of me.\" I was talking about the grimmest thing imaginable. Why was I excited? \"You're thinking after eons of time even my coffin and bones will disintegrate and scatter and the sun will gobble up the earth and my protons will wind up in a star somewhere or just drifting through empty space.\"\n\nHe gave me wide-eyed wonder. \"Did I say all that?\"\n\nI smacked his knee. \"Absolutely. But see, even then, those particles were still me once. Somewhere in the universe, forever and ever, my protons\u2014my protons\u2014will be out there. My stuff.\"\n\n\"Will Tuppence was here.\"\n\n\"Exactly!\" I loved him.\n\n\"But\u2014\"\n\n\"Yeah. But. But now we find out that stuff doesn't last. Not even protons. It won't be forever and ever after all. It'll be like I was never here. Never even here.\"\n\n\"Will Tuppence wasn't here.\"\n\n\"But.\"\n\n\"Ah. The old double-but.\"\n\n\"If Heaven is a dimension, and angels are non-stuff, and Forever is...like, forever...\"\n\nHe waited. \"So? Then?\"\n\n\"I'm afraid to say it. It sounds so goofy.\"\n\nHe tapped my knee. \"No problem. I'll say it for you. If the second but is true, then maybe, somehow, in some form, you'll go on forever. Never-ending Will.\"\n\nI winced. \"It sounds even more crazy when somebody else says it. Why should I care what happens to my protons a gazillion years from now?\" I turned to him. \"Mr. B, what's wrong with me?\"\n\nHe smiled. He squeezed my hand. \"Nothing. You're smart enough to know you don't have all the answers, that's all.\"\n\n\"I'm god-awful at not being sure.\"\n\n\"You'll get better.\"\n\n\"But the tiny flashes\u2014what about them?\"\n\nHe gave a little chuckle. Wasn't he taking me seriously? \"Are they like those little Fourth of July sparklers? Or those sparkling birthday candles?\"\n\nI nodded. \"Both. And sometimes fireflies.\" I sighed. \"I'm a nutcase!\"\n\nThe neon lights of the 7-Eleven came on, giving his ears a green glow. He reached for his cowboy hat. \"You're a kid trying to figure out the world you were born into, that's all. And I got news for you\u2014you're no nuttier than me.\" He put the hat on. \"Better get back to Anthony. He's probably rich by now.\" He turned the key. The truck rumbled to life.\n\nPD78\n\nEureka!\n\nI know BT's secret!\n\nIt came to me early this Saturday morning. I ran up to the dormer. I trained my telescope on the clock tower of the Brimley Building. It was now an hour and fifteen minutes slow.\n\nI was right!\n\nI called him up.\n\n\"You buffoon! You total buffoon!\"\n\n\"Huh?\" he said. Sounded like I woke him up.\n\n\"I know what you're doing. You're setting the Brimley clock back. You're doing it a little bit at a time.\"\n\nSilence.\n\n\"Right?\"\n\n\"Bingo. Good night.\"\n\n\"Don't ever try to keep a secret from me again,\" I said, but he had already hung up.\n\nI try to imagine how he does it. I can't.\n\nPD80\n\nMail was waiting for me when I got home from school. From Mr. B. Postal mail. He doesn't have a computer. I opened it. There were just three words:\n\nBeware of solipsism\n\nFunny word. Sounds like it means \"love of melons\" or something. I looked it up. It means believing that \"the self is the only reality.\"\n\nAm I a solipsist?\n\nPD84\n\nI'm going to kiss her.\n\nIt came to me during biology lab today. She was at another table, leaning over her fetal pig, and I couldn't stop staring at her. And somehow it was all the better because she didn't know I was staring. I don't know why, but I zeroed in on the back of her neck. Her black hair is short, so her neck shows, and it has this thin gold chain around it that holds her little amber sea horse, which at the moment was dangling over the fetal pig, and after years and years of knowing her, suddenly I couldn't take my eyes off the back of her neck.\n\nI thought about her through the next class and I haven't stopped since. I think it will be OK. I mean, if she kissed BT, why not me? And I'm pretty sure (sometimes) there's nothing going on between them. No new jewelry has suddenly appeared on her. No sign of her in BT's room. No sneaky glances between them at Saturday-night Monopoly.\n\nI keep thinking of what she said on the phone that day. I wrote things down:\n\n\"...wasn't about me and BT...\"\n\n\"...the place...the night...the stars...\"\n\n\"...I would have kissed anybody...\"\n\nI try not to think too deep into that one.\n\nWhat I need to do now is come up with the time, the place. The moment. Too bad there are no star parties till spring. But there are still the stars. And light pollution. And clouds. Can't do anything about light pollution. Clouds, I can pray against. At least I can count on night to show up.\n\nI'm thinking...\n\nPD88\n\nThinking...\n\nPD89\n\nLetter from Mr. B:\n\nWhy does a back scratch feel better coming from somebody else than if you do it yourself?\n\nPD90\n\nThinking...\n\nPD91\n\nBingo! Christmas vacation. It's almost here. That's when I'll do it. I'm working on the details.\n\nPD92\n\nMy mother is on the warpath.\n\nTabby found her Christmas presents, three days before Christmas. She tore the wrapping off every one. She knows everything she's getting.\n\nThey were hidden on the top shelf of the winter\/summer clothes closet that my father had built in the basement. They were completely covered with summer shirts, bathing suits, etc. She had first tried standing on a chair, but she still couldn't reach. So she dragged the half stepladder down from the garage. Still not high enough. So she dragged down the full stepladder. Nobody knows how she did this without being seen or heard. (Or, I'm thinking, without help. I wonder if she lured Korbet. Or BT.)\n\nMy mother made the discovery around noon. It's like a crime scene. You can feel the frenzy. The chair and small stepladder flung across the basement. Summer shirts and bathing suits everywhere. The floor covered with ripped paper, bows, ribbons. Gift boxes ripped open, covers gone. One lid is twenty feet away, under the dartboard. So far there's no evidence that she actually took anything. It seems like she looked, then left everything there, in their boxes, on the floor, for all the world to see.\n\nAnd my mother is calling: \"TABBY! TABBEEEEE!\"\n\nPD96\n\nI got it! The Exacta. My very own atomic watch. It doesn't look special. Just a gray plain-looking face with digital numbers, stainless-steel band. But its coolness lies beneath its looks. Its tiny receiver picks up the radio signal from the Atomic Clock, keeping me accurate to one second every million years. I wore it to bed Christmas night.\n\nMy parents punished Tabby by not rewrapping her presents. Her stuff sat under the tree yesterday in their boxes and plastic, looking naked next to everyone else's gussied-up gifts. The idea was to teach her a lesson, teach her some self-control. Show her how she ruined the whole surprise factor of Christmas morning. So she won't do it again.\n\nMemo: It didn't work. She tore into her stuff, paid no attention to the rest of us, shrieked and squealed and wallowed in her pile of no-bow presents like a hog in slop.\n\nActually, Tabby did get one wrapped present. From Korbet. He did his knock-and-run thing. Tabby didn't bother to answer the door, but my mother did. When she returned she said to Tabby, \"There's a gift on the front step. I think it's for you.\" At that moment I could see Tabby's gears starting to work: How much do I hate Korbet? Enough to not even take his present?\n\nBy lunchtime she couldn't stand it any longer. She stomped out to the front step and snatched the gift. She flung it to the sofa. The wrap job was sloppy, scotch tape, no bows, no ribbons. It was the size of a deck of cards. In fact, I was sure that's what it was. Korbet is always asking her to play Old Maid.\n\nTabby pretended to ignore it, but you could hear her brain grinding. About midafternoon she raced to the sofa, tore off the paper, saw it was a deck of Old Maid cards, snarled, \"Lugnut!\" and threw the cards into the wastebasket.\n\nShe did get cash from relatives. Forty-five dollars. She thinks she's rich.\n\nPD97\n\nMi-Su is in Florida. She went down to visit her aunt and uncle in Tampa. This messes up my kiss plan. Got to retool.\n\nPD100\n\nOne hundred days ago the proton died.\n\nTabby's Christmas money is gone.\n\nIn my sleep last night I heard the plink...plink...plink of Tabby dropping black jelly beans into a wastebasket.\n\nPD106\n\nI snapped.\n\nI can't believe it. It's not me.\n\nHERE LIES WILL TUPPENCE \nHE NEVER SNAPPED \n(WELL, MAYBE ONCE)\n\nIt happened tonight in my basement. Monopoly night. All the usual stuff: BT bought everything he landed on, BT ran out of money, BT mortgaged his properties, BT chirped, \"Wheelin' and dealin',\" BT went flat broke\u2014nothing that hasn't happened a hundred times before. And then Mi-Su says to him, \"How much do you need? I'll give you a loan\"\u2014like a hundred times before, only this time\u2014snap!\u2014I went bonkers.\n\nIt's like Will Tuppence II showed up. I heard myself yelling at Mi-Su: \"No!\"\n\nMi-Su winced as if my voice was a gust of wind. Her eyes went wide. \"No what?\"\n\n\"No more loans.\"\n\nShe laughed. \"It's my money. I can do what I want with it.\"\n\n\"No, you can't.\" I groped for the rule book, riffled the pages. \"Here! Quote, 'No player may borrow or lend money to another player.'\" I smacked the page. \"There it is.\"\n\nShe stared at me with those wide eyes, her mouth frozen in wonderment, as if she was seeing ten falling stars at once. \"You're serious,\" she said. \"Look at you. You're red.\"\n\nTabby clapped. \"He's red! He's red!\"\n\n\"Yeah, I'm serious,\" I tell her. \"It's right here. In the rules.\"\n\n\"We break the rules all the time.\" She spoke softly, as if a loud voice would shatter me.\n\n\"It's not fair,\" I said. \"It's not fair to the other players.\"\n\n\"You're the other player.\"\n\n\"We should play right or not play at all.\"\n\nMi-Su blinked. \"Will, it doesn't make any difference. I just lend money to BT to keep him in the game for a little longer.\" Do you? I thought. Or is there some connection between this and the star-party kiss? \"You know what's going to happen. Sooner or later he's going to lose. He always loses.\" She leaned forward, enunciated: \"And. He. Doesn't. Care.\"\n\nAll this time BT was lounging on the floor, his chin propped up on his hand, grinning. Tabby jumped on his back. \"Yeah! You always lose! Looozer! Loozer!\"\n\n\"Well,\" I said, \"maybe I care.\"\n\nMi-Su frowned. \"What's that mean?\"\n\nI didn't know what it meant. The storm inside me had passed. Just dry husks of thought left on the ground.\n\n\"Maybe I'm thinking of him. Maybe I want him to win. Maybe I want him to win fair and square, that's all.\"\n\nMi-Su just stared. She knew it was all bull-crap.\n\nBT finally spoke: \"All I know is, you meatballs wouldn't stand a chance if this game had more railroads.\"\n\nTabby was perched on BT's shoulders. She pointed down at me, sneered, \"Meatball!\"\n\nWhen I went to bed all I could think was: You jerk. What makes you think she'll want to kiss you back now?\n\nPD108\n\nStrange territory for me: the after-snap. I still feel myself vibrating. Humming. When I think about it, one minute I'm embarrassed, the next minute I'm\u2014what? Excited? Thrilled? I mean, feeling myself lose it like that\u2014I wonder if it was anything like BT's plunge down Dead Man's Hill: off the edge of self-control and down the slippery slope of my own words. Scary. Wouldn't do it again. But kind of OK with having done it that once.\n\nAnd surprised that the whole world seems to be OK with it, too. No announcement over the PA this morning: \"Calling all classes! Please note that on Saturday night at around nine o'clock Will Tuppence snapped....\"\n\nBT was perfectly normal in school today, like it never happened. He came at me before homeroom: \"Yo, Will! Check this out.\" And showed me a handful of change he found with his father's new detector. I had been toying with the idea of saying \"Sorry about the other night,\" but I could see there was no point. He would have said, \"What are you talking about?\"\n\nSo he's letting me off the hook. Fine. But here's the twisted part: now I'm a little mad at that. Why? Because by ignoring my bad behavior he throws it back in my face. Because he refuses to care about anything. How do you deal with somebody who can't be insulted?\n\nSo what the heck do I want? I think I want him to forgive me. But that will never happen, because you can't forgive unless you first give a crap.\n\nI finally got to Mi-Su at lunch. I steered her to an empty table in the corner. (BT usually sits with us, but he left school before lunch. Took a half-day. He does that sometimes.) Somebody called: \"Check it out\u2014Tuppence and Kelly.\" Mi-Su smiled (dazzling), laughed (smile on wheels), stuck out her tongue at the caller.\n\nWe sat down. I jumped in: \"I was a jerk the other night.\"\n\nShe pried the plastic lid off her salad. \"Just the other night?\"\n\n\"Funny girl.\"\n\nShe went straight for the radish. She crunched it. \"Did you tell him?\"\n\nI picked at the clear wrap on my egg salad sandwich. \"Well, actually, I was sort of going to, and then when I saw him this morning he was so, like, Who cares? Like, it's today now. It's like he never even noticed.\"\n\nI caught a whiff of radish breath. \"He didn't.\"\n\nI unwrapped my sandwich. \"I feel like the villain.\"\n\n\"Hissss.\"\n\n\"I was thinking about this\u2014\"\n\n\"You're always thinking.\"\n\n\"The thing is, that's not why I get mad at him.\"\n\nShe crunched the second radish. \"If you say so.\"\n\n\"Hey\"\u2014I jabbed half a sandwich at her\u2014\n\n\"maybe I care more about him than he cares about himself. Ever think of that? Ever think that when I bust his chops it's\u2014\"\n\nShe finished the sentence: \"\u2014for his own good. I know.\"\n\n\"So?\" I said. \"Is that so bad? Is it so bad to want him to amount to something? Look at him. He goes down hills and messes up clocks. What kind of life is that?\"\n\nShe sipped her orange juice. Orange juice and radish. Sicko. \"What I think is, we have this conversation about once a month.\"\n\n\"Sorry,\" I said. \"So, shoot me for caring.\"\n\nNow she was looking at me funny.\n\n\"What?\" I said.\n\n\"It just occurred to me. Out of the blue.\"\n\n\"What?\"\n\n\"You never laugh out loud.\"\n\n\"You're off the subject,\" I told her. \"And you're crazy, too. I do so laugh out loud.\"\n\nShe studied me. \"I don't think so. I've known you most of my life. If you did, I'd know it.\"\n\n\"Well, you're wrong.\"\n\nShe shaded her eyes with her hand and squinted, as if I was standing in sunlight far away. \"No, I don't think so.\" She brought back her normal face, smiled. \"Anyway, I think you should just stop caring. So much.\"\n\n\"Huh?\"\n\n\"He's got parents for that. Just be his friend.\"\n\n\"I am. He's my best friend. That's what this is all about.\"\n\n\"You have a funny way of showing it. And anyway, you're not caring. You're meddling.\"\n\nAm I? Is she right?\n\n\"Don't you care about him?\" I said. And instantly wished I could take the words back. They covered more territory than I meant. Would she think I was thinking of the star-party kiss?\n\nBut she was cool. Impy. Mi-Su. She plastic-forked salad into her mouth, chewed, stared at me, fingered the amber sea horse at her throat, grinned. \"Of course.\"\n\nWhat did she mean by that?\n\n\"So?\" I said. Whatever that meant.\n\n\"So,\" she said, munching, \"I'm along for the ride.\" The bell rang. She laughed, pointed at my sandwich. \"You never took a bite, you moron.\"\n\nThe Big Snap has knocked me off my planning for the kiss. I need to refocus.\n\nPD109\n\nAlong for the ride...along for the ride...\n\nPD110\n\nLooking in the mirror. Smiling. Laughing out loud.\n\nPD111\n\nplink...plink...plink...\n\nPD113\n\nI'm at the top of a hill. Dead Man's Hill. Black Viper wobbles beneath me. Wind whistles. I'm scared. Nothing but air beneath me. I want to go back but I can't. Something pushes me. I spill off the edge, I'm heading down. I can't stop. There's nothing to hang on to. My body drags back while my toes point straight down like a ballet dancer. Black Viper's wheels are stuttering, skipping. The wind is screaming. I can't stop. The wheels lose contact. I'm surfing space. Black Viper goes drifting off, like a jettisoned fuel tank. I'm falling...falling...the wind is screaming...Wally ate a potato every day...Wally ate a potato every day...\n\nI opened my eyes.\n\nTabby was straddling my chest, wearing her snooty I-can-read face, saying over and over, \"Wally ate a potato every day.\"\n\nI bucked, I swatted, but she was faster. She flitted from the bed like a grasshopper. On the way out the door she bumped the bookcase. My chess trophy tottered, toppled, crashed to the floor.\n\nThe pewter King Arthur lay by himself, broken off at the ankles. I cradled it in my hand. The only trophy I'd ever won.\n\nPD118\n\nThe trophy is fixed. I got it back from Hicks' today. It's not on the bookcase by the door anymore. It's high. On top of my dresser.\n\nI put a hook-and-eye lock on my door. I use it at night.\n\nPD119\n\nValentine's Day! Perfecto! That's when I'll do it.\n\nI'm drawing up a plan.\n\nPD120\n\nSaturday. The dormer. BT and me.\n\nHe had to take his little twin chipmunks to the dentist. Then they came here. They were all playing in Tabby's room, the three of them shrieking beneath us.\n\nWe sat on the floor, eating hoagies from the deli. BT pointed to the wedding gifts. \"When are you gonna open them?\"\n\nI shrugged. \"Me? Never. Maybe nobody ever will. Or maybe some archaeologist someday.\"\n\nHe wagged his head. \"Crazy.\"\n\n\"Why?\"\n\n\"They're both dead, right? The newlyweds?\"\n\n\"Yeah. Andrew and Margaret. Long dead.\"\n\n\"So open them.\"\n\n\"They're not mine. They're like a memorial. It's a family tradition to not open them.\"\n\n\"Open them.\"\n\n\"No.\"\n\nHe reached. \"I'll open them.\"\n\nI slapped his hand away.\n\n\"If they were in my house\u2014\"\n\n\"Yeah,\" I said, \"I know.\"\n\n\"I'm surprised Tabby hasn't ripped into them.\"\n\n\"Yeah,\" I said, \"I am, too. It's a mystery.\"\n\nIt seemed impossible that the shrieking below could get any louder, but suddenly it did, followed by stampeding footsteps. Three miniature girls burst into the dormer. The first, one of the twins, raced bawling into BT's arms.\n\n\"Tabby tripped me!\"\n\n\"She stold Ozzie,\" gushed Tabby. \"I had to stop her.\" She was hugging her octopus.\n\n\"Where's it hurt?\" said BT.\n\n\"I don't know!\" wailed the twin. Her arms collared BT's neck, her face was buried under his chin. I'd never heard such screaming. I kept looking for blood. Tabby and the other twin were gaping.\n\nBT cradled her like a baby, rocked her. He was perfectly calm. \"I think I know,\" he said. He pulled up her pant leg. \"I think it's right here.\" He kissed her knee. \"That better?\"\n\nShe nodded. She stopped bawling. He tickled her. She laughed. A minute later the three of them were shrieking again in Tabby's room.\n\nPD127\n\nEighteen days till Valentine's! I work on The Plan every day. It's almost ready.\n\nPD128\n\nPlanning...\n\nPD129\n\nPlanning...\n\nPD130\n\nTHE PLAN\n\nInspired by the words of Mi-Su Kelly: \n\"The stars. The place. The night.\"\n\n * I. The Place\n\nA. Smedley Park\n\n1. Picnic grove\n\n * II. The Night\n\nA. Speaks for itself\n\n * III. The Stars\n\nA. First Option (Clear Sky)\n\n1. Real (Polaris, Sirius, etc.)\n\n * B. Second Option (Cloudy Sky)\n\n1. Not real (See V-B)\n\n * IV. Extra Credit\n\nA. The Moon\n\n * V. Equipment\/Materials\n\nA. Thermos\n\n1. Hot chocolate\n\nB. Paper Stars\n\n1. Possible supply sources\n\na. Lily Pad Art Supplies\n\nb. Staples\n\nc. Rite-Aid\n\n * VI. The Bait (at school, February 14)\n\nA. \"I'm taking my telescope to Smedley Park tonight. Try to see the Horsehead Nebula. Want to come?\"\n\n * VII. Procedure\n\nA. Walk with her to Smedley Park after dinner\n\nB. Set up scope\n\n1. Fail to find Horsehead Nebula\n\na. On purpose\n\n * C. Drink hot chocolate\n\n1. Share cup\n\n * 2. Romantic\n * D. Words\n\n1. \"Hey, I guess we're having our own little star party here, huh?\"\n\n2. \"Know what we need? More stars!\"\n\nE. Dump paper stars over our heads\n\nF. Words\n\n1. \"Happy Valentine's Day!\"\n\nG. Kiss\n\nPD132\n\nI bought stars today at Lily Pad. Little gold ones, like I used to get on my spelling quizzes in first grade. I also bought hot chocolate. Microwavable. With little marshmallows.\n\nPD133\n\nThis is the month! Thirteen days and a wake-up.\n\nPD136\n\nThe more I look at The Plan, the more I see what it doesn't cover: What happens after the kiss? How will she react? What will she say? I keep coming up with new possibilities. All day long I hear her voice in my head:\n\n\"Oh, Will!\"\n\n\"Will...I didn't know you felt that way about me.\"\n\n\"Those stars did the trick!\"\n\n\"I wish you hadn't done that, Will.\"\n\nPD137\n\n\"You Romeo, you.\"\n\n\"Mmm...yummy.\"\n\n\"I've had better kisses from a puppy.\"\n\nPD139\n\nOne week!\n\nPD140\n\n\"Will...wow! Who have you been practicing on?\"\n\n\"Kiss me again, you fool.\"\n\n\"Not bad\u2014but you're no BT.\"\n\nPD141\n\nI was tense at Monopoly tonight. All the usual little things\u2014Mi-Su calling me \"sicko\" because of my anchovies and extra sauce, BT yapping he's \"wheelin' and dealin'\"\u2014seemed a little different, dipped in glitter, like this is our last Saturday-night Monopoly game before the world changes\u2014again. I remembered Mi-Su's words when the proton died: \"Nothing will ever be the same.\"\n\nI watched BT move the tiny iron around the board, and suddenly the question occurred to me: Am I cheating on him? How much do I really know about him and Mi-Su? Mi-Su says it was the night, not BT. Is she telling the truth? Even if she is, what about BT? Was it just the night and the stars for him, too? Or was it Mi-Su? Has he been thinking about Mi-Su just like I have? Has he discovered the back of her neck, too?\n\nPD142\n\nSomething could have happened.\n\nBut didn't.\n\nAround seven o'clock tonight the doorbell rang. It was Mi-Su. I don't know why, but I was shocked. She just stood there smiling: black coat, bright red knitted hat with bunny-tail tassel, matching red mittens, matching red nose from the cold, just standing there smiling at me, breaking the world record for adorableness. I didn't think\u2014I just did. I reached out and grabbed her and kissed her right there on the front step....\n\nHah! I wish.\n\nMi-Su really did come to the door, but it was only a kind of second me\u2014Shadow Me\u2014that reacted that way. Real Me just stood there, because making a move now wasn't in The Plan and there were still three days to go. Real Me smiled back at her and said, \"Hi. What's up?\" and she made a face and said, \"Geometry. I hate it. Can you help me?\" and Real Me said, \"Sure, come on in.\"\n\nShe stayed for a couple of hours and we did her geometry, and most of the time we were alone in the basement and sometimes her face was only inches from mine, and Shadow Me kept kicking Real Me in the shins and hissing, \"Kiss her...kiss her now!...\" but I stayed with The Plan, and when I went to bed the pillow whispered in my ear, \"You blew it.\"\n\nPD143\n\n\"Nice try, for an amateur. Come back and see me in a couple of years.\"\n\nPD145\n\nAlong the flagstone walkway that goes from our driveway to the front door, there are bushes. I was coasting down the sidewalk after school, about a block from home. Tabby's school bus stopped and out she popped. She trudged up the driveway, her backpack hugging her like a baby monkey. She was almost to the front step when suddenly the bushes moved and out popped Korbet Finn. \"Happy Valentine's Day!\" he shouted and planted a nose-deep kiss in her cheek.\n\nTabby recoiled, snarled, \"That's tomorrow, lugnut!\" and shoved him back into the bushes.\n\nUh-oh. Was this an omen for tomorrow\u2014The Big Day?\n\nI'm going to chicken out. I know it. I'm terrified. My atomic watch is ticking off the seconds. I can't do it. I don't like not knowing what comes after Plan Part VII-G. In chess, you don't make a move until you know how your opponent will counter. I'm going to chicken out!\n\nPD146\n\nThe night was clear. No clouds. The stars as good as they get around here. Even the moon showed up, but just a thin toenail clipping, not bright enough to drown out the stars.\n\nI set up my scope. Couldn't find the Horsehead. (Aw shucks.) Let her try. No dice. Her disappointment was no act. \"Poopy!\" she said. I don't know why, that just tickled me. We drank hot chocolate from the same thermos cup. The red plastic cup matched her mittens and hat. I had been afraid she would say, \"Didn't you bring a cup for me?\" but she didn't.\n\nWhen we finished the hot chocolate, I screwed the cup back on and walked a couple of steps away from her and pretended to gaze up at the sky and said, \"Hey, guess what?\"\n\n\"What?\" she said.\n\n\"I think we're having our own little star party here.\"\n\nAfter I said it I didn't breathe, because I was sure she was going to say, \"Are you kidding? This isn't even close to a real star party at French Creek. So don't get any ideas, pal.\"\n\nBut she didn't.\n\nShe looked at me. She looked at the sky. She held out her arms as if welcoming the stars to come down. She said, \"Well...yeah...you're right.\"\n\nI reached into my pocket (where I had dumped the paper stars before I left the house). I walked over to her. Even with the real stars up there, I was going to use all my ammo. I swallowed hard. \"Know what we need?\" I said\u2014croaked, actually.\n\n\"What?\" she said dreamily, looking up.\n\nI froze. My hand was in my pocket and the stars were in my hand, but I couldn't move, I couldn't speak.\n\nAnd then she seemed to come out of her trance and her face was turning toward me and her mouth was opening to say something and suddenly I was doing it\u2014holding my fistful of stars over her head and letting them fall and blurting way too loud, \"More stars!\"\n\nAnd \"Happy Valentine's Day!\"\n\nAnd kissing her.\n\nSo hard that my teeth clacked into hers. I backed off and it was soft and OK and her shoulders were in my hands and I only knew what I could feel because my eyes were clamped down shut. When I finally pulled away and opened my eyes, I was surprised to see that hers were closed, too.\n\nI braced myself for her words\u2014Please don't wisecrack, I prayed\u2014but she said nothing. She just smiled. And kissed me again.\n\nWe were halfway home when I realized I had left my telescope behind and we had to go back for it.\n\nPD147\n\nOn Fridays the first time I see Mi-Su is in second-period Spanish. I'm always there first. I take a seat toward the back. She's always one of the last to come in. She looks for me, smiles, waggles her fingertips and takes a seat in the first row, even though there's usually an empty seat beside me.\n\nI thought today might be different. I thought she might come back to the seat beside me. She didn't. Everything was the same: look for me, smile, waggle, first row. Well, what did I expect? Did I expect her to rush back and flop into my lap? Did I think she'd be hauling around a big sign saying WILL KISSED ME LAST NIGHT?\n\nStupid me, maybe I did, because I kept turning corners all day, half expecting to bump into her, smiling, maybe winking, shyly\/slyly saying something. Instead of thinking about Spanish and physics and English, my head ran imaginary conversations:\n\nHer: Hi.\n\nMe: Hi.\n\nHer: Nice time last night.\n\nMe: Yeah.\n\nHer: I didn't sleep much.\n\nMe: Me neither.\n\nHer: I kept thinking about...\n\nMe: What?\n\nHer (sly grin): You know.\n\nMe: Yeah.\n\nHer: Know what I wish?\n\nMe: What?\n\nHer: I wish a whole year passed already and this is Valentine's Day again.\n\nMe: Yeah.\n\nHer: So when are you going to kiss me again?\n\nLunchtime\u2014not the one in my head but the real one\u2014was a dud. She talked to me. She talked to BT. She talked to the other kids at the table. She didn't send me any special, secret smiles. No winks. No mention of Valentine's Day. No leading questions to the others, like, \"So, what did you guys do last night?\"\n\nNothing.\n\nSo after lunch I started asking myself leading questions. Like, Did Mi-Su say anything to BT about last night? Like, What?\n\nSuddenly I wanted to check out BT for clues. I tried to remember. Was he looking at me funny today? Did he seem a little frosty? I couldn't check him out now because he took another half-day. When lunch was over, instead of going to his next class, he just kept walking right on out of school.\n\nI started running a new conversation in my head:\n\nHer: So, what did you do last night?\n\nHim: Nothing. Hung at home. Read. You?\n\nHer: Went to Smedley.\n\nHim: At night?\n\nHer: Yeah. With Will.\n\nHim (taken aback): Our Will? Will Tuppence?\n\nHer: No, Will Shakespeare.\n\nHim: Wha'd you do?\n\nHer: Drank hot chocolate. Looked at the stars. He brought his telescope.\n\nHim: What else?\n\nHer: He kissed me.\n\nHim: Did you kiss him back?\n\nHer: I guess you could say that.\n\nHim: Did you like it?\n\nHer: I guess you could say that.\n\nHim: Do you love him? Is that what it is now, Will and Mi-Su forever?\n\nHer (laughs): Hey\u2014the place. The night. The stars. How could you not kiss somebody?\n\nHim: What about us? You, me, the star party? Was it as good as that?\n\nHer (sly grin): Wouldn't you like to know?\n\nBy last class I was a mess. Did she? Didn't she? And then school was over and I was heading for the exit when I felt someone squeeze my hand. She was rushing past me, saying, \"Gotta run!\" I knew she was heading for the auditorium and tryouts for The Music Man. I felt that squeeze all the way home. I feel it now. It says everything. Yes!\n\nPD148\n\nI was right: the world has changed. I'm just not sure exactly how.\n\nWe were at Mi-Su's for Monopoly. I went over early. I figured we could fit in a little alone-time together. And so who answers the door? BT! He was already there. He's never early. Late is the only thing he ever is. That's his middle name: Late. BLT, I call him sometimes.\n\nWords jammed in my head: Why are you early? Do you know about me and Mi-Su the other night? What did she say to you? What's going on here? The words that came out were: \"You're early.\"\n\n\"So are you,\" he said. He reached for the pizza boxes I carried. \"Gimme. I'm hungry.\"\n\nAn hour later BT went up to the bathroom and Mi-Su and I found ourselves alone. At first neither of us said a word. I snuck a glance at her. She was counting her money. Finally I reached out and touched her hand with the tip of my finger and said, \"Hi.\" Her head came up with that dazzling smile. She did the same fingertip thing to my hand. \"Hi.\" And suddenly everything was okay. Perfect.\n\n\"How did the tryouts go?\" I said.\n\n\"Good.\"\n\n\"Did you make it?\"\n\n\"Everybody makes it. It's just a question of what role you get.\"\n\n\"What role do you want?\"\n\n\"Well, every girl wants to be Marian.\"\n\n\"Who's that?\"\n\n\"The female lead. The librarian. She gets to sing all the great songs.\"\n\n\"That'll be you.\"\n\nShe laughed. \"No, it won't be me. It'll be some senior. Probably Jen Willard. I'll be in the chorus. I'll be happy.\"\n\nAnd then BT came back and resumed buying up railroads and \"wheelin' and dealin',\" mortgaging to the hilt, went broke and on his next move landed on Chance. Picked a card. Advance to Illinois Avenue. He slid his thimble down to Illinois, which I owned. At this point I only had two houses on it, so all he owed me was $300, but it might as well have been three million. I said, \"Three hundred,\" and Mi-Su burst out laughing.\n\n\"What?\" I said.\n\n\"You,\" she said. \"The way you said it.\"\n\nAlready I didn't like how this was going.\n\n\"How many ways are there to say three hundred?\"\n\nShe laughed again. \"I don't know. You say it so...casual. So businessy. Like you expect him to pay it. Like you don't know he's totally broke.\"\n\nI turned to BT. I tried to sound as mournful as possible. \"I regret to inform you, sir, that a rental fee in the amount of three hundred dollars is now due.\"\n\nBT held out his hands, wrists together to be cuffed. \"Take me to the poorhouse.\"\n\n\"Not yet,\" said Mi-Su. There was a new firmness in her voice. I expected her usual Operation Rescue BT, but this time it was different. She didn't give him the $300; she handed it directly to me. She looked me in the eye, smiled, daring me to say something. And she wasn't finished. She picked up her yellow title deed cards\u2014Atlantic Avenue, Ventnor Avenue, Marvin Gardens\u2014and plopped all three down in front of BT. Plus the houses she had built on them.\n\nI was practically biting my tongue in half.\n\nShe arched an eyebrow. \"You say something?\"\n\nI shook my head. \"Nope.\"\n\n\"You're not going to reach for the rule book, are you?\" She was grinning.\n\nI pled ignorance. \"Rule book? Me?\"\n\n\"Because this isn't money, you know. It's property. And it's not a loan. It's a gift. It's\"\u2014she beamed her smile on BT\u2014\"charity.\"\n\n\"Hot dog!\" piped BT. He put the green houses on the yellow properties. \"Wheelin' and dealin'.\"\n\nMi-Su was now wearing her I'm-so-sincere face. \"We're not breaking any rule book rules here, are we, Willy?\"\n\nShe knows I hate that name. \"Not that I can see.\"\n\n\"Because we sure don't want to break any rules, do we, Willy?\"\n\n\"Can't have that,\" I said.\n\nThere was more than Monopoly going on here, but I didn't know what it was. I had a feeling that if I said the wrong word, she would leap across the board into his arms and shout out: \"He's the one I want!\"\n\nThe game, if you can call it that, played out. BT, even with his windfall \"gift,\" still managed to blow it all and wound up broke as always. After that, Mi-Su made a string of stupid moves and declared bankruptcy. \"You win, Will,\" she said cheerily.\n\nWalking home, I wondered who the real winner was.\n\nPD149\n\nI'm dreaming. I'm standing behind Mi-Su. I know there's a smile on her face but I can't see it. I want to tell her to turn around. I keep trying but I can't speak. I can feel my throat getting sore. And now something is coming out of my mouth, but it isn't words. It's tiny flashes. A glittery stream of them. Protons leaving me flying and dying into her black hair.\n\nPD151\n\nShe was right. She didn't get the role of Marian the librarian. She doesn't care. She's in the chorus, a citizen of River City. She gets to sing and dance.\n\n\"I can't wait,\" she said.\n\n\"Won't you be nervous?\" I said.\n\n\"Probably,\" she said.\n\nShe sang a few notes. I clapped. She bowed. She threw out her arms. She blurted,\n\n\"I love it!\"\n\nPD155\n\nMonopoly. My house. I told Mi-Su if she came over early we could play a little chess. Still maneuvering for alone time. So here she was, with the pizzas. Of course, Tabby was here, too, but I had that problem covered. I had lured her upstairs with Finding Nemo on the DVD player.\n\nSo we were alone in the basement, but my mind wasn't on chess. It was where it's been since this new idea came to me yesterday. I moved a bishop. I yawned, acted casual. \"Hey,\" I said, \"I just thought of something.\"\n\n\"What?\" she said, mulling over her next move.\n\n\"Goop is playing at the Cineplex.\"\n\n\"Yeah?\"\n\n\"Yeah.\" Deep breath...casual...casual...\n\n\"Wanna go?\"\n\n\"Okay.\"\n\n\"So I was thinking next Saturday? Instead of Monopoly?\"\n\n\"Okay.\"\n\nYes!\n\nI wasn't happy for long. BT arrived. Tabby heard him and abandoned Nemo and we were all standing there and hadn't even opened the pizzas when Mi-Su says to BT, \"We're going to the movies next week instead of Monopoly.\"\n\n\"Yeah?\" he said. \"What are we gonna see?\"\n\n\"Goop.\"\n\nTabby shrieked. \"Ooo! Ooo! Can I come?\"\n\n\"It's scary,\" said Mi-Su. \"You're too little.\"\n\nTabby stood at attention. \"I'm not little. I'm big.\" She flopped into Mi-Su's lap. \"Please! Pleeeeeeze!\"\n\n\"You are little! You're not even in first grade! You're an infant!\"\n\nI wondered who was shouting\u2014and realized it was me. Everyone was staring. Tabby was clinging to Mi-Su. Snap #2.\n\nHey, listen, sorry about that. Tabby just got caught in the crossfire. She's not the one I'm mad at. I'm mad at you, BT. And you, Mi-Su. Because when I said WE could go to the movies, the WE meant you and me. Not you and me AND BT.\n\nThat's what I was thinking, but I didn't say anything.\n\nMi-Su reached down over Tabby and counted out the money for her hotel. \"Well,\" she said, \"that was quite the outburst. And a waste. The fact is, big girl\"\u2014she tweaked Tabby's nose, Tabby giggled\u2014\"your mother isn't going to let you go anyway.\" She handed the money to me. I'm always the banker. She wasn't smiling.\n\nAm I losing Mi-Su already?\n\nPD156\n\nI'm afraid she's never going to smile at me again.\n\nPD157\n\nShe did! As we passed in the hallway on the way to first period. And in algebra and English. And at lunch. She smiled and talked and everything seemed normal.\n\nI don't see her much after school anymore. She's busy rehearsing for The Music Man.\n\nPD158\n\nImaginary conversation with BT:\n\n\"You're still my best friend, OK?\"\n\n\"OK.\"\n\n\"Always will be.\"\n\n\"Ditto.\"\n\n\"But listen, this movie coming up Saturday night\u2014it was supposed to be just me and Mi-Su.\"\n\n\"Really? OK. I didn't want to go anyway.\"\n\n\"No, wait, let me explain. I mean, in my mind I was asking her for a date. Me and her. To the movies. OK? See, like, things are different now. I mean, we're all still friends, I'm not saying we're not. It's just that, well, on Valentine's night we\u2014by 'we' I mean Mi-Su and I\u2014we went to Smedley Park and I kissed her and she kissed me back and it was, y'know, special. I mean, something sort of started between us. I really like her. I mean, as a girlfriend. I keep thinking about her. That's why I asked her to the movies. And now it's, like, the three of us, and I just thought maybe you ought to know that Mi-Su and I have this thing going\u2014OK, I have this thing going, I'm still not sure about her\u2014and, well, if you, y'know, like, decided you couldn't make it Saturday night for some reason and Mi-Su and I had to go to the movie all by ourselves, alone, just the two of us, well, that would, like, be OK.\"\n\n\"OK.\"\n\n\"Uh, OK what?\"\n\n\"OK.\"\n\nPD163\n\nSunday. In the dormer. Alone with the wedding gifts. Still trying to figure out what happened last night.\n\nMrs. Kelly drove us to the Cineplex. Mi-Su sat between me and BT in the backseat. Mrs. Kelly, the jokester, said, \"No hanky-panky back there.\" A minute later Mi-Su piped up, \"Mom! They're both trying to kiss me!\" A few more minutes of nonsense, and then BT went to sleep. He does that a lot. He stays up all night and then nods off at odd times.\n\nMrs. Kelly dropped us off. The plan was for her to pick us up at eleven at the nearby Pizzarama. Glory be!\u2014BT paid for his own ticket. And then whipped out a ten-dollar bill. \"We went detecting last night,\" he explained. A bucket of buttered popcorn and Peanut Chews and the bill was gone.\n\nTen minutes into Goop BT says, \"This sucks.\"\n\n\"It's just getting started,\" I said. \"Give it a chance.\"\n\nWe were all dipping into the bucket of popcorn, Mi-Su between us. She held the bucket. Sometimes all three of our hands were in it.\n\nFive minutes later BT says, \"I'm leaving.\" He starts to get up.\n\nMi-Su clamps down on his arm. \"No.\"\n\nI'm thinking: Yes!\n\nAnd wondering: Why doesn't she just let him go?\n\n\"It stinks,\" said BT. \"It's a scary movie that isn't scary. It's not even funny.\"\n\nMi-Su nodded. \"It does stink. I'm going, too.\" She turned to me. \"Will?\"\n\n\"What?\" I said.\n\n\"Coming?\"\n\nHer eyes were glowing from the screen.\n\n\"You're really going?\" I said.\n\n\"Yeah. Come on.\"\n\n\"We just paid money.\"\n\n\"Money schmoney. Come on.\"\n\nHer glowing eyes were staring into mine.\n\n\"Stay,\" I said.\n\nOn the other side of her, BT popped up\u2014\n\n\"Bye\"\u2014and headed up the aisle.\n\n\"Coming?\" said Mi-Su.\n\n\"No,\" I said.\n\n\"Bye,\" she said. She handed me the bucket of popcorn and took off.\n\nI was stunned. Numb. It had all happened so fast, out of nowhere. I kept seeing her hand clamped on his arm. Her last words: \"Coming?\" and \"Bye.\" She knew I wanted to stay, and she knew he wanted to go. She picked him. Instead of saying \"Coming?\" why couldn't she have said, \"Will, come on. Please. We don't want to go without you. I don't want to go without you.\" But no. It was like an ultimatum: Coming?...No?...Bye. No hand tugging on my arm.\n\nThis time a week before, I had pictured her sitting in the movie beside me, maybe my arm around her, or holding hands, in our own little world. And now they were outside, the two of them, together, and I was inside, alone. How did it happen? Have I been kidding myself all this time? Have she and BT had a thing going all this time and I was just too dumb to see it? Is that why she included him in my movie date? I saw her kissing him with my own eyes at the star party. Why did I believe her when she said it wasn't about BT? And what about Valentine's night? Was she just feeling sorry for me? Tossing me a crumb?\n\nI thought: She didn't exactly bend over backward trying to get you to come along. Maybe they're happy you stayed behind. You don't want to go anywhere you're not wanted, do you? Wake up, stupid\u2014they probably planned this whole thing.\n\nBut on the other hand...she did look into my eyes and say, \"Coming?\" And she did squeeze my hand in school the day after Valentine's.\n\nUp on the screen the Goop was sliming under a doorway, oozing up a bedsheet and into the nostrils of a sleeping girl. I bolted from my seat. Popcorn flew. I rushed out of the theater.\n\nThey were gone.\n\nThe Cineplex is in an outdoor shopping center called Edgemont Plaza. There's a Main Street, tall lantern-style lamps, brick sidewalks, neon. It's supposed to look like an old-fashioned downtown. This being early March and still cold, there weren't a lot of people outside. I started walking. Up and down Main Street. Around the parking lots. Behind the stores. I aimed for the shadows, the crannies. I kept expecting to bump into them making out behind some SUV or Dumpster. And if that did happen, what would I say? \"Oh, hi! Mind if I watch you make out?...Mind if I join you?\"\n\nIf I caught them, what would she say this time? \"The place...the night...the neon\"?\n\nI was getting frantic. I was kicking myself for not leaving the movie with them.\n\nI peered into the windows of restaurants, ducked into stores. I found her in Barnes & Noble. In the caf\u00e9 section, eating a little round chocolate Bundt cake, her favorite food in the world. She was washing it down with a latte. No BT in sight.\n\nShe saw me coming. She waved me over. \"Hi!\" She seemed sincerely happy to see me. I sat down.\n\n\"So how was the movie?\" she said.\n\nI didn't want to tell her what I had really been doing for the last hour. \"You were right,\" I said. \"It stunk.\"\n\n\"You should listen to us next time.\"\n\n\"Yeah.\"\n\nUs.\n\n\"So,\" I said, \"where's your boyfriend?\"\n\nI don't know why it came out that way.\n\nShe didn't skip a beat. She didn't raise her eyebrows. She didn't say, \"What boyfriend?\" Or, \"What are you talking about?\" Or, \"You mean BT? He's not my boyfriend, silly you.\"\n\nShe just chuckled and said, \"Sleeping.\"\n\n\"Oh,\" I said, and then not much else as she ate her cake and gabbled on about The Music Man and the cast and how much fun rehearsals were. Finally she drained the latte and said, \"Okay, time for pizza.\" Mi-Su outeats everyone I know. \"I have one regret in life\u2014\" she said. She licked her fingertip and used it to pick cake crumbs from the table. I thought of an anteater's tongue flicking and picking off ants.\n\n\"What's that?\" I said, not sure I wanted to know.\n\nShe pushed her chair back, stood. \"There's no such thing as chocolate Bundt cake pizza.\"\n\nI smiled, but I knew she wasn't kidding. I once saw her dip a ham sandwich in chocolate pudding.\n\nBT was zonked out in an easy chair, sprawling, arms flopped over the sides, legs straight out and propped on his heels, mouth open, face to the bright ceiling lights. And snoring. In a facing chair, a lady with a magazine glared at him.\n\n\"He your friend?\" said the lady.\n\nMi-Su acted surprised. \"Me? Oh, no. He must be a bum off the street.\"\n\nNow the lady was glaring at Mi-Su. \"If you don't get your friend out of here, I'm going to the manager.\"\n\n\"Uh-oh,\" said Mi-Su. She tickled BT's stomach. He snorted. His eyes opened a crack.\n\n\"Come on, Sleeping Beauty. Nap time's over.\" She took him by both hands and dragged him to his feet. \"Follow us.\"\n\nBT zombied after us. When we hit the fiction stacks, Mi-Su looked back at the glaring lady and whispered, \"Grouch.\"\n\nSo we ate at Pizzarama and Mrs. Kelly picked us up and Mi-Su sat between us again on the way home. BT was dropped off first, and for five minutes, till we got to my house, I was in the backseat alone with Mi-Su. I wanted to sneak my hand across the car seat and onto her hand. I wanted to ask her, \"So, is he your boyfriend?\" I wanted to ask her, \"So, what about me?\" I wanted to say all kinds of things. I wanted to scream, \"What's going on?\"\n\nI did nothing. We sat side by side in the dark until we came to my house. I thanked Mrs. Kelly for the ride.\n\nI climbed out. \"Bye,\" I said to Mi-Su.\n\n\"Bye,\" she said.\n\nI shut the door. The car pulled away.\n\nI looked down from the dormer window. Korbet Finn was riding a fish up and down the sidewalk in front of our house. The fish was orange plastic with blue wheels. A two-seater, with two sets of pedals. Korbet was in the forward seat. He pedaled furiously, back and forth, chin jutting out, churning knees boxing his chin. He didn't even glance at our house. He acted as if he had nothing else in the world to do but pedal that fish. But he wasn't fooling me. He was trying to impress my sister, hoping she was at the window, watching. Hoping she'd be so impressed that she'd burst out of the house and jump onto the backseat and go riding off with him. The pedals for the backseat went round and round by themselves, no feet to push them.\n\nPD164\n\nI feel like I'm playing chess in water. The pieces keep floating away. I don't know where things are. I can't figure out tomorrow.\n\nPD165\n\nEvery day I hold my breath until I see her. Sometimes in class, sometimes in the hallway. I can't start breathing until I see her smile at me. She always does, but the next day I'm always afraid she won't. At lunch I'm afraid she'll smile more at BT than at me. I'm afraid she'll look at him in some way that she doesn't look at me. I'm afraid that when I go to bed at night I'll still be wondering. I'm always afraid. Is that what love is\u2014fear?\n\nPD166\n\nDormer-dreaming...\n\nNight sky. Stars. Her whisper in my ear: \"It's the Horsehead, my darling. See?\" I try and try, but I can't see it. And the stars are going. All across the vastness of the universe the stars are winking out, winking out. And the empty pedals on Korbet's orange fish spin faster and faster like a runaway clock.\n\nPD167\n\nI sat in the auditorium today, last row, watching rehearsal. They were practicing a song about giving Iowa a try.\n\nIt was dark back there. Mi-Su couldn't see me. She looked so happy. She threw herself into it and smiled her killer smile and acted like she was facing a thousand people on Broadway. Before I snuck out, for a minute, I pretended that she knew I was there. I pretended she was performing just for me.\n\nPD168\n\nShe tore the top off her strawberry yogurt, smacked the lunch table with the flat of her hand and said, \"I'm gonna be an actress!\"\n\n\"Go, girl,\" said BT.\n\n\"No, you're not,\" I said.\n\nShe stared at me. \"Hello? Whose life is this?\"\n\n\"You're going to be an astronomer. You said.\"\n\n\"That was then. Today I'm going to be an actress.\"\n\n\"Movies?\" said BT. \"Or stage?\"\n\n\"Hmm.\" Mi-Su pressed her finger to her lips. \"Stage. I love being close to my people.\" She stood and threw her arms out to the lunchroom mob. \"My people!\"\n\nSuddenly BT was standing on the table, dancing. Mi-Su joined him. She belted out \"Give Iowa a try!\" All across the lunchroom kids were climbing onto tables, most of them just seizing the excuse to clown around. Yogurt cups were hopping, monitors moving...\n\nPD170\n\nI really enjoyed Monopoly last night. It was like old times, back to normal. Park Place was still Park Place. The thimble was still the thimble. BT still said \"wheelin' and dealin'\" and Mi-Su still couldn't stand anchovies. We just sank into the game and had fun.\n\nPD173\n\nI read a magazine article Mr. Bontempo sent me. It's about string theory. It says there might be another universe nearby, like one inch away from our noses, going along side by side with ours, but we'll never see it because it's in a different dimension. At the same time my mother was baking her famous Granny Smith apple pie. The smell was incredible. I sent a thought-message to the neighboring dimension: Boy, you don't know what you're missing.\n\nPD175\n\nOne-month anniversary: The Kiss at Smedley Park.\n\nNo Monopoly tomorrow night. Because Mi-Su is having a party for the Music Man cast. Plus BT and me.\n\nPD176\n\nIt seemed like half the school was there. When I arrived, the first thing I saw was a Music Man poster tacked to the front door. Inside, it was the smell of pizza and chocolate mint brownies, another dozen coming out of the oven every half hour. Cranberry punch and sodas. Get your ice cream in the kitchen and head for the dining room table to make your own sundae. Dancing in the den. Twister in the living room. The Music Man DVD running in the basement.\n\nI started out hanging with BT. Most of the kids there were a grade or two ahead of me, so I didn't know them except by name. Of course, BT didn't know them either, but he didn't care. He waded into the crowd like it was nothing. I wanted to call out to him: \"Don't leave me!\"\n\nI grabbed a cup of punch and a brownie. I walked around. I tried to look comfortable. Mrs. Kelly was working the kitchen. Mi-Su was buzzing here and there, yukking it up, hugging. There was a lot of that going on: hugging. For no good reason that I could see. Show biz, I guess.\n\nI never knew Mi-Su had so many friends. Everybody seemed so chummy-huggy with her. Packs of girls in relays headed up the stairs to her bedroom. I wanted to stand on the coffee table and announce: \"Hey, people! I just think you ought to know that Mi-Su and I grew up together in this neighborhood! We've been close since grade school! She was my Valentine's date! We went to Smedley Park! We kissed! And I don't mean just a little peck either! So don't go getting all excited just because she's hugging you! Mi-Su Kelly kissed me! Twice!\"\n\nRob Vandemeer drew a crowd. He's the star of the show. He plays Professor Harold Hill, the Music Man himself. The girls flocked around him. Mi-Su handed him a broom, and he showed everybody how he's going to strut out leading the parade. The others pumped their arms and tooted \"Seventy-six Trombones.\" When he finished, he didn't just give the broom back to Mi-Su. He let her take the end of it, then he reeled her in till she was so close she was standing on his sneaks. Their noses were touching. Their lips puckered out like a pair of fish till they were touching, too. They broke apart, laughing. Everybody cheered (but me).\n\nI finally found a kid I knew, a cross-country teammate, and I was talking with him at the punch bowl when I heard a familiar shriek. I looked in the living room. It was Tabby. BT was holding her upside down by her feet. She was wearing her blue cottontail bunny pj's. I looked at my watch. It was almost ten. She should have been in bed.\n\nShe saw me. She held out her arms. \"Will! Help!\" BT was dunking her up and down. I didn't see my mother or father.\n\n\"What are you doing?\" I said.\n\n\"I came to the party.\"\n\n\"Where's Mom and Dad?\"\n\n\"I sneaked out.\"\n\nHowls of laughter. A gaggle of girls rescued her from BT. They mauled and kissed and nuzzled her like they'd never seen a little kid before.\n\nI heard the phone ring in the kitchen. A minute later Mrs. Kelly came out. She took Tabby from the maulers. \"That was your mother, young lady. She found your bed empty and she's not too happy with you and she wants you back right this minute.\"\n\nTabby whined, \"I wanna stay! Will, can I stay?\"\n\n\"No,\" I said.\n\nMrs. Kelly said, \"Will, you're supposed to take her home.\" She waggled her nose across Tabby's cheek. \"You little sneak, you.\"\n\nI thought: I'm at a party, and she still finds a way to mess up my life.\n\nBT grabbed Tabby from Mrs. Kelly. \"I'll take her home.\"\n\nMrs. Kelly said, \"Wait.\" She pulled one of Mi-Su's jackets from the closet and wrapped it around Tabby. \"You'll freeze.\"\n\nBT slung Tabby over his shoulder. Tabby shrieked, \"No!\"\n\nMi-Su held the front door open, tweaked Tabby's nose as she passed. \"Bye, peanut.\"\n\nBT hauled his load down the walk, Tabby bellowing: \"Let me stay! I'm a big kid! I can read! I wanna play Twister!\"\n\nAs Tabby's voice faded, Mi-Su closed the door and suddenly the center of attention was me.\n\n\"Oh, Will! What a neat little sister!\"\n\n\"She's so cute!\"\n\n\"She's adorable!\"\n\nI bit my tongue and let the fuss wash over me.\n\nWhen BT returned, the attention shifted to him. Girls fussed. (He was now Mr. Carried Tabby Tuppence Home.) Even guys. (Mr. Skateboarded Down Dead Man's Hill.) I was back to being Mr. Nobody. Which, really, I wouldn't have minded if only I were Mr. Somebody to Mi-Su. But it was hard to tell. I kept contriving to bump into her. A couple of times we managed to say a few words to each other, but then she would dart off to play the hostess. I started to feel like I was stalking her. Like a pest. Whatever confidence I had arrived with was totally gone. I had planned to stay after the others had left, offer to help clean up, finally get face time with Mi-Su. Now I just wanted to get out. I got my jacket from the closet. Two parades of make-believe trombones were winding through the house. They collided in the hallway. Everyone was laughing. Music was blaring. I felt conspicuous walking out the door, but no one seemed to notice.\n\nPD178\n\nI don't think I'll watch rehearsals anymore.\n\nPD183\n\nHome alone today. I took Black Viper for a spin around the neighborhood. I zipped past Mi-Su's house, forced myself not to stare as I went by. Black Viper was a whisper on the asphalt. The Stealth plane of skateboards.\n\nBack home, I set up shop on the front step. I was installing shock pads I ordered from Fairman's. They're compressible foam, so they'll hardly raise the deck. They'll make curb jumps a little smoother and keep the wheel flanges from coming loose.\n\nI was working the wrench when I saw Korbet heading my way.\n\n\"Hi, Will,\" he said.\n\n\"Korbet.\"\n\n\"Whatcha doing?\"\n\n\"Tuning up my skateboard.\"\n\n\"Black Viper.\"\n\n\"Yeah.\"\n\n\"Black Viper is the coolest skateboard there ever was.\"\n\nI almost chuckled. \"You could say that.\"\n\n\"Need some help?\"\n\n\"Not really.\"\n\n\"Can I watch?\"\n\n\"Sure. Not much to see.\"\n\nHe sat cross-legged on the brick walkway before me. He cupped his chin in his hands, stared intensely. Give him a thrill, I thought. I spun the wheels. He gasped, \"Wow!\"\n\nI worked. He watched.\n\nAfter a while he said, \"Tabby wants to ride Black Viper.\"\n\n\"I know.\"\n\n\"But she's not allowed.\"\n\n\"That's right.\"\n\n\"Never?\"\n\n\"Never.\"\n\nIt felt like he was going to make a pitch for her, try to convince me to change my mind, but he didn't. He said, \"I wish I had a skateboard.\"\n\n\"You will someday.\"\n\n\"Know what I'm going to name mine?\"\n\n\"What?\"\n\n\"Tabby.\"\n\n\"Why Tabby?\" I said.\n\nHis chin bounced out of his hands.\n\n\"Because she's hot!\"\n\nI bit my lip. \"Yeah?\"\n\n\"Yeah. And she's so pretty.\"\n\nEye of the beholder. Something mean in me\u2014or maybe compassionate\u2014wanted to say, Look, Korbet, she doesn't like you. Why are you wasting your time with somebody who hates your guts? What does she have to do, whack you with a baseball bat?\n\nThen he said, \"I love Tabby.\"\n\nMy hands stopped. I looked up. He was still staring at Black Viper. He didn't look like someone who had just announced his love. There was nothing special in his voice, just stating a fact, like apples fall down. I knew he was just a five-year-old, but I also knew he meant it, and there was nothing in this disappearing world that my sister and a hundred baseball bats could do about it.\n\n\"That so?\" I said.\n\nHe nodded. \"Yeah.\"\n\n\"Don't you like any other girls?\"\n\nHe shook his head. \"Nope.\"\n\nI fit the front shock pad over the screws. Korbet's tongue showed at the side of his mouth. He was staring so hard I could almost hear his eyes squeak.\n\n\"Start first grade next year?\" I said.\n\nHis head bobbed up. \"Yeah. I hope I get the same teacher as Tabby.\" He stared some more, then said, \"Will?\"\n\n\"Yeah?\"\n\n\"You think we'll get the same teacher? Me and Tabby?\"\n\n\"Maybe,\" I said. Come on, make the kid feel good. \"Probably.\"\n\nHis face lit up. \"Yeah!\"\n\nMore staring, then: \"Will?\"\n\n\"Yeah?\"\n\n\"I wish you were my big brother.\"\n\nWow. I knew I didn't deserve it. \"Thanks, Korbet.\"\n\n\"Then Tabby would be my sister and then she would have to like me.\"\n\nOops. OK, let it lie. Let him believe it. Don't say: Got news for you, kid\u2014it doesn't always work that way. She doesn't even like me.\n\nI said nothing.\n\n\"Will?\"\n\n\"Korbet.\"\n\n\"If you were my big brother, you could walk me down the aisle.\"\n\nHe meant the aisle in the auditorium at Roosevelt Elementary. Years ago somebody decided that we're always celebrating endings (graduations) and never the beginning. So now there's a ceremony each September for all the little kids about to enter first grade. It's called First Day. Each little kid walks down the aisle to the stage holding the hand of a big kid. The ideal is for the big kid to be a brother or sister who's in twelfth grade. But any big kid will do. Sibling. Cousin. Friend. Parents and grandparents get all weepy. I guess I'll have to go down the aisle with my sister, but I'm not exactly looking forward to it.\n\n\"Somebody will walk you down, Korbet,\" I said. \"Don't worry.\"\n\nNeither of us spoke for a while. The shock pad was snug. I was tightening the last of the nuts when he said, \"I love you, Will.\"\n\nWhere did that come from? What do I say? \"I love you, too, Korbet\"? \"Back at ya, Korbet\"? \"Thanks, Korbet\"? I stared at the wrench, blinking. Time passed. And then it hit me: he didn't need an answer. Probably didn't expect one. I swung my eyes from the wrench to his face, and I saw I was right. I smiled. He smiled.\n\nSuddenly I wanted to talk.\n\n\"Korbet?\"\n\nHis eyes fixed on mine. \"Huh?\"\n\n\"Korbet...you don't think Tabby likes you back, do you?\"\n\nHe wagged his head wildly. \"No way!\"\n\n\"But you still like her.\"\n\n\"Yep.\"\n\n\"Do you think she'll ever start liking you?\"\n\n\"Yep.\"\n\n\"When?\"\n\nHe thought about it, dug into his ear, looked at the sky, looked at me. \"Next year.\"\n\nI bit my lip.\n\n\"Do you think about her a lot?\"\n\nHe beamed. \"Yeah. Lots!\"\n\n\"When you're playing?\"\n\n\"Yeah!\"\n\n\"When you're eating?\"\n\n\"Yeah!\"\n\n\"When you're washing your feet?\"\n\n\"Yeah!\"\n\nHe doubled over laughing.\n\n\"So, Korbet...are you ever, like, timid around her?\"\n\n\"What's timid?\"\n\n\"Never mind. What about scared?\"\n\nHe looked puzzled. \"Huh?\"\n\n\"Are you ever scared of her?\"\n\nHe mulled that for a moment, then laughed. \"Hey, Will, you're funnin' me. Tabby's not scary.\"\n\n\"Yeah, just funnin',\" I said. \"But, you know, like, sometimes she's not real nice to you? Like she hollers at you or shuts the door in your face?\"\n\n\"Yeah?\"\n\n\"So...how's that make you feel?\"\n\nHe was puzzled again. \"What do you mean, Will?\"\n\n\"Does it make you sad? Upset?\"\n\nHe thought hard. He said, \"It makes me sad for two seconds. Then I love her again.\"\n\nDouble wow.\n\n\"And when you think of her playing with other little boys, do you get jealous?\"\n\nKorbet's eyes slid past me, focused on something else. He smiled hugely, waved. There was a beep behind me. Our car pulled into the driveway. Mom, Dad and Tabby spilled out.\n\n\"Hi, Korbet,\" said my mom.\n\n\"Hi, Korbet,\" said my dad. He tousled Korbet's hair as he went by.\n\n\"Hi, Tabby,\" said Korbet. Tabby said nothing. She didn't even look at him. She shot him her tongue out of the side of her mouth and scooted on past him and into the house.\n\nI looked at Korbet. He didn't seem devastated. Those two seconds had already passed. He said, \"What's jealous?\"\n\nPD187\n\nMi-Su is nice to me. She smiles at me all the time. Such a nice smile. She's nice to me in algebra. She's nice to me in Spanish. She's nice to me in English. She's nice in the hallways and the lunchroom and before school and after school and on the weekends and Saturday-night Monopoly. Nice. Nice. Nice. I hate nice. So what do I want? I don't know. But I don't want nice.\n\nPD191\n\nplink\n\nplink\n\nplink\n\nWhat?\n\nI opened my eyes. Smooth, brown, plastic surface. My wastebasket. Sitting by my pillow. Tabby. Grinning. Dropping black jelly beans. One by one. Into the basket.\n\nplink\n\nI moved. She ran screaming from my room. The basket toppled to the floor. Clatter! Jelly beans rolled under the bed. Dad called, \"What's going on?\" Tabby screamed, \"Mischief Night!\"\n\nIt wasn't night, and it definitely wasn't Mischief Night, which around here is the night before Halloween, which is seven months from now. But ever since Tabby heard about Mischief Night, and ever since she was told that she would not be allowed to go out like a big kid and terrorize the neighborhood, she's been threatening to have her own Mischief Night.\n\nI was slowly waking up. In front of my face my left wrist was coming into focus\u2014it was naked! My atomic watch was gone! I sleep with it. She must have snuck in and weaseled it off my wrist. I went ballistic. I roared into her room. I dragged her out from under her bed. The watch was too big for her wrist. It was on her ankle. I yanked it off. I said something murderous. She squealed, \"Mischief Night!\"\n\nEvidence of other crimes today:\n\n * a string of Elmer's Glue on the toilet seats\n * a vacuum cleaner humming inside the dining room closet\n * four sinks, a shower, two bathtubs, a laundry room tub\u2014every faucet in the house running\n * a pile of Lucky Charms on the living room rug\n * the doorbell is ringing\u2014nobody's there(a hundred times)\n\nAt least my trophy was safe, hidden away for the day. Ditto Black Viper.\n\nBT came to the rescue, took her outside for skateboard lessons. \"Don't leave the driveway,\" Mom told them. Crazy as BT is with himself, he's never that way with Tabby. He never lets her roll off the driveway.\n\nI watched them from the dormer window. If you drove by and saw them, you'd think they're brother and sister. I thought of BT's little sister bringing her hurt knee to him, laughing when he fixed it....\n\nBT stayed for dinner. He was in the kitchen helping my mother with the rigatoni. Tabby was on the phone with Aunt Nancy. Well, not really\u2014she just punched the number, yelled \"Mischief Night!\" into the phone and hung up. When she turned she found me standing there. She screamed, \"BT!\" and tried to run. I held her. From the look on her face, she thought this was it, the Big Counterattack. She thinks that someday I'm going to get so fed up with her tormenting me that I'm going to blow my stack and come after her with all guns blazing. She flailed. \"BT! BT!\" All I wanted to do was ask her something, but the violence of her struggle surprised me, the terror in her eyes. I let her go. She bolted like a freed animal.\n\nAt dinner she wanted to sit on BT's lap. My father wouldn't let her. She pouted.\n\nI asked her, in front of everybody, \"Why don't you like Korbet?\"\n\nShock showed on the faces of my parents and BT, like: Whoa, Will just spoke to Tabby! They all turned to her.\n\nTabby was cutting her spaghetti into pieces with her blue plastic saw. She stabbed a meatball with her screwdriver. She held it up to her mouth and licked at the sauce, like it was a Popsicle. She took a bite out of the meatball, chewed with her mouth open, grinned meatball mush. I finally realized she had no intention of answering my question. For once in my life I give her some attention and she hangs me out to dry. I wanted to plead Korbet's case, tell her what a great little kid he is, but it wasn't going to happen.\n\nAll my mother said to Tabby was, \"Chew with your mouth shut.\"\n\nPD194\n\nAnother week of nice from Mi-Su. I'm sick of nice.\n\nPD200\n\nTwo hundred days since 10:15 A.M. that September Saturday morning when Riley picked his nose and the phone rang and Mi-Su said turn on 98.5 FM and I learned that a proton had died in Yellowknife. How many have died since then across the universe? Are dying protons like roaches: for every one you see there's a hundred behind the wall? How many need to die before it starts to show? Before steel becomes transparent? And people? Ghost world. I feel a twitch. A blip. Was that a tiny flash inside of me? Is my liver down one proton from yesterday?\n\nHERE LIES WILL TUPPENCE (OR WHAT'S LEFT OF HIM)\n\nPD201\n\nIdea!\n\neBay!\n\nNice be gone!\n\nPD208\n\nIt came today, my order from eBay. It's a little figurine not much bigger than the pewter king on my chess trophy. It's a band member. Tall red and white feathered hat. Red and gold jacket. White pants. Playing a trombone. A tiny gold-gilt trombone. A label on the bottom says \"76 TROMBONES.\" It's from The Music Man!\n\nIt's plastic. It's cheap. I don't care. I'm thrilled.\n\nPD209\n\nHow shall I do it? All I know for sure is how not to do it. Don't give it to her at school. Don't give it to her at Saturday-night Monopoly. Think...think...\n\nPD210\n\nThinking...\n\nPD211\n\nGot it!\n\nPD213\n\nI wrapped it up. White paper, red bow. One word on the tag: \"Mi-Su.\" Skateboarded over to her house yesterday. Sunday. Walked the last block. Had to be careful she wasn't outside. Snuck up to the front step, laid it down on the bricks, rang the bell, ran, hid on the far side of the garage. I was hoping she would answer the door. She usually does, runs for it like a little kid. But even if one of her parents answered, I could live with that. I peeked around the corner.\n\nShe opened the door. Frowned. Looked around. Looked down. Picked it up. Tore it open right there. Squealed. Came out farther. Looked up and down the street. Called to the empty street, \"Hey?...Hello?\" Looked again at the figurine. Kissed it. Held it up in the sunlight, the tiny trombone gleaming. \"Thank you!\"\n\nI stepped out. \"You're welcome.\"\n\nShe turned, saw me, came running, threw her arms around my neck, kissed me, squealed, \"Where did you get it?\"\n\n\"Oh, somewhere,\" I said, mucho cool.\n\nWe spent the rest of the day together. If she touched me once, she touched me a hundred times. Big, long, non-nice kiss good-night.\n\nToday I'm floating through school. She blew me a kiss in the hallway. Is there a Cloud Ten?\n\nPD214\n\nUp in the dormer before dinner. Staring at her roof. Imagining her in her house, moving from room to room, humming Music Man tunes. The show will be Friday and Saturday nights.\n\nAt lunch today she said to BT and me, \"So, which night are you guys coming?\"\n\n\"Friday, of course,\" said BT. \"Saturday's Monopoly.\" He deadpanned at her. \"You're not giving up Monopoly to do that stupid play, are you?\"\n\nShe looked at him, her face blank for a half second, then caught the twinkle in his eye and broke out laughing.\n\nI said, \"Both.\"\n\nShe turned to me. \"Huh?\"\n\n\"I'm going both nights.\"\n\nI'm not sure they believed me.\n\nI was tempted to ask her to the dance right there. The freshman dance is next month. I've been thinking of it since Valentine's night. I probably would have asked her already, but I held off because things were uncertain there for a while. Now I'm ready to roll. Or at least, ready to plan. Valentine's night and the Music Man figurine worked out well. So I know that's the way to go for the dance.\n\nIn fact, the plan is already in place. It just came to me. I guess I'm getting good at this. I'm going to do it this Saturday night, right after the last performance of the play. I'll meet her in the lobby, or maybe even backstage. She'll be flushed and breathless and glowing from excitement, and I'll congratulate her and we'll hug and then I'll say something like, \"Well, y'know, just because the play is over doesn't mean you have to stop dancing. Let's go to the freshman dance together.\" And she'll squeal out \"I'd love to!\" or \"Yes!\" or whatever and we'll hug again and so forth.\n\nI can see it so clearly. After three or four days of this, I'll hardly be able to tell it from a memory, it will be so real. In fact, the looking forward will be so much fun that when Saturday finally comes, I'll probably wish I had another week to think about it. I'll carry my thoughts around with me like soda in a cup, sipping through a straw whenever I feel like a taste: during class, on my skateboard, lying down to sleep, especially then.\n\nI'm that way, goofy as it sounds. Sometimes I don't want things to happen\u2014I'm talking about good things, even wonderful things\u2014because once they happen, I can't look forward to them anymore. But there's an upside, too. Once a wonderful thing is over, I'm not all that sad because then I can start thinking about it, reliving and reliving it in the virtual world in my head.\n\nDown below, BT was giving Tabby skateboard lessons in the driveway. She was arguing with him about something. The word \"Now!\" kept coming up through the windowpane. If I had to pick one word to sum up her life, I guess that would be it:\n\nHERE LIES TABITHA TUPPENCE NOW!\n\nPD215\n\nSipping...sipping...\n\nPD216\n\nMrs. Mi-Su Tuppence\n\nMrs. Mi-Su Tuppence\n\nMrs. Mi-Su Tuppence\n\nPD217\n\nThe play was great. And totally different from the rehearsals I've seen. The bright stage lights. Every seat filled. Suddenly I had a new perspective on Mi-Su and her fellow actors. I knew why I'd never try out for a school play. And I knew Mi-Su and the others were nervous; she told me so. But that didn't stop them. They were talking and dancing and singing as if they were actually enjoying themselves. As if they were all going down their own Dead Man's Hill.\n\nPD218\n\nThe play was great again. Standing ovation.\n\nI waited in the lobby with all the parents, grandparents, etc. She came out laughing with others, stage makeup still on her face, her eyes bigger than ever, dazzling, like, Doesn't anybody want to take my picture? Her parents beamed, held out their arms. \"My baby star!\" her mother cried. I didn't want to be too pushy. Give her time with her family, cast members.\n\nFinally she noticed me. For a split second she didn't react, and I had the weirdest feeling she didn't know who I was, but then came the famous smile and I went to her and held out my arms like her parents and we hugged and I whispered in her ear, \"You were sensational,\" and she whispered back, \"Thank you.\"\n\nThat's when it occurred to me that I had a problem. The lobby was crowded with people. No privacy. If she went right home, it would probably be in her parents' car. Meanwhile, other cast members were saying they should all go out and celebrate, that's what show biz people do after the last performance. So when, where, how was I going to ask her to the dance?\n\nI considered waiting till tomorrow, Sunday, but all week long I'd been locked into the plan. Time was coming to a point. I tugged on her sleeve. \"C'mere a sec.\" I led her a couple of steps away. We were standing in front of the trophy case. Bright lights. Chattering, laughing people. I tried to remember my words.\n\n\"Your singing was great,\" I said.\n\nShe chuckled. \"You couldn't hear me.\" Her eyes were flying.\n\n\"Sure, I could,\" I said. \"And your dancing was great, too.\" I was starting to feel stupid. She just looked at me, waiting, wondering.\n\n\"So...,\" I said, and jumped in, \"Let's go to the freshman dance.\" She just stared at me. \"OK?\"\n\nShe said, \"You mean together?\" The smile was still there, but it wasn't real.\n\nI felt a chill. \"Yeah. 'Course.\"\n\nHer eyes wouldn't look at me. Her smile tilted. \"I was afraid you were going to ask me.\"\n\nAfraid? Afraid?\n\n\"What do you mean?\" I said.\n\n\"Somebody already asked me.\"\n\nMy kneecaps fell to my feet. I thought: BT!\n\n\"Who?\" I said. And thought: No, not BT. I remembered the cast party at her house, and I knew. The star of the party. Star of the show. Mr. Music Man himself. Rob Vandemeer.\n\n\"Danny Riggs.\"\n\nI thought I heard her say Danny Riggs.\n\n\"Huh?\" I said.\n\n\"Danny Riggs.\"\n\nShe did say Danny Riggs.\n\n\"Who's Danny Riggs?\"\n\nShe shrugged. \"A guy.\"\n\nThis was all so strange. I felt like I'd stumbled into the wrong conversation. Or into one of those string theory parallel dimensions.\n\nI said, \"What kinda guy?\"\n\nShe laughed. \"A guy kinda guy. He's on the stage crew. He makes scenery.\"\n\n\"He asked you?\"\n\nShe laughed again. \"Is that so shocking?\" She struck a pose. \"I'm cute. I'm a star. Who wouldn't want to ask me?\"\n\nAll I could say was, \"When?\"\n\nThe smile vanished. \"Last week. Nobody else\"\u2014finally her eyes swung into mine\u2014\"nobody else was asking, soooo...\"\n\nI just stared at her. And at the trophy case, at a tall silver quartet of Greek columns and a blue stone plate that said:\n\nBASKETBALL CHAMPIONS \nDISTRICT ONE \n1998\n\nI felt her hand on my arm. \"Hey, no big deal.\" The smile was back. She looked around. \"Gotta go. See ya.\" And she was gone.\n\nI turned to the bright lights, the bright, chattering, laughing people. I wondered if one of them was Danny Riggs.\n\nPD219\n\nIn the dormer. Staring at her roof.\n\nWarm. Window open. Along the street forsythias hurled yellow fountains. In the driveway below, BT and Tabby were fighting. She wanted to skateboard on the sidewalk. He wouldn't let her.\n\nDanny Riggs...Danny Riggs...I couldn't get the name out of my head. I was sad. I was mad. I was jealous. Sadmadjealous. Still couldn't believe it. How could some other guy know her well enough to ask her to the dance and me not even know about him? I racked my brain, trying to remember her ever saying his name before. Who did he think he was? Didn't he know we grew up together? That we were like brother and sister for years until we started to notice each other another way? Didn't he know that his dance date, the dazzling Miss Mi-Su Kelly, kissed me\u2014me!\u2014on Valentine's night? And again just last Sunday, only one short week ago?\n\nDown below BT was showing off, doing stunts for Tabby. They're called ollies. Tabby tried to do an olly, fell. They laughed.\n\nI wandered through the dormer. What were we saving all this stuff for? A framed painting of a seashore landscape leaned against the stationary bicycle. I ran my finger along the top edge. My fingertip was gray. Dust. Everything was dusty except my telescope and the wedding gifts.\n\nI ran a silver ribbon between my fingers. I tugged slightly. It held firm. Still tightly tied after all these years. The silver paper was fading to white along some edges and corners, where the afternoon sun strikes. Seventy-eight years they've been sitting, waiting. A hundred years from now will they still be here, the wedding gifts of Margaret and Andrew Tuppence, waiting, unopened?\n\nPD219\n\nNightmare. I'm being chased by a swarm of fireflies.\n\nPD220\n\nDanny Riggs. Danny Riggs.\n\nI spent the day checking.\n\nHe just moved here last year. He lives on Hastings, right behind the school. Homeroom 113. I got out two minutes early, rushed to 113, waited in the hallway. He's taller than me. Skinny. Blond crew cut. Braces. Earring. Cheap clothes. Wal-Mart. Payless.\n\nI followed him. Easy to do in the after-school mob. Pretty soon we were the only two. I hung way back, wondered where he was going, wondered why he was walking so far, no skateboard. Terror: he's heading for Mi-Su's! He wasn't. When we got downtown he went into Snips. Maybe his mother is a hairdresser.\n\nAfter dinner I took Black Viper for a cruise past her house. About ten times. I wanted her to come out. I didn't want her to come out. Was she behind a window, seeing me, purposely not coming out? What would I say if she did?\n\nShe didn't.\n\nI hate Danny Riggs.\n\nI hate BT. This all started when he kissed Mi-Su at the star party last October.\n\nI wanted to talk to Korbet. Suddenly talking to Korbet Finn was the thing I wanted most in the world. I pushed off, raced home, rang his bell. Mrs. Finn answered, smiled. \"Will.\" Or more like, \"Will?\" Because, even though they're right alongside us, I never show up at their door. And here I was, a teenage big kid coming to ask for their five-year-old, like, \"Can Korbet come out to play?\" I had to think fast.\n\n\"Hi, Mrs. Finn. Can I see Korbet a second? I have this paper to do in school and I need to talk to a little kid.\"\n\n\"Well,\" she said, \"he turns down most interviews, but let me see.\" I just stood there with a dumb cow face; I was too preoccupied to realize she was being funny. \"Come on in.\"\n\n\"Uh, this would work better outside,\" I said. Stupid.\n\nWhen he appeared in front of me in the doorway beaming and said, \"Hi, Will!\" I was so happy I wanted to cry. We sat on my front step. I asked him a couple of stupid questions just in case his mother interrogated him. He took it all in stride. He didn't seem to notice or care that a teenager had showed up asking for him. Now that I had him here, I didn't know what to say.\n\nHis lips were blue. \"Been eating blueberry water ice?\" I asked him.\n\n\"Smackin' Jacks,\" he said. \"Want one?\" He was ready to run and get me one.\n\nI told him no thanks.\n\nI couldn't help staring at him. This little survivor. He took incredible abuse from Tabby and still kept coming back. No visible scars, no limp in his personality. Going with the flow. How did he do it? Was it his age, or did he have something I didn't have?\n\nHe picked a blade of grass, stuck it up his nose.\n\n\"Ever hear of protons?\" I said.\n\nAn April ant moved across the flagstone at his feet. He placed the blade of grass in front of it. It walked around. \"What're protons?\"\n\n\"They're little,\" I said.\n\nHe brightened. \"Like ants?\"\n\n\"Smaller,\" I said.\n\nHe thought. He looked around. He grinned. \"A cootie?\"\n\n\"Smaller.\"\n\nHe wasn't sure whether to laugh or not. He knocked my knee. \"You're funnin' me, Will. Nothing's littler than a cootie.\"\n\n\"You could fit a billion protons into the eyeball of a flea,\" I told him.\n\nHis mouth dropped. His eyes went wide. He knew from my face and my voice that I wasn't kidding, he knew it must be true, but it wouldn't stick to his brain. I wanted to say, Korbet, I'm sad. Can you make me feel better?\n\nI said, \"Protons die.\"\n\nHe looked at me. \"Do they go to Heaven?\"\n\nHow could I answer that? \"Korbet,\" I said, \"what would you do if you liked a girl\u2014\"\n\nHe jumped in, beaming. \"I do! Tabby! I love her!\"\n\n\"\u2014I know\u2014if you liked a girl and you asked her to go to a dance with you but somebody else already asked her first? What would you do?\"\n\nHe uncurled his index finger, propped his chin on it. He pondered grimly for half a minute, staring off down the street. At last he nodded. He looked up. The gray of his eyes matched the flagstone. He looked older than five. He spoke: \"Ask her to the next dance.\"\n\nPD221\n\nI've been playing a lot of chess with my father. The tournament is this coming Saturday. Every once in a while it occurs to me that I'm defending champion. I used to practice all the time. I should have been gearing up for weeks, but I haven't. I can't concentrate. My father beat me yesterday. I stunk.\n\nToday was no better. It felt like all I did was stare at my father's defense. Did I want to sacrifice my queen to open up the board? Or take the safe route and capture his knight? My eyes kept drifting to the back row, to his king and queen. But that's not what I saw. Instead of the royal couple, I saw Mi-Su and Danny Riggs, dancing in a black-and-white checkerboard ballroom.\n\n\"Daddy! Come here, quick!\"\n\nTabby was at the door. Dad and I were locked in my parents' bedroom. It's our Tabby defense. She knows chess takes concentration, so she tries to disrupt us whenever she gets wind that we're playing. She always calls out for my father, but of course it's me and my concentration she's really after. Sometimes I'm amazed at how devious a five-year-old can be.\n\n\"Daddy!\"\n\nMy father ignored her. He once told me that he allows her to do it because it's good training for me\u2014I must be able to shut out distractions.\n\n\"Daddy!\"\n\n\"I can't think,\" I said.\n\n\"Focus,\" he whispered.\n\nExcept for the pest, we tried to simulate tournament conditions. A timer sat on the table.\n\n\"Daddy! There's something in the hallway! Come quick!\"\n\nThe king and queen were waltzing across the floor...time was running out...couldn't think...couldn't think...blindly I moved my rook, took his knight. I hardly had time to pop my clock before Dad pounced, sending his bishop clear across the board, into my king's face. \"Check,\" he said.\n\nNever saw it coming. Now I was in big trouble.\n\n\"Daddy! Mommy wants you!\"\n\nMy turn again. It was no disgrace to lose to my father. It happens half the time. But I never get trounced, and today he was trouncing me. I could tell he was disappointed in me. But I also knew he wouldn't let up. Even when I was little, he never let me win. When I finally did, I knew I'd earned it. He groomed me for that tournament. When I won, he was so proud. And now I was letting him down. Somewhere Mi-Su and Danny Riggs were smiling dreamily at each other and my sister was pounding on the door and I couldn't think...couldn't think...the clock was ticking...\n\n\"Daddy! I'm bleeding!\"\n\nTicking...\n\nI roared: \"Tabby! Shut up!\"\n\nMy father's eyes flared.\n\nThe clock pinged.\n\nI was out of time. I couldn't believe it. That hadn't happened to me since I was six. My father was staring at me. I couldn't read his face.\n\n\"It's her fault,\" I said.\n\nMy father was moving pieces, resetting them for another game. But something was wrong\u2014when I told Tabby to shut up, she shut up. For the last minute, nothing but silence from the other side of the bedroom door. And now I heard a faint sound. A kind of hissing, sipping sound. I turned in my chair. A red and white striped straw was poking under the door. She'd done this before. She was trying to force us to come out by sucking the air out of the room. When I turned back, my father's neck was red. He was biting his lip.\n\nPD222\n\nWe were first at the lunch table. Alone for the moment, if you can call being in the same room with three hundred other students alone. We had both brought our lunches from home. We unwrapped our sandwiches. I felt her staring.\n\n\"Hi, Grumpy,\" she said.\n\nI looked up. She was smiling sweetly.\n\n\"Huh?\"\n\n\"I said, 'Hi, Grumpy.'\"\n\nI looked around. \"You talking to me?\"\n\n\"No, I'm talking to your chicken salad sandwich.\"\n\n\"Who's Grumpy?\" I said.\n\n\"You.\"\n\n\"Me?\"\n\n\"Yeah, you. Grumpy. Sourpuss. All week.\"\n\nI smiled. \"I'm not grumpy.\"\n\nShe laughed. \"That...is the fakiest smile I've ever seen in my whole life.\"\n\n\"Fakiest isn't a word,\" I told her.\n\nShe was silent for a while; then: \"Will.\"\n\n\"What?\"\n\n\"Will.\"\n\n\"What?\"\n\n\"Look at me.\"\n\nI looked at her.\n\n\"Will...it's just a dance. He asked me first. We're only in ninth grade. There's three more years. No big deal. I still like you. Get over it.\"\n\nBT and others were heading our way. I shrugged. \"I'm over it.\"\n\nPD223\n\nI lost again to my father yesterday. And on my way to losing today. I'm going to lose in the first round on Saturday. I'm not only going to lose, I'm going to be embarrassed. I'll be exposed as a fake and a fraud and a fluke. People will say, \"He's no good. Last year's win was a fluke.\" They'll make me give my trophy back. \"You're a disgrace to the tournament,\" they'll say. I don't want to go. I hope I get sick. I'm losing and I'm sad and I'm grumpy and the rooks and pawns keep looking up at me, like, \"So what's the next move, dummy?\" and I'm not over it and Tabby was pounding on the door...pounding on the door...\n\nI punched my clock button.\n\nMy father looked up. \"You didn't move.\"\n\n\"I'm not going,\" I told him.\n\nHe cocked his head. \"Not going? Not going where?\"\n\n\"To the tournament. Saturday. I'm not ready, and I can't get ready because of her. Maybe you can focus with all that racket, but I can't. I'm not you. I'm not going.\"\n\nMy father yelled past me, \"Tabby! Stop!\"\n\nMy father hardly ever raises his voice. When he does, Tabby hides in her bedroom closet. I heard her running off.\n\nMy father restarted the timer.\n\nI punched it.\n\n\"I'm not going,\" I repeated. \"It's too late. She's ruined a week of practice.\"\n\n\"She's gone,\" he said. \"She won't be back.\"\n\n\"It's not just that,\" I said. \"She'll be there all day Saturday. She's into my head now. Just knowing she's there in the audience\u2014\" I knew I was reaching but I didn't care; I'd unleashed my mouth and it was taking off. \"I'm hearing her in my dreams. I'll be stinko. I'll make a fool of myself.\"\n\nHe stared at me. I met his eyes. Did he believe me? His shoulders went up and down as he took a deep breath and let it out. Was he giving up on me? My son, the quitter? He nodded. \"Hang in there. We'll see. Give yourself the rest of the night off. Watch some TV. Clear your head.\" He got up and unlocked the door.\n\nPD224\n\nMy father hasn't said a word about tomorrow. Is he letting me off the hook? At least there's one thing I can control: Mi-Su and BT. They cheered me on last time. This morning at school I told them both I wasn't entering the tournament this year, so don't bother showing up. Of course they wanted to know why. I was going to make up some fancy lie, but then I had a brilliant idea: tell the truth (or at least part of it). So I told them my sister was driving me crazy and I couldn't get any quality practice time in and I didn't want to embarrass myself in front of my best friends and so I wasn't going. They believed it.\n\nIn the afternoon I came around a corner and bumped smack into Danny Riggs. He said, \"Hi, Will,\" and we went our ways. My name coming out of his mouth\u2014why did it shock me? Why am I surprised he even knows it? He gave a little smile with it. Was he being the gracious victor? Being nice to the poor pathetic loser, the former boyfriend?\n\nI'm aching for the old days, before the star party and the kisses and the complications, before the tiny flying flashes, when we were all just friends and the biggest problem on Saturday nights was how many hotels to build on Park Place.\n\nPD225\n\nMy pillow was warm with sun when my father poked his head into my room. \"Let's go, champ. Up and at 'em.\"\n\nUntil that moment I wasn't sure I was going. I still didn't want to. I had hoped he would let me sleep, but I guess I knew better.\n\nBy the time I got down to breakfast, Tabby was wagging her head and saying, \"No...no...\" Her mouth was full of dry Lucky Charms.\n\n\"Don't you want to be with Aunt Nancy?\" said my mother.\n\n\"I hate Aunt Nancy.\"\n\n\"Stop being silly. You'll have a good time.\"\n\n\"I want my ice cream.\"\n\n\"There's ice cream in the fridge. Rocky Road. Just for you.\"\n\n\"I'm going to Purple Cow. I want my banana split.\"\n\n\"We'll take you to Purple Cow next week.\"\n\nShe pounded the table. She spewed Lucky Charms. \"No! Today! I go to the termament!\"\n\nI was getting the picture. My parents had told her she was staying home, to be babysat by Aunt Nancy. For the last two years they've brought her with them to the tournament. It takes place in the gym at Lionville Middle School. There's not much for little kids to do but sit and watch from morning till night. She kept getting itchy. Once, she ran down from the bleachers and snuck up behind me and put her hands over my eyes and said, \"Guess who?\" When the monitor came after her, she ran screaming like a banshee around the players' tables. Another time she stood up in the bleachers and belted out: \"Go, Will! Beat his pants off!\"\n\nThat's when my mother dragged her off and took her to the nearby Purple Cow and told her she could get anything she wanted. She got the deluxe super-duper banana split. It took her over an hour to eat. For the last couple of weeks my mother has been telling her that if she's good at the tournament, they'll go to Purple Cow for another banana split. That's really why Tabby wanted to go to Lionville, not to see me play chess. And Aunt Nancy couldn't take her to Purple Cow because Aunt Nancy doesn't drive.\n\nTabby dumped her bowl of milkless Lucky Charms onto the kitchen table. She stood on her chair. She stomped her foot. \"I'm going!\"\n\nMy father took her by the upper arms and lowered her to the floor. He kept hold of her as he sat on the chair and brought his face down to hers. \"You have lots of days. You get your way a lot. This is Will's day. You're not going.\" He said it calmly, softly. She jerked away from him and ran upstairs bawling. But not before giving me a look, a look that said, Will's day, huh? So you're the one behind all this.\n\nActually, it's not exactly true that Aunt Nancy doesn't drive. She does drive a bicycle. She pulled into the driveway at 7:30, and a minute later the three of us were on our way to Lionville.\n\nMy first opponent was a girl named Renee from Great Valley. Much to my surprise, I beat her. In only ten moves. Then I beat a guy from Conestoga High, a senior. I called checkmate before his king had time to straighten his crown.\n\nI was on a roll, and I didn't know why. Maybe my father was right, taking time off cleared my head. Maybe my sister's shenanigans distracted me from Mi-Su and Danny Riggs. All I know is, the more I won the more I wanted to win. Sixty-four kids had started the tournament. Two quick games\u2014twenty-two moves\u2014and already I was in the Sweet Sixteen. I began to picture a second trophy standing alongside the first.\n\nWe went out for lunch break, to Purple Cow. Back in the gym, I zipped through my first match of the afternoon. That put me in the quarterfinals. Three rounds to paydirt. I was thinking: Cakewalk. Then, finally, I met some competition, a huge blobby crew-cut freckled red-haired junior from Henderson. Even his fat arms had freckles. And tattoos. Whales. Swimming in a sea of freckles. He called himself Orca. Not exactly your chessy type. But as soon as he rejected my queen's gambit, I knew he was trouble.\n\nFive moves. Ten moves. Twenty. Thirty. Moves and countermoves. We were neck and neck. The board was smoking. You are truly focused when you're so focused that you don't know you're focused. I wasn't seeing trophies. I wasn't seeing the crowd. I wasn't seeing Orca. I wasn't even seeing pawns and rooks and bishops. I was seeing the board. The whole board. Everything. That's the key, to see it all, to see the patterns, the pitfalls, the possibilities. To blinder your brain until you're in the zone, until your whole universe is the eighteen-by-eighteen-inch checkered chessboard in front of you.\n\nMe: Rook to bishop, one.\n\nOrca: Pawn to bishop, three.\n\nMe: Bishop to queen, three.\n\nMy hope here was to lure Orca into moving his pawn to queen's knight, three. It's a trap Dad often sets for me.\n\nOrca: Pawn to queen's knight, three.\n\nYes!\n\nI pinched my pawn. With it I would take his pawn. By itself, an innocent little move, but it would be the beginning of the end. He was doomed, and he knew it. He was on the gangplank, and every move of mine from now on would be a sword tip poking him farther and farther out until\u2014Checkmate!\u2014he became shark meat.\n\nI was about to lift my pawn when I felt a hand on my shoulder. But even then I stayed with it, stayed in the zone, my eighteen-by-eighteen-inch world.\n\n\"Will\u2014\"\n\nMy father's voice.\n\n\"Not now,\" I said.\n\nThe hand squeezed. \"Will.\" I turned my head, looked up. His face wasn't right. \"We have to go.\"\n\n\"I can't,\" I said. I didn't know why he was doing this, but I was sure he was kidding. Or testing me.\n\n\"Come on,\" he said. His voice was husky.\n\n\"I'm winning,\" I said. I might have whined.\n\n\"Four more moves and I'm in the semis.\" Orca was staring, mouth open.\n\nMy father pulled my chair out as if I weighed nothing. He pulled me to my feet and led me off the floor. The gym was silent except for our footsteps. Only now, with my dad yanking me out of my zone, did I realize how much fun I had been having. I couldn't remember the last time chess had been fun.\n\nMy mother was waiting in the hallway. She was crying. She reached out and took my hand. I didn't know she could squeeze so hard. \"Tabby's hurt,\" she said.\n\nAll I could come up with was one brilliant word: \"What?\" She was already heading out the door.\n\nMy father talked as he drove to the hospital. Aunt Nancy said the morning had gone normally, Tabby watching her Saturday cartoons. They had hot dogs for lunch. About an hour later Aunt Nancy went upstairs to check on Tabby. The TV was on in her room, but no Tabby. Aunt Nancy looked around the house\u2014dormer, basement, everywhere. Called for her. Nothing. She went outside. Korbet was playing in his backyard. No, he hadn't seen Tabby. Neither had his parents.\n\nAunt Nancy walked up and down the street, calling. She got on her bike and rode around the block. She rode in bigger and bigger circles around the house. She was all the way out to Heather Lane when she heard an ambulance siren. People were standing at the top of Dead Man's Hill.\n\n\"Little girl\u2014\" they said.\n\n\"Skateboard\u2014\"\n\n\"Crashed\u2014\"\n\n\"Trauma center\u2014\"\n\nAunt Nancy wouldn't know a cell phone from a muskrat. She raced back, called my folks from the house.\n\nWe passed the first carnival of the year, at the Greek Orthodox church. Tilt-A-Whirl looked like an alien spaceship gone berserk. A sign said \"Souvlaki! Folk Dancing!\" At the hospital all the closest parking spaces were for doctors. My father cursed them and parked in the last row. Halfway across the lot my mother gave a little squeak and broke into a run. In all my life I had never seen her run. My father started running, too. Then me.\n\nEmergency smelled like mouthwash. There were no rooms, just spaces divided by white curtains. Behind a counter a nurse looked up. She seemed surprised to see us. \"Yes?\"\n\n\"Tabby Tuppence,\" said my father.\n\n\"Oh yes.\" She pencil-pointed to one of the spaces. It was mobbed with white-coated people. You couldn't even see the bed. \"Right there. But we'll have to ask you\u2014\"\n\nMy mother was already marching. The nurse called, \"Ma'am!\" like my mother was really going to stop. At the bed my mother stood on tiptoes and looked over the white shoulders. Then a man nurse led her away, and we all went to sit in a little room with a TV and old magazines and a man and lady in the corner. The lady was sniffling. The man had his hand on her knee. He had the biggest ears I'd ever seen.\n\nWe sat. Waited. Read year-old health and gardening magazines. After forever, a white-coated man came in. He smiled and looked down at us. \"Mr. and Mrs. Tuppence?\"\n\nA mangled syllable fell out of my father's mouth.\n\n\"I'm Dr. Fryman.\"\n\nI thought: No, you're not. You're Dr. Short. Because he was so short. Not a dwarf, but not a heck of a lot taller either.\n\nHe held out his hand for shaking. When he came to me, he said, \"And you are?\"\n\n\"Will,\" I said. I was surprised at the strength of his tiny hand. It felt funny looking down at a doctor.\n\nHe nodded, smiled, finally let go of my hand. \"She's in intensive care now. You'll be able to see her.\" He held out his arm. \"But why don't we go in here first.\"\n\nHe led us into another small room, this one empty. The seats had cushions. There was a stained-glass window in the back wall.\n\n\"Sit. Please,\" he said.\n\nWe sat. He sat. When he sat he wasn't much shorter than when he stood.\n\n\"Tabby?\" he said. \"Short for\"\u2014his eyebrows went up\u2014\"Tabitha?\"\n\nMy mother's breath caught on a snag. \"Yes.\"\n\nThe doctor smiled. I wondered why he was smiling so much. A hearing aid was molded into one of his ears. It looked like someone had pressed bubblegum in there.\n\n\"Well, she had quite a spill there,\" he said.\n\n\"Will she be OK?\" my mother blurted.\n\nHe looked at her, smiled. \"We hope so. We believe so.\"\n\nA pen top peeked out of his white coat pocket. It was a yellow smiley face.\n\n\"She's had some lacerations, here and there. We did some sutures, in her scalp, her knees. You'll see some bruising. She may have had a concussion, so we'll keep an eye on that. Mostly we're concerned with her neck area.\"\n\nMy mother gasped. My father croaked, \"What?\"\n\n\"Well, general trauma. There may have been some damage to the windpipe. Or\"\u2014big smile, friendly shrug\u2014\"there may not have been. We'll be testing. Time will tell. Meanwhile, she was having a little trouble breathing\u2014\"\n\nA hiccuppy sound from my mother. \"Breathing?\"\n\n\"A little?\" said my father.\n\n\"\u2014so we've got her intubated now.\"\n\n\"What's intubated?\" I heard myself say.\n\n\"We've inserted a tube into her trachea\u2014that's the windpipe\u2014and a ventilator is breathing for her.\"\n\n\"Breathing for her?\" my mother squeaked.\n\nThe doctor reached over and touched the back of my mother's hand with his fingertips. He looked around. He got up and came back with a thin black and gold book that said Prayers. The inside of the back cover was blank. He took out the smiley face pen and drew a picture. \"This is the trachea...bronchial passages...lungs. The tube goes in here\u2014\"\n\n\"Up her nose?\" Me again.\n\n\"Oh, sure,\" he said, like no big deal.\n\n\"Works best that way.\"\n\nI was remembering one morning when I woke up with her sitting on my chest and saying, \"I'm a walwus.\" Carrot sticks stuck out of her nose. She tried to clamp her laugh, but it came out as a snort and the carrots speared me in the face.\n\nMy father was asking a question: \"...need a ventilator to breathe for her?\"\n\nThe doctor clipped the pen back in his pocket. He closed the book. \"We do it all the time, Mr. Tuppence. In Tabby's case, it's to let things calm down in there. Give things a rest. Let the machine do the work.\"\n\nHe made it sound so natural, like the machine was Tabby II. I wanted to see this machine.\n\nMy mother stood. \"Can we see her now?\"\n\nThe rest of us stood. We looked down at the doctor. He smiled. \"Of course. Just one more thing\"\u2014the room stopped breathing\u2014\"we've got her sedated. As I said, we want things to calm down. We don't want her getting upset, trying to pull the tube out, you know? So we'll keep her asleep for a while.\"\n\n\"How long is a while?\" said my father.\n\n\"That'll be up to Tabby, how she comes along. Not a minute more than necessary.\"\n\nMy father's hands flew out. Suddenly his voice was loud and clear. \"A week? A year?\" He trotted after my mother, who had already taken off. \"Ten years?\" He was almost shouting.\n\nWhen I got to the corridor I didn't see my parents, but I did see the letters \"ICU\" on a glass door. Intensive care unit, I thought brilliantly. I pushed a button to open the door, and there I was. There were real walls here, but no fronts. Cubicles. In an arc fanning out from the nurses' station. You could see every bed. No mob of white coats. No parents. They must have missed the sign.\n\n\"Tabby Tuppence?\" I said to the nurse behind the counter.\n\nShe finished writing something, looked up. \"You are?\"\n\n\"Will Tuppence.\"\n\nShe smiled. \"Brother?\"\n\nI nodded. This was getting so stupid it wasn't worth wasting a word on.\n\n\"Number three.\" She nodded, toward number three, I assumed, but as I walked across the floor I couldn't see a number three, or any other number, anywhere. I stopped. I thought, Jeez, can't anybody put up number signs in this place? I took my best guess on which cubicle was number three. Sure enough, there was a little kid in the bed, and there was a tube up her nose. Or his nose. I couldn't tell. The face was all swollen and blue and his\/her head was covered with a bowl of bandages. Whatever, it wasn't Tabby, which was a relief. But this was getting ridiculous. I didn't have all day. I went back to the nurse.\n\n\"I'm looking for Tabby Tuppence,\" I said.\n\n\"She's supposed to be in number three.\"\n\nThe nurse looked confused, like I was talking rocket science or something. \"I believe\"\u2014she looked at the clipboard she was carrying\u2014\"she is.\"\n\nI pointed to the cubicle. \"Is that number three?\"\n\n\"Yes,\" she said.\n\n\"Well, she's not there.\"\n\nMore wide-eyed confusion. I had always thought hospitals were pretty competent places. \"She's not?\"\n\n\"No. That's not her. I know my sister.\" I said it slow: \"Ta-bi-tha Tup-pence.\"\n\nAt that point the nurse headed for the cubicle and my parents finally showed up. \"Mom,\" I said, \"they're all messed up.\" I threw my hands out. \"They can't even get numbers right around here.\"\n\nThe nurse's voice came from the cubicle. \"Sir...this is Tabitha Tuppence.\"\n\nI'd had enough. I pointed at the nurse, shouted, \"No, it's not!\"\n\nAnd suddenly my mother had me in her arms, squeezing me, and over her shoulder I saw my father standing at the bed, looking down, and I knew.\n\nIt was dark when we walked out of the hospital, my father and me. My mother stayed behind. They said she could use a nearby room, but she said she would stay in number three.\n\nOn the way home I wondered if Orca had gone on to win the tournament after I forfeited to him. The carnival was still, dark, deserted. Empty Ferris wheel seats dangled against the night.\n\nAs we pulled into the driveway, the headlights caught Aunt Nancy's bike sprawled in the grass and Mi-Su and BT sitting on the front step. Mi-Su came running, her face lopsided from crying. She hugged my father. \"How is she?\"\n\n\"Sleeping,\" he said.\n\nShe peered into the car. \"Where's Mrs. Tuppence?\"\n\n\"Staying.\"\n\nMi-Su gave a shudder, and then she was hugging me. She squeezed as hard as my mother. Then BT hugging me. I can't remember us ever hugging before. I'm not a huggy kind of guy. My father asked them to come in, but they said no thanks and left.\n\nAunt Nancy was sitting on the sofa. Black Viper lay on its back in her lap. She looked up at my father. Her face was blotchy. She dabbed at her eyes with a Kleenex. \"How is she?\"\n\nMy father was taking a long time to answer, so I said, \"She's fine.\"\n\nI took Black Viper from her lap. I spun a wheel\u2014smooth as ever. Shock pad tight. On top a little chipped paint, that was all. Almost good as new.\n\nAunt Nancy gave me a piece of paper. \"Found it under the door.\" I unfolded it. It was in green crayon, all jumbo letters until he nearly ran out of space for his name:\n\nDEER TABBY \nGET WELL SOON I \nLOVE YOO \nKORBET\n\nMy father tied Aunt Nancy's bike into the trunk and drove her home. I went to bed. I didn't even bother to take my shoes off. Did I sleep? Did I dream? I don't know. I only know in the middle of the night as I lay there I was aware of a presence in the dormer, of something happening there. I got up. I stood at the foot of the stairs. I saw\u2014I imagined\u2014who knows?\u2014fluttering lights beneath the dormer door. And I knew what it was. Time itself had gone into hyperdrive. All was accelerating. Protons were swarming in the dormer, swarming and flashing out of existence by the billions, lighting up the wedding gifts. And somehow I knew that if I walked up those stairs and opened the door and went in, I'd never come back down again.\n\nI went downstairs, got the skateboard, went outside. I dropped the skateboard to the ground, stepped on, pushed off, stopped. \"No!\" I said to the night. I shoved it with my foot. It wobbled across the lawn to the sidewalk. I picked it up, whirled it like a discus thrower, let go. It sailed into the house, just missing the front picture window, dropped into a bush. I could hear the wheels spinning.\n\nI walked the streets. My atomic watch glowed green in the dark. It told me the time. It told me the month, day and year. It didn't tell me what was going to happen to my sister. I walked, walked. I could no longer see the whole board, only my own dark square.\n\nPD226\n\nThe phone rang. I staggered from bed.\n\n\"'Lo?\"\n\n\"You're sleeping. I'm sorry.\"\n\nMi-Su.\n\n\"'Time is it?\"\n\n\"Almost eleven. I didn't really expect anyone to be home. Just thought I'd try.\"\n\nI spied a note under my door. \"Wait.\"\n\nI picked up the note. It said:\n\nI wanted to let you sleep. I'll be at the hospital.\n\nDad\n\nI returned to the phone. \"I went to bed late,\" I told her. \"I was out.\"\n\n\"Out?\"\n\n\"Walking.\" Silence. \"Hello?\"\n\n\"I'll let you sleep.\"\n\n\"No. Wait.\"\n\nMore silence. Then: \"What am I waiting for?\"\n\nI tried to think. \"I don't know.\"\n\nShe gave a half-giggle. \"Well, I was just calling to see if there was any news, that's all. I'll check later.\"\n\n\"I'm up now. I'm not going back to bed.\"\n\n\"You want me to come over? I have two muffins here.\"\n\n\"OK.\"\n\nThe muffins were cranberry. I don't like cranberries, but it didn't matter because I couldn't taste the muffin anyway. She had made us herbal tea she found in the cupboard. This I could taste. It was like flowers.\n\n\"So where did you walk last night?\" she said.\n\n\"Nowhere special. Just around.\"\n\n\"She'll be OK.\"\n\n\"I know.\"\n\nWe picked at our muffins, a crumb at a time.\n\n\"I hate cranberries,\" I said.\n\n\"Pick them out. Give them to me.\"\n\nI picked out the cranberries, dropped them on her plate.\n\n\"I hate this tea.\"\n\n\"It's good for you.\"\n\nWe chewed. Sipped. Sat.\n\nShe started to say something. \"What time\u2014\"\n\n\"It's all BT's fault,\" I said.\n\nHer eyes came up, brows arching.\n\n\"Really?\"\n\n\"He got her started on the skateboard. They're always in the driveway.\"\n\n\"His fault.\"\n\n\"Not just that. His craziness, too. Doing crazy stuff. Stunts. She sees it. She wants to be like him.\"\n\n\"You think so?\" She was grinning, I didn't know why.\n\n\"She thinks he's great.\"\n\n\"Don't you?\"\n\n\"I think he's going to end up pumping gas.\"\n\nThe grin grew. \"I think you love him.\"\n\n\"That's a weird thing to say.\"\n\n\"What are you doing?\"\n\nThe grin was gone. She was staring at the table. I looked. My hand was a fist. It was mashing the cranberry muffin into the plate.\n\n\"Will\u2014\"\n\n\"It's my fault.\"\n\n\"No.\" I was surprised how fast the \"No\" came, as if she had been waiting for me to say that.\n\nI nodded. \"Oh, yeah. It is.\"\n\nShe lifted my fist from the mashed muffin, swept away the sticking crumbs with her napkin. \"No. It is not your fault.\"\n\n\"She was making noise when I was playing chess with my dad. Bothering me\"\u2014I looked at her\u2014\"you know?\"\n\nShe nodded. Her eyes were shining.\n\n\"So I told my dad I wasn't going to the tournament if she went. Take your choice\u2014her or me\u2014I told him. So she...she didn't go. They told her yesterday morning, 'You're not going.' She went ballistic. Not because of the chess.\"\n\nMi-Su rasped, \"Ice cream.\"\n\n\"Yeah. Exactly. Ice cream. She couldn't care less about my chess. And the thing is...the thing is...\"\n\nHer hand came over, rested on mine. \"What's the thing?\"\n\n\"...thing is...how she looked at me...she knew...\"\n\n\"Knew what?\"\n\n\"Taking Black Viper. Going down Dead Man's Hill, like BT. She knew exactly what to do to get back at me.\"\n\nMi-Su wagged her head wearily. She pushed herself up from her chair and walked slowly upstairs. I followed. She stopped at the doorway to Tabby's room. \"I just wanted to see...,\" she said. Her voice caught. \"Oh...poor Ozzie. All alone.\" Ozzie the octopus was flopped forlornly over Tabby's pillow.\n\nWhen Mi-Su turned to me, her face was glary. \"You're so...It's not about chess or ice cream or skateboards or BT or anything else. It's about you. You and her. She loves you. That's all it's about. She loves you, you stupid...idiot...brother.\"\n\nShe went downstairs. I heard the front door open, then her calling: \"And you love her!\" The door closed.\n\nI went into her room. Sat on the bed, looking at Ozzie. If I could draw sadness, I'd draw that plush gray toy octopus. I petted its soccer ball\u2013size head and left the room.\n\nAs I left the house a little later, I nearly tripped over BT. He was sitting on the front step.\n\n\"Why didn't you come in?\" I said. \"The door was open.\"\n\nHe shrugged. He didn't get up.\n\n\"Mi-Su was here.\"\n\nHe nodded. \"I saw her.\"\n\nOut of habit, I glanced around for Black Viper, then remembered last night. Only the black tip was showing above the bush, as if it was drowning. \"I'm going back to the hospital.\"\n\nHe nodded.\n\nI headed for the sidewalk.\n\n\"I'm sorry,\" he said.\n\nI stopped, turned. \"What about?\"\n\nHis face was down, his elbows on his knees. \"I never should've gone down the Hill. It gave her the idea.\" He was crying.\n\nI came back to him. \"That's bull.\" I said. \"It's not your fault.\"\n\n\"I taught her to skateboard. She copied everything I did. I should have known she would try that.\"\n\nIt didn't feel right, standing above my lifelong friend, looking down on the top of his head. \"No, no. She copied you at a lot of good stuff. She thinks, like, you're it, man. Don't you know that? She thinks you can do no wrong.\"\n\nHe gave a sneering sob. \"Yeah, that's the problem.\"\n\nI put my hand on his shoulder. Before I could take it away his hand was squeezing mine.\n\n\"BT, listen,\" I said, \"there's nothing for you to feel bad about. You've been like another\"\u2014the word wanted to stay put but I shoved it out\u2014\"brother to her.\"\n\nAnd thought: The brother I haven't been.\n\nI extracted my hand. If I didn't get out of there right then, I was going to lose it. I gave him a little arm punch. \"She loves you. Gotta go.\" I trotted off.\n\nBack in intensive care, seeing her, I couldn't stop a cockeyed thought: mummy. With the bandage bowl over her head and all the tape across her face holding the tube tight to her nose. And what little I could see of her face was purple. Crazy as it sounds, about twenty-five percent of me still didn't believe it was really her. It wouldn't have surprised me one bit if the doctor had come in and said, \"Sorry, folks, there's been a mistake. This isn't Tabitha.\"\n\nMore tape held needles in her arms. More tubes ran from the needles up to plastic bags hanging above her. The bags held liquid. One was clear as water. The other looked like flat ginger ale. Tubes up her nose, in her mouth.\n\nShe looked so tiny in the bed, like they couldn't find one to fit her. The ventilator was a high-tech\u2013looking contraption with little lights and all. If somebody had told me it was the latest thing in home entertainment, I'd probably have believed it\u2014until I heard the sound it makes. Kind of like breathing. Wheezing. But not human breathing. Not little five-year-old girl breathing. Machine breathing. Alien breathing.\n\n\"What's that?\" I asked my mother and father. I was pointing to a sky-blue plastic clip on the end of her index finger. Reminded me of a clothespin. A light in the clip made her fingertip glow red, like ET.\n\n\"It measures oxygen in the blood,\" said my mother.\n\n\"Pulse oximeter,\" said Dad.\n\nMy mother looked terrible, like she just got out of bed. \"Doctor say anything?\" I asked her.\n\nShe took a deep breath. \"About the same. Her vital signs are good.\"\n\n\"What's that?\" I said.\n\nDad said, \"Blood pressure. Pulse rate. Respiration\"\u2014he looked at the wheezing ventilator\u2014\"well\u2014\" We all looked at the ventilator. Respiration means breathing. The ventilator was breathing. My sister was not breathing. So the ventilator's vital signs were good. Hurrah for the ventilator.\n\nThe tiny doctor came in. Smiled. Shook my hand. Said, \"Good morning, Will.\" It's afternoon, you moron, I thought but didn't say. He put his stethoscope on Tabby's chest. Why don't you put it on the ventilator? He glanced at the blinking lights, the little green numbers. Felt the tubes. Said some medical jibby jabby to my parents. Said, \"MRI good...X-ray good...blood work good...\" If everything's so good, what the hell's she doing here?\n\nWhen the doctor left, my mother said, \"Did you eat?\"\n\n\"Yeah,\" I said. \"Mi-Su came over.\"\n\n\"I could use something.\" She got up. \"Why don't you come with me?\"\n\nWe walked through a maze to a crowded cafeteria. My mother got an apple juice and a plain bagel. \"Here,\" she said, leading me outside. We wound up in a courtyard, a little square secret surrounded by the building. There were orange and yellow daffodils and a tree gushing dark pink blossoms. Pink petals covered the ground. There was a wooden bench with iron curlicue armrests. We sat.\n\nShe ripped the bagel, offered me a piece.\n\n\"No thanks,\" I said.\n\nShe sighed, chewed, sipped apple juice.\n\n\"Dad says you were sleeping when he left.\"\n\n\"Yeah.\"\n\n\"Snoring.\"\n\n\"I don't snore.\"\n\n\"He says you were.\" Why would my father say that? \"He says you were out walking last night.\"\n\n\"Yeah.\"\n\n\"How are you feeling?\"\n\n\"Great.\"\n\nShe took my hand, squeezed my fingers. \"I hate to see you worried, but in a way I'm glad you are.\"\n\n\"Why wouldn't I be?\"\n\n\"I don't mean it that way. I knew you would be.\" Her voice sagged, like her shoulders. \"I just know how pestered you feel sometimes.\"\n\n\"Some times?\" I tried to say it with a grin.\n\nShe laughed, squeezed my fingers. \"I know...I know...\" She stared at me, looked away\u2014\"Will\"\u2014looked back at me\u2014\n\n\"Will...why do you think she throws her black jelly beans in the wastebasket?\"\n\n\"She knows they're my favorite.\"\n\n\"And?\"\n\n\"To tick me off.\"\n\n\"And?\"\n\nI shrugged. \"What else is there? It's like everything else. She makes sure I see her, because if I don't see her I won't get mad. And that's what she wants, to make me mad.\"\n\nMy mother closed her eyes and gave a weary sigh. \"You're hopeless.\" She hugged me as she said it. \"Did you come on your skateboard?\"\n\n\"No.\"\n\nShe looked surprised, then not surprised. \"I need you to go home and meet me back here.\"\n\n\"I still have legs.\"\n\nShe squeezed my knee. \"Good. An hour time enough?\"\n\n\"Yeah,\" I said. \"Easy.\"\n\n\"Okay. When you get there, go to your sister's room and take a look at Ozzie. A really close look. Then come back and tell me what you find.\" She pushed me from the seat. \"Go. I'll meet you right here in an hour.\"\n\nHome was less than a cross-country course away. I was there in twenty minutes. I took the stairs two at a time. Ozzie looked pretty normal to me, until I turned him over and saw the gash in his underside that was laced up like a sneaker. I untied the laces and pulled it open and reached inside and pulled out a Morningside lemonade container. A mailing label said in big red letters:\n\nFOR WILL\u2014TOP SECRET!!!\n\nThe words looked adult-made, but I figured I knew who did the dictating. I took off the yellow plastic lid. The container was three-quarters full\u2014of black jelly beans.\n\nI don't know how long I sat there, staring at the jelly beans, at the gutted octopus. The horizontal world I had thought I occupied was tilting, dumping me somewhere else, somewhere new. I carefully replaced the container in the octopus and returned to the hospital.\n\nI waited on the bench. When Mom sat beside me, she stared at my face for a long time. At last she said, \"You found it?\"\n\nI nodded.\n\n\"And?\" Still searching my face.\n\n\"And...\" I shrugged. I had feelings but not words.\n\nShe laid her hand on mine. \"Let me get you started. You're not exactly sure what to make of Tabby's little secret, but you think you just saw a side of her that you maybe hadn't noticed before. Does that come close?\"\n\nI nodded.\n\nShe looked away with a long sigh. \"Do you know what she does afterward, when you're not looking?\"\n\nI shook my head.\n\n\"She takes the jelly beans back out of the wastebasket. She dusts them off. She has her own special dust rag. Then she puts them in her secret place. She's going to give them to you on your next birthday.\"\n\n\"Dusted off?\" The words came out choky.\n\nShe squeezed my hand. \"Don't worry. She won't know it, but I'll substitute new jelly beans at the last minute.\"\n\nI didn't know what to do, what to say.\n\nFeelings were flooding. I reached up, flicked at the end of a gushing pink branch. Petals fell.\n\nI felt her head on my shoulder. \"Will...she's too little to understand the best way to get you to love her. So she just does it her way.\"\n\nSomething in me wouldn't give up. \"Which is being a pest.\" But this time I smiled as I said it.\n\nShe poked my knee. \"Exactly. Why do you think she keeps fooling with your trophy? Because she thinks you love that little pewter man more than her.\" Her breath caught on the last word. \"Sometimes you\"\u2014she made a fist and punched my knee twice, thumb out, girl-style\u2014\"you get so wrapped up in your own little world you don't see what's right in front of you. Whatever interests you\u2014you\u2014that's what she zeroes in on.\"\n\nChess\n\nTrophy\n\nSkateboard\n\nBlack jelly beans\n\nStar party\n\nMi-Su\n\nBT\n\nI cleared my throat. \"There's something I always wondered about.\"\n\n\"What's that?\"\n\n\"The wedding gifts. Why hasn't she ever ripped them open?\"\n\nShe nodded, gave a quiet chuckle. \"I threatened her. I told her if she ever messed with the gifts, you would not walk down the aisle with her on First Day.\"\n\nWe sat for a while, breathing.\n\nNow she was lightly rubbing my knee, brushing away the punches. \"You know what she wants? More than anything?\" I shook my head. \"She wants to be just like you. Her big brother.\"\n\nShe hugged my arm. \"Do you even know what color her eyes are, Will? Do you?\"\n\nPetals falling...pink petals falling everywhere...\n\nPD227\n\nI don't know how my mother stands it, staying in the room all this time. Every other minute she checks the tubes, reads the monitors. She touches Tabby's face. She reaches under the sheet to feel if her feet are cold. She holds her hand, runs her finger over it, kisses it. She rubs her earlobes between her thumb and forefinger. I've never seen earlobes get so much attention.\n\nShe talks to Tabby as if she can hear. She says things like, \"Will's here,\" and \"Mommy's going to go see the nurse. I'll be right back,\" and \"Korbet says hello.\" She reads Korbet's note to her. I'm not sure if this is a good idea, knowing how Tabby feels about Korbet, but I don't say anything. She reads picture books to her. My father has brought a stack from home. The Velveteen Rabbit, Chicken Little, etc. I think of BT reading adult murder mysteries to her. She would prefer that.\n\nThe doctor calls it an \"induced coma.\" Keeping her \"asleep on purpose\"\u2014that's how he said it. \"Asleep on purpose.\" So \"things can settle down.\" He comes in. The nurses come in. \"So far, so good,\" everybody says.\n\nI want to believe it. I want to believe she's just sleeping. But I don't. I don't know where she is, but it's not sleep. And I don't believe this \"so far, so good\" crap either. Neither do my parents, I can tell. The tiny doctor says they'll stop the medicine\u2014I think it's dripping from one of those bags\u2014little by little, and they'll turn off the ventilator and she'll wake up, and then they'll really know how she's doing. My mother said, \"When?\" The tiny doctor said, \"As soon as possible.\" I wanted to club him.\n\nI had to get out. Move.\n\nI ran through neighborhoods, other lives, other worlds. Solipsism. A man on his lawn mower. Green and yellow. A high-school kid with earphones, washing his car, suds creeping down the driveway. High in the bright blue sky the moon showed like a fading fingerprint. It seemed so weak, so out of place, as if it stumbled into broad daylight by mistake. Unseen protons dying by the billions.\n\nMy footfalls came down like periods to my mother's words:\n\nShe wants to be just like you.\n\nShe wants to be just like you.\n\nShe wants to be just like you.\n\nLike a riderless horse, I wound up back at my house. Another look at the room, at Ozzie, smiling at the thought of the hidden jelly beans. I stood at the top of the stairs and said, in the empty house: \"My sister loves me.\"\n\nLight blinking: phone message: Mi-Su: \"Hi. Just checking. Wish I were family, so I could come. I called Danny. I told him I couldn't go to the dance. Not with Tabby...so...well...just letting you know. Bye.\"\n\nI returned to the hospital to find that Dad had finally persuaded Mom to go home for a little while, just to get a shower, change clothes. She whispered in Tabby's ear. \"I'll be back in an hour, sweetie. Not a minute longer. Daddy's going to drive me home. Will's here. Maybe he'll read to you. He loves you.\" She kissed her ear, said to me, \"Back in an hour. You're OK?\"\n\n\"Yeah,\" I said.\n\n\"Sure?\"\n\n\"Mom. Go.\"\n\nThey went.\n\nWe were alone.\n\nThe ventilator wheezed. The hanging bags dripped. The little green numbers told her vital signs. Under PULSE the number was 65. Her fingertip glowed red. Oximeter. I remembered the time I woke up with her straddling my chest, saying \"Wally ate a potato every day.\" I wanted to go back to that moment right then.\n\nI pulled the chair close, till it was touching the bed. For the first time I noticed the other plastic bag, hanging from the side of the bed. I guessed what it was: yet another tube in her, so she can pee. I don't know why, but just thinking of this, seeing how her pee filled up half the bag, made me really happy, like, \"She's working!\"\n\nI was afraid to touch her. Her face was so purple and swollen, like her cheeks were stuffed with socks. Where the tube entered her nose, the transparent plastic was foggy. I touched her little finger, just touched it. Then I held her hand, the one that didn't glow. I was thinking of when sometimes\u2014crossing a street or parking lot\u2014my mother or father tells her to hold my hand and, boy, does she love that. And she milks it. She comes up and she doesn't just slip her hand into mine so we can get this over with as quickly and painlessly as possible. Oh no. She jabs her hand up\u2014she'd wave it in my face if she were tall enough\u2014and gives me her snooty grin and says, \"Mommy says you hafta hold my hand.\" She sneers the last three words. So I snatch her hand and off we go...and now, thinking back on it, remembering how furious I would get, I was a little surprised that I've never given her just a little retaliation squeeze, a little finger-masher. The second we hit the other side of the street\u2014it never fails\u2014she yanks her hand from mine and cheats me out of the satisfaction of being the one to let go, and away she runs yelping like a banshee.\n\nShe wasn't squeezing now. Her hand just flumped, limp as one of Ozzie's eight arms. The sheet moved faintly\u2014up, down, up, down\u2014to the rhythm of the ventilator. I touched her chest\u2014three fingertips lightly\u2014up, down, up, down...\n\nMaybe he'll read to you.\n\nI took the top book from the stack. Silly Goose. I started reading. I stopped. Geese? Chickens? Rabbits? She didn't want to hear this stuff. \"Hold on,\" I said. \"Don't go anywhere.\"\n\nI ran to the patient library down the hall and was back in five minutes with a ratty copy of The Murderous Maid. I began to read aloud: \"When Harold Jensen looked out the window he saw a sky-blue Chevrolet pull up to the curb. An attractive woman, her red hair tied up in a bun, got out of the car. She put on a pair of glasses and stared directly at his front door. She referred to a piece of paper in her hand. Probably making sure she has the right address, thought Harold. 'Dear,' he called to his wife in the kitchen, 'I think the person you're interviewing for the job has arrived.'\"\n\nI tried to read with expression, but there was no reaction from Tabby. By the end of the first chapter the story was heating up pretty good. I was about to begin chapter two when I remembered my mother's question. I laid the book down. I took a deep breath, felt creepy. Just do it. I reached down to her bruised and swollen face. My hand trembled. I placed the tip of my finger on her closed eyelid. Is this possible? Only one way to find out. I slid my fingertip down till I felt her feathery eyelashes. I applied a slight pressure. I held my breath. I pushed upward. The eyelid came up, like a tiny shutter, a shade. Her eye stared at me. She sees me. She sees me not. It was green. A bold green that surprised me. A green I'd seen before but couldn't remember where.\n\nAt home in the kitchen I found a lopsided cake with chocolate icing and two handmade notes to Tabby from the chipmunks. I'd bet four hotels on Park Place that BT made the cake himself.\n\nIn the night I dreamed:\n\nI'm underground. Buried alive. Can't see. Can't breathe. Can't move. My fingernails claw at the dirt. Above me\u2014a sound. It's BT, sweeping the metal detector, looking for me. I hear the hum of the detector coming closer...closer...I claw, try to scream \"I'm here!\" but my mouth only fills with dirt and the humming gets louder and louder and suddenly it's not BT anymore, it's Tabby, and she's singing \"Wally ate a potato every day\" over and over and I'm trying to scream...trying to scream...\n\nPD228\n\nMy father didn't go to work. My mother slept in the hospital again last night. My father woke me up, said, \"School today.\" So next thing I knew I was sitting in algebra class. Wondering why.\n\nMi-Su was in the next aisle, two seats up, working her pencil, crossing stuff out. Every few minutes I remembered that she cancelled the dance with Danny Riggs. A week ago I would have been jumping for joy.\n\nWhenever she looked at me her eyes were sad. Afraid. I told her, \"Don't worry. She'll be all right.\"\n\nKids kept saying things:\n\n\"Oh Will...\"\n\n\"How's your sister?\"\n\n\"Hey man, I heard...\"\n\nOnce, I heard a whisper behind me: \"Dead Man's Hill!\"\n\nThe period ended. I grabbed my books and walked out of the classroom and...out of the school.\n\nOutside!\n\nHeading for the street.\n\nDid I really leave school in the middle of the day?\n\nI think I pulled a BT.\n\nIn the house. Alone. So quiet. Empty. Not right.\n\nI zombied from room to room. I sat on the edge of her bed. It's little-kid size, not like the ICU bed. No tubes, no ventilators, just bed. Just room. Sad-sack Ozzie on the pillow. Witch's broomstick in the corner. She begged for it for Christmas. When she doesn't sleep with Ozzie, she sleeps with the broomstick. On the floor, her toolbox. And a paperback novel, from her personal librarian, BT. The Magpie Murders.\n\nAlso on the floor, a coloring book. Let's Be Bears. I picked it up, paged through it. She gets colors all wrong. Green sky. Blue bears. Even at her age I made my skies blue. There has never been a time when I didn't know the sky is blue, the grass is green, bears are brown.\n\nI heard something outside. I went to the window. It was Korbet. He must have been staying home from kindergarten today. He pedaled his orange fish back and forth in front of our house. He pedaled furiously, hunched over. Back and forth...back and forth...\n\nIt was like he was trying to make her well. He figured if he pedaled hard enough, long enough, she would be OK, she'd come home.\n\nI drifted around the house. Empty. Helpless. I wished there were an orange fish I could pedal furiously.\n\nI heard her voice in distant rooms...\n\nWhere's the party?\n\nIn yer dreams, lugnut!\n\nDaddy! I'm bleeding!\n\nI'm a big kid!\n\nMischief Night!\n\nBob, you smell bad.\n\nI stood in the kitchen, and it was that September Saturday morning again. The smell of strawberries. Tabby saying, \"Riley picked his nose.\" Tabby answering the phone. Tabby saying, \"Phooey!\" Tabby jabbing the phone in my face: \"For yyew.\" Mi-Su: \"Quick!\" The voice on the radio. The proton dead. Tabby...Tabby dropping slices of sweet potato in the toaster...Tabby climbing onto the counter...\n\nI sat on the counter. I said the words:\n\n\"Riley\u2014\"\n\n\"Picked\u2014\"\n\n\"His\u2014\"\n\n\"Nose!\"\n\nAnd jumped to the floor. Dishes rattled.\n\nIt was all I could think of to do. Since she couldn't be her, I'd be her.\n\nI got my own secret stash of black jelly beans from my bedroom closet. I dropped them into a wastebasket one by one:\n\nplink\n\nplink\n\nplink\n\nI yelled, \"Mischief Night!\"\n\nI dumped a pile of Lucky Charms onto the living room carpet.\n\nI let the vacuum cleaner run in the closet.\n\nI turned on every faucet in the house.\n\nThe phone rang. I picked it up\u2014\"Barney's Saloon\"\u2014and slammed it back down.\n\nI went to my room, turned my trophy around.\n\nThe phone rang. I picked it up\u2014\"Barney's Saloon\"\u2014slammed it back down.\n\nI went up to the dormer. I stood before the wedding gifts. I closed my eyes. I saw her in the ICU, so small in the bed, the tubes, the bags, the contraptions...I tore open a gift. Silvery wrappings, silver ribbons flew. Downstairs the phone was ringing. I tore open more gifts. Here were towels, thin little towels, lacy borders. A blue teakettle, white speckles, tin, I think. Two glasses, stemmed, tulip shaped. A wooden tray, little carved angels facing each other from the handle holes. A set of wooden salad bowls. A pillow, with red and blue stitching: \"Home, Sweet Home.\" Picture albums, black pages. A fancy, brassy mantle clock.\n\nIn one of the boxes, an envelope. It said \"Betsy.\" Not Margaret. All my life I've known my great-grandmother as Margaret. But it wasn't. It was Betsy. They called her Betsy. She called herself Betsy. And that made all the difference. I ran to the telescope. Crazy, I know, but...why not? I looked through the eyepiece, turned the focus knob...yes...there...1930...I saw them, Betsy and Andrew Tuppence, dashing down to the pier, the huge ship foghorning Hurry! Hurry! Her shoes in her hands, wedding dress flashing white, a swan taking off, Andrew calling \"Wait!\" the two of them laughing...laughing...all the way to Africa...\n\nI went downstairs, passed the ringing phone, picked up\u2014\"Phooey!\"\u2014slammed down, went outside. Korbet was pedaling in slow motion now, exhausted. Tear tracks stained his cheeks. He looked at me as if I could fix things. I turned away.\n\nThere was really only one place left to go, one thing left to do. I pulled Black Viper out of the bush. I didn't ride it, I carried it by one wheel. The streets were deserted\u2014of people, not flowers. Lots of flowers. A pretty, peopleless day in May.\n\nFor the second time in the past year I stood at the top of Dead Man's Hill, one foot on Black Viper, one on the ground. It had been hard to imagine BT standing here, ready to go down. It was impossible to imagine Tabby. Was she thinking: I hate Will. He made me miss my ice cream. Was she thinking: I'll show 'em all. Was she thinking: Mischief Night!\n\nI looked over the town. I could see my neighborhood, my roof. Mi-Su's was blocked by trees. There was BT's house. Smedley Park. The clock tower on the Brimley Building. Still couldn't make out the time from there. I wondered if they'd ever fix it, or would BT's little stunt last forever? Were the lives of the townspeople changing in slight, unnoticed ways because the clock that looms over them every day is wrong? I looked at the watch strapped to my wrist, the second hand perfectly ticking off the seconds of my life, the dying of protons, the slow, silent, unfeelable passing of the cosmos, and suddenly I knew exactly what Tabby had been thinking. She was thinking: I'm scared. The world blurred. Tears poured. God! She was scared to death. She was shaking. And still she did it. She's so little she can't even tell time, and she did it, she pushed off...I could hear her screaming, and Black Viper couldn't hold, Black Viper was flying...and I felt her foot on the board next to mine, her brave little foot holding, holding, and her voice came whispering:...see me...see me...\n\nI kicked Black Viper down the hill and walked away.\n\n\"Where were you?\"\n\nMy mother marched across the ICU, met me at the nurses' station. She was mad.\n\n\"Around,\" I said.\n\n\"We called you at school, at home.\"\n\nI felt a chill. I looked over her shoulder. Tabby was still in the bed, my father staring down at her. But something was different.\n\nI looked at my mother. \"They're bringing her out of it,\" she said. \"We wanted you to be here.\"\n\n\"What do you mean?\"\n\n\"She's waking up.\"\n\n\"She's OK?\"\n\n\"We don't know yet. They do it gradually. The doctor says so far, so good.\"\n\n\"That's what he always says.\"\n\nShe nodded, chuckled. She hugged me. She whispered, \"She spoke. Her eyes were closed but she said something.\"\n\nI was afraid to ask. \"What?\"\n\nHer voice trembled in my ear: \"See me...\"\n\nI was drowning in white light.\n\n\"Afternoon, Will,\" said the tiny doctor. His white coat fell almost to his shoes. \"No school today?\"\n\n\"Not for me.\"\n\nHe touched my arm. He was fooling with ventilator settings. \"She's almost weaned off now. She seems to be breathing fine on her own, but we'll keep the ventilator handy just in case. Sedation is very light now.\"\n\n\"So far so good,\" I said.\n\n\"Exactly.\"\n\nThe doctor checked a drip bag and walked out.\n\nMy mother sat on the edge of the bed. She took Tabby's hand. She brought it to her lips, kissed it. I sat beside her. She gave me a faint smile. She placed Tabby's hand in mine. She moved so I could slide closer. My sister's hand was so small in mine. I wiggled each of her fingers. I looked at her face, her eyes. I bent down. Her ear was so small. I whispered, \"I love you, Tabby.\" There was no movement of her eyes, no flutter of eyelids, no twitch of the lips. I knelt at the bedside. I whispered. \"I tore open the wedding gifts. Beat you to it. Don't tell Mom. And guess what? They called great-grandmom Betsy.\" I told her everything. I told her I'd take her to Purple Cow for ice cream. I told her I threw Black Viper away but I'll buy her her own skateboard and she can ride it anytime she wants as long as I'm there and it's not down Dead Man's Hill. I told her we'll go to star parties and I'll take a thermos of hot chocolate and she can have half. I'll sneak her a cup of coffee. I told her Mi-Su and BT said hello. I even put in a good word for Korbet. I went on and on, and her eyes were still and, thinking back, I don't know when it started, but all of a sudden I was aware of my hand, and I looked, and her fingers were curled around my thumb and they were squeezing.\n\n## SEPTEMBER 2\n\nFIRST DAY\n\nRoosevelt Elementary. Lobby. It's a madhouse. I haven't been in here since I graduated. Folding chairs have been set up, the gym has become an auditorium, and the parents are out there in their seats, waiting for their little darlings to come marching in.\n\nEvery kid about to start first grade tomorrow is here, and every one of them is jabbering. I can't believe what a big deal this is to them. Was I this excited when I passed the pebble? That's what they call it: Passing the Pebble. I still have mine. It's the size of a marble, painted blue. My mother kept it these past ten years. She gave it to me this morning. You might have thought she was giving me a diamond. It's OK if you've lost your blue pebble; the principal hovering around here will give you one. But it's best if you still have yours from your own First Day, because the idea is to pass the pebble from one generation to the next. You walk down the aisle with your new first grader, there's a ceremony on stage, and then the big finale when the high schoolers pass the pebbles to the first graders and everybody goes bonkers and the mothers cry.\n\nTabby jabbers, jabbers. To look at her, to listen to her, you'd never guess where she was four months ago. Once she came to, there was no shutting her up. The doctor made a joke: \"Would you like me to put her back under again?\" Today she wears something I've hardly ever seen her in: a dress. It's green. It doesn't quite match her eyes. Only one thing does. It finally came to me about a month ago. I was in the dormer when I smelled it drifting up two flights of stairs: pie. And suddenly I knew where I had seen her eye color before, in the kitchen, my mother slicing Granny Smith apples. And the sweet apple oven cloud carried the only poem that's ever visited me:\n\nImagine my surprise\u2014\n\nShe's got Granny apple eyes!\n\nShe jabbers at all the other firsties. She jabbers at Mi-Su, who will walk Korbet down the aisle. And\u2014glory be!\u2014she even jabbers at Korbet, and you can see the kid is in Heaven. She jabbers at BT, who will be the only high schooler taking two kids, his twin sisters, the chipmunks. For once they're almost still. Tabby doesn't say a word to me. She doesn't have to. Through all the jabbering she's got her hand wrapped around my finger. Even though it's not time yet. She hasn't let go since we left the house.\n\nI peek into the auditorium. My parents and Aunt Nancy are out there somewhere. My mother surprised me with her reaction to the wedding gift disaster\u2014she didn't seem to care. In fact, the torn paper and ribbons and open boxes are still in a heap as I left them. At least, that's what I'm told, because I myself haven't been up in the dormer since Tabby came home from the hospital. Mom says she'll get around to cleaning up the mess someday. Or maybe not. She says Betsy and Andrew were probably waiting for someone to come along and rip open the gifts for them.\n\nMi-Su, BT and I stand here like giants, grinning at each other over this sea of little heads. Tabby's jabber stitches us together. We say nothing to each other. We don't need to. During Tabby's recovery, Mi-Su and BT were at our house every day. They mostly ignored me. BT promised to take Tabby with him next time he does something crazy. And Mi-Su\u2014every Friday throughout the summer she showed up with her toothbrush and at nine o'clock crawled into bed with Tabby for the night.\n\nIt was the best summer of my life.\n\nThen last Saturday night a miracle happened. Maybe two. The three of us were having our usual Monopoly and pizza binge. BT bought his usual railroads, but somehow he also wound up owning two hotels on Park Place. And guess where I landed? Rent: three thousand bucks. Wiped me out. For some reason I found that really funny. As I went to fork over the money, Mi-Su stayed my hand. Her eyebrows went up, her grin went impy: \"I could give you a loan.\"\n\nI stared at her, at BT. Echoes of all my no-loans-to-BT speeches filled the room. I burst out laughing. We all did.\n\nWhen we finally calmed down, Mi-Su said, \"You finally did it.\"\n\n\"Did what?\"\n\n\"You laughed out loud.\"\n\nI thought about it. \"I guess I did, huh?\"\n\n\"You did, dude,\" said BT.\n\n\"You're becoming positively impulsive,\" said Mi-Su.\n\n\"Yeah?\"\n\n\"Oh, yeah.\"\n\nI feel closer than ever to BT and Mi-Su. Or maybe close isn't the word\u2014maybe it's comfortable. I'm OK now with BT and his ways. Not that I'm ready to climb clock towers with him, but I don't see him as an exotic creature in a zoo anymore. I don't measure him against myself. He is who he is, and\u2014president or gas-pumper\u2014he will be who he will be. I wouldn't want him any other way.\n\nAs for Mi-Su and me, well, I don't know exactly where we're heading. And I don't care. I don't need to know anymore. I don't need to know who we're going to be tomorrow or next year or ten years from now. It's enough to know who we are today, this minute, and who we are right now are two good friends, as good as friends get, smiling at each other across the jabbering little heads and not giving a rat's lugnut that the world is vanishing one proton at a time.\n\nMusic is coming over the PA. Kermit the Frog singing The Rainbow Connection. The principal goes, \"Shhh!\" but the jabbering has already stopped. Little hands grope for big hands. We line up alphabetically according to the firsties' last names. BT and the twins are toward the front. Then Mi-Su and Korbet. Tabby and I are near the end.\n\nKorbet looks back, panicked. Finally his eyes land on Tabby. They thumbs-up each other, he turns back, pulls Mi-Su into the auditorium, pumps his fist in the air. The audience is standing, turning toward the aisle. We're moving. We've been told to give each first grader plenty of room, don't crowd the ones in front of us\u2014they're the stars. The Rainbow Connection recycles. Couple by couple\u2014big kid\u2013little kid, big kid\u2013little kid\u2014the mob is draining from the lobby.\n\nAnd now it's us.\n\nWe stand at the doorway. I feel the pebble in my pocket. I wait until the two before us are halfway down the aisle. I look down at Tabby. She's staring straight up at me, serious, waiting. \"Ready?\" I say. She nods sharply. \"Ready.\" We step into the brighter lights of the auditorium. We're walking down the aisle...faces are smiling...faces are smiling and Kermit the Frog is singing and the clock on the Brimley tower is now three hours behind and I haven't seen a tiny flash in months and Tabby wears a Granny apple dress and a Granny apple ribbon in her hair and shoes and socks of the purest white I've ever seen and she's squeezing my finger like there's no tomorrow and she's here and she's now and so am I and that's all there is and I'm walking down the aisle with my sister...\n\n...and I'm walking down the aisle with my sister...\n\n...and I'm walking down the aisle with my sister...\n\n...and I'm walking down the aisle with my sister...\n\n## ACKNOWLEDGMENTS\n\nMy gratitude to the following, in chronological order of their contributions: Sean James, Lois Ferguson, Ginee Seo, Ben Spinelli, Alyson McDonough, Ryan James, Will Merola, Linda Sue Park, Rod Adams, Dan Heisman, Ashley Merola, and Andrew Rosencrans. With double thanks to my editor, Joanna Cotler, my cousin Dr. Patty Maud, and my wife and favorite author, Eileen.\n\n## ACKNOWLEDGMENTS\n\nMy gratitude to the following, in chronological order of their contributions: Sean James, Lois Ferguson, Ginee Seo, Ben Spinelli, Alyson McDonough, Ryan James, Will Merola, Linda Sue Park, Rod Adams, Dan Heisman, Ashley Merola, and Andrew Rosencrans. With double thanks to my editor, Joanna Cotler, my cousin Dr. Patty Maud, and my wife and favorite author, Eileen.\n\n## About the Author\n\nJERRY SPINELLI is one of the most gifted storytellers in contemporary children's literature. His books include the Newbery Medal winner MANIAC MAGEE; LOSER; WRINGER, a Newbery Honor Book; STARGIRL; and KNOTS IN MY YO-YO STRING, his autobiography. His novels are recognized for their humor and poignancy, and his characters and situations are often drawn from his real-life experience as a father of six children. Jerry lives with his wife, Eileen, also a writer, in Wayne, Pennsylvania. He is a graduate of Gettysburg College. You can visit him online at www.jerryspinelli.com.\n\nVisit www.AuthorTracker.com for exclusive information on your favorite HarperCollins author.\n\n## OTHER BOOKS BY JERRY SPINELLI\n\nManiac Magee\n\nWringer\n\nLoser\n\nSpace Station Seventh Grade\n\nJason and Marceline\n\nWho Put That Hair in My Toothbrush?\n\nThere's a Girl in My Hammerlock\n\nCrash\n\nThe Library Card\n\nStargirl\n\nMilkweed\n\nEggs\n\nLove, Stargirl\n\n## Credits\n\nJacket photographs Getty Images\n\nJacket design by Martha Rago\n\n## Copyright\n\nSMILES TO GO. Copyright \u00a9 2008 by Jerry Spinelli. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. By payment of the required fees, you have been granted the non-exclusive, non-transferable right to access and read the text of this e-book on-screen. No part of this text may be reproduced, transmitted, down-loaded, decompiled, reverse engineered, or stored in or introduced into any information storage and retrieval system, in any form or by any means, whether electronic or mechanical, now known or hereinafter invented, without the express written permission of HarperCollins e-books.\n\nePub Edition March 2008 ISBN 9780061757228\n\n10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1\n\n## About the Publisher\n\nAustralia\n\nHarperCollins Publishers (Australia) Pty. Ltd.\n\n25 Ryde Road (PO Box 321)\n\nPymble, NSW 2073, Australia\n\nhttp:\/\/www.harpercollinsebooks.com.au\n\nCanada\n\nHarperCollins Publishers Ltd.\n\n55 Avenue Road, Suite 2900\n\nToronto, ON, M5R, 3L2, Canada\n\nhttp:\/\/www.harpercollinsebooks.ca\n\nNew Zealand\n\nHarperCollinsPublishers (New Zealand) Limited\n\nP.O. Box 1\n\nAuckland, New Zealand\n\nhttp:\/\/www.harpercollinsebooks.co.nz\n\nUnited Kingdom\n\nHarperCollins Publishers Ltd.\n\n77-85 Fulham Palace Road\n\nLondon, W6 8JB, UK\n\nhttp:\/\/www.harpercollinsebooks.co.uk\n\nUnited States\n\nHarperCollins Publishers Inc.\n\n10 East 53rd Street\n\nNew York, NY 10022\n\nhttp:\/\/www.harpercollinsebooks.com\n","meta":{"redpajama_set_name":"RedPajamaBook"}}